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Distillation in Western Mesoamerica before European Contact

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  • Universidades para el Bienestar Benito Juárez García
  • Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia

Abstract and Figures

Distillation in Western Mesoamerica before European Contact. Fermented beverages are almost universal among ancient human societies. Ethanol is an analgesic, disinfectant, and mind-altering substance, and can help to preserve and enhance the nutritional value of food. Fermentation has therefore played a key role in human cultural and technological development. In Mesoamerica, codices and colonial-era sources describe a variety of fermented beverages produced before European contact. Distilled beverages, in contrast, have not been invented in all cultures, and their production in pre-contact Mesoamerica remains controversial. We tested the hypothesis of Needham et al. (1980) that Capacha gourd and trifid vessels described by Kelly (1974) for the Early Formative (1500-1000 BCE) in Colima state, western Mexico, could have been used to produce distilled beverages. Experiments using vessel replicas, techniques, and materials (including agave ferment) available in this region during this period successfully produced ethanol-containing distillates. We propose the possible origin and development of a "Capacha-type Mesoamerican still" from bean pots or from steamer pots used during this period, and discuss the possible production of spirits as part of the prevailing agricultural and cultural system. Average gourd and trifid vessel sizes, their archaeological context, and the ethanol yields of the replicas suggest that, if used as stills, they were used to produce a prestige product for ceremonial purposes, with high social and cultural relevance.
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Distillation in Western Mesoamerica before European Contact
1
DANIEL ZIZUMBO-VILLARREAL
2
, FERNANDO GONZÁLEZ-ZOZAYA
3
,
ANGELES OLAY-BARRIENTOS
3
, LAURA ALMENDROS-LÓPEZ
3
,
PATRICIA FLORES-PÉREZ
2
,AND PATRICIA COLUNGA-GARCÍAMARÍN*
,2
2
Unidad de Recursos Naturales, Centro de Investigación Cientíca de Yucatán, Calle 43 No 130, Col.
Chuburná de Hidalgo, Mérida, Yucatán, México 97200
3
Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Centro INAH Colima. Vicente Guerrero No 174, Col.
Centro, Colima, Colima, México 28000
*Corresponding author; e-mail: patricia.colunga@gmail.com
Distillation in Western Mesoamerica before European Contact. Fermented beverages are
almost universal among ancient human societies. Ethanol is an analgesic, disinfectant, and
mind-altering substance, and can help to preserve and enhance the nutritional value of food.
Fermentation has therefore played a key role in human cultural and technological development.
In Mesoamerica, codices and colonial-era sources describe a variety of fermented beverages
produced before European contact. Distilled beverages, in contrast, have not been invented in all
cultures, and their production in pre-contact Mesoamerica remains controversial. We tested the
hypothesis of Needham et al. (1980) that Capacha gourd and trid vessels described by Kelly
(1974) for the Early Formative (15001000 BCE) in Colima state, western Mexico, could have
been used to produce distilled beverages. Experiments using vessel replicas, techniques, and
materials (including agave ferment) available in this region during this period successfully
produced ethanol-containing distillates. We propose the possible origin and development of a
Capacha-type Mesoamerican stillfrom bean pots or from steamer pots used during this
period, and discuss the possible production of spirits as part of the prevailing agricultural and
cultural system. Average gourd and trid vessel sizes, their archaeological context, and the eth-
anol yields of the replicas suggest that, if used as stills, they were used to produce a prestige
product for ceremonial purposes, with high social and cultural relevance.
Destilación en el Occidente de Mesoamérica Antes del Contacto Europeo. Las bebidas
fermentadas son casi universales entre las sociedades humanas antiguas. El etanol es una sustancia
analgésica, desinfectante y alteradora de la conciencia, y puede ayudar a preservar e incrementar el
valor nutritivo de los alimentos. La fermentación, por tanto, ha jugado un papel clave en el
desarrollo cultural y tecnológico de la humanidad. En Mesoamerica, los códices y las fuentes de la
época colonial describen una variedad de bebidas fermentadas producidas antes del contacto con
los europeos. Las bebidas destiladas, en contraste, no se han inventado en todas las culturas, y su
producción enla Mesoamérica pre-Hispánica permance controversial. En este trabajo probamos la
hipótesis de Needham et al. (1980) de que las vasijas Capacha tipo bule y trídas descritas por
Kelly (1974) para el Formativo Temprano (15001000 antes de Cristo [A.C.]) en el estado de
Colima, en el occidente de México, pudieron haber sido usadas para producir bebidas destiladas.
Los experimentos, usando réplicas de vasijas, técnicas y materiales (incluyendo el fermento de
agave) disponibles en la región durante ese periodo, resultaron exitosos para producir destilados
conteniendo etanol. Proponemos el posible origen y desarrollo de un Destilador Mesoamericano
tipo Capachaa partir de las ollas frijoleras o de las ollas vaporeras que se usaban en ese período,
y discutimos la possible producción de bebidas destiladas como parte del sistema agrícola y
cultural. Las dimensiones promedio de las vasijas tipo bule y trídas reportadas, su contexto
arqueológico, y los rendimientos de etanol obtenidos experimentalmente con las réplicas,
sugieren que, si se usaron como destiladores, lo fueron para elaborar un producto suntuario con
nes ceremoniales, con alta relevancia social y cultural.
1
Received 12 March 2009; accepted 10 November
2009; published online ___________.
Economic Botany, XX(X), 2009, pp. 114.
© 2009, by The New York Botanical Garden Press, Bronx, NY 10458-5126 U.S.A.
Key Words: Agave, Capacha, Chinese and Mongol-type stills, distillation, early formative,
gourd-shaped vessels, Mesoamerica, stirrup vessels, Western Mexico.
Introduction
Production and use of fermented alcoholic
beverages is almost universal among ancient human
societies, which discovered how to make them from
sugar sources available in their local habitats.
Ethanol can function as an analgesic, disinfectant,
and mind-altering substance. Additionally, fermen-
tation helps to preserve and enhance the nutritional
value of food and beverages. Because of these
properties, fermented beverages have played a vital
role in human cultural and technological develop-
ment, contributing to the advancement and inten-
sication of agriculture and food-processing
techniques. The oldest fermented beverage has been
documented for China at about 7,000 years BCE
(McGovern et al. 2004).
In Mesoamerica, pre-European contact codices
and Spanish colonial sources document a variety of
fermented beverages produced before contact using
different portions of native plant species: Agave spp.
inorescence sap and heads(stems with attached
leaf bases), corn grain and stalks (Zea mays L.),
cactus fruit (Opuntia spp., Stenocereus sp.), hog
plum fruits (Spondias spp.), mesquite fruits (Prosopis
spp.), and balché bark (Lonchocarpus longistylis
Pittier), among others (Bruman 1940; Godoy et
al. 2003; Gonçalves de Lima 1986).
In western Mesoamerica, aboriginal fermented
alcoholic drinks were derived mainly from agaves
and hog plum (Bruman 1940,2000). Archaeo-
logical evidence clearly indicates the importance
of agaves as food for Mesoamerican peoples,
probably since 8750±350 BCE (Flannery 1986;
Smith 1986). Their cultural relevance in ancient
western Mexico as food, ber, and fermented
beverage is documented since at least the Late
Formative (300 BCE to CE 100) (Benz et al. 2006;
Butterwick 2000; Schöndube 2000; Valdez 2000;
Zizumbo-Villarreal et al. 2009a). The ethnohis-
toric data demonstrate the continued economic
and cultural signicance of agaves and, at present,
the production of agave spirits (known as mezcals,
the most famous being tequila) is highly relevant in
western Mexico (Colunga-GarcíaMan and
Zizumbo-Villarreal 2007).
Unlike fermented beverages, distilled beverages
were not invented in all cultures. Distilling
requires a technique for separating ethanol from
water by exploiting ethanols lower boiling point
(78.4°C) or melting point (114.3°C). This
allows production of beverages with an alcohol
content greater than 15%, the natural limit of
fermented beverages. The techniques that take
advantage of ethanols lower boiling point involve
four basic steps: (1) ferment production, using a
natural sugar or starch source easily converted (e.g.,
by cooking) to a sugar; (2) ethanol evaporation,
accomplished by boiling the ferment itself or boiling
water to allow the steam to pass through a
fermented mash; (3) ethanol condensation, allow-
ing the ethanol vapors to contact a cold surface,
usually a recipient cooled with water changed
frequently or continuously (because ethanol has a
lower boiling point, its vapor condenses before
water vapor); and (4) ethanol collection.
The invention and development of spirits
distillation have been comprehensively studied
in China and the Middle East. After examining
the available evidence, Huang (2000) proposed
that distillation in China was probably rst
attained during the Eastern Han period (CE
25220 ). In the Middle East, wine distillation
and alcohol isolation are clearly described by the
8th and 9th centuries (al-Hassan 2002).
The presence of distilled beverages in Mesoamer-
ica before European contact in 1521 is controver-
sial. In the late 19th century, Bourke (1893) and
Lumholtz (1902) suggested that distillation had
developed before contact based on their ndings
that several cultures in western Mexico (Coras,
Huichols, Nahuatls in Jalisco state, and Puré-
pechas) produced agave spirits using a very simple
still, clearly different from the Arab-type, intro-
duced by the Spanish in the 16th Century.
Bruman (1944) disagreed and proposed that these
simple stills were derivatives of those introduced by
Filipinos to the Colima region in the late 16th
century for making coconut (Cocos nucifera L.)
spirits. He based his proposal on their similarity to
East Asian stills described by Feliciano (1926) and
regional use of the Tagalog-origin word tuba (the
Filipino term for fermented coconut beverage) to
refer to fermented agave juice. Zizumbo-Villarreal
and Colunga-GarcíaMarín (2008) provided sup-
plemental evidence supporting Brumans proposal.
ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOL
Needham et al. (1980:109) and Needham and
Lu (1985:5059) seconded the theory that
distillation in Mesoamerica may have originated
before European contact. Their proposal was
based on the similarity between the gourd and
stirrup vessels which characterize the Capacha
phase of the Early Formative period (15001000
BCE) in Colima state (western Mexico) as
described by Kelly (1974,1980) and pottery
steamers they postulate as predecessors to Chinese
stills (Mongol and Chinese type). In East Asia,
Chinese pottery steamers are found in the
archaeological record beginning in Neolithic
times and were characteristic cooking utensils in
the Shang and Zhou periods (1600221 BCE).
These authors observe that if a small catch bowl
(recipient) were set on the grating of a Chinese
steamer or in the center of the upper body of a
Capacha period vessel, and a bowl of cold water
(i.e., condenser) placed over the mouth of either
vessel type, it mimics the Mongol-type still
arrangement. They hypothesize that this was very
probably the origin of the Chinese still, which
they support by the fact that the perennial
Chinese term for distillation is chêng liu, i.e.,
steaming(Needham et al. 1980:81, 96, 97,
109; Needham and Lu 1985:5059).
Kelly (1974,1980) described the gourd pot
(bule) as a vessel with a central constriction
resembling a Lagenaria siceraria (Molina) Standl.
fruit, the origin of its common name. She
described the stirrup pot as a compound vessel
connected by two (bid) or three tubes (trid)
with a stirrup-shaped mouth. Gourd pots are
more characteristic of the Capacha phase, and
bid vessels the least common. Both gourd and
stirrup pots are recorded as offerings in simple
burials grouped in cemeteries, in association with
hemispheric bowls (called tecomates due to their
similarity to traditional bowls made with gourds
or Crescentia cujete L. fruits), miniature cups, and
single-body pots (ollas).
Commonly known in the region as bean pots,
these single-body pots are the simplest of the
vessels in these assemblages and the only form still
used in the region. As their name indicates, they
are used to cook beans (Phaseolus vulgaris L.) in
water. While the beans are boiling at a low
temperature in the pot, a clay bowl (similar to a
tecomate) or a smaller pot containing water is
placed on top of the main pot. In what is referred
to as the water covermethod, probably in use
since at least the Early Formative (Mountjoy
2006), the water inside the covering vessel warms,
is poured into the main pot, and then the smaller
vessel lled again with fresh water.
The present study objective was to test the
hypothesis of Needham et al. (1980:109) and
Needham and Lu (1985:5057) that Capacha
gourd and trid vessels described by Kelly (1974,
1980) for the Early Formative period (1500
1000 BCE) in Colima (western Mexico) could be
used to produce distilled beverages. Employing
the elements and techniques most probably
available during this period, including agave
ferment, we successfully produced an ethanol-
containing liquid. We discuss the possible origin
and evolution of the Capacha-type Mesoamer-
ican stillfrom bean pots or from steamer pots,
also used in that time, within the context of the
prevailing agricultural and cultural system. Based
on average reported gourd or trid vessel sizes,
their archaeological context, and the ethanol
yields produced with replicas in this study, it is
probable that, if used as stills, they were used to
produce a prestigious product for ceremonial
purposes with high social and cultural relevance.
Methodology
ASSEMBLY OF EXPERIMENTAL CAPACHA-TYPE
MESOAMERICAN STILLS
To test the hypothesis that the vessel types
described above could have been used to distill
ethanol, replicas of original trid and gourd-
shaped vessels were made based on specimens on
display in the National Museum of Anthropology
and History (MNA) in Mexico City (Vela
2005:64) and the Museum of Colima Regional
History (MCRH) (Fig. 1). Four still assemblies
were used in the experiments (Fig. 2): trid and
gourd-shaped stills with ceramic condensers and
recipients (TSC and GSC), and trid and gourd-
shaped stills with gourd (L. siceraria) condensers
and recipients (TSG and GSG). The ceramic
condensers and recipients were replicas based on a
hemispheric bowl (tecomate) described by Kelly
(1980:59, Fig. 12d) and a miniature cup shown
in Townsend (2000:133). Gourd fruit pericarp is
a material used for container production in
Mesoamerica for thousands of years (Erickson et
al. 2005). Distillate recipients were placed in the
upper reservoir of the trid vessels, and held in
place with agave ber in the gourd-shaped vessels
(Fig. 2). Condensers were sealed with clay to
prevent vapor leaks.
ZIZUMBO-VILLARREAL ET AL: DISTILLATION IN WESTERN MESOAMERICA2009]
All ceramic replicas were made with clay
from the foothills surrounding the Valley of
Colima. Pieces were red at low temperatures
in an open-air wood oven. They were also
pretreated to prevent liquids from undermining
the matrix. This pretreatment consisted of a
traditional system in which clay vessels are
boiled slowly for an hour in nijayote, the
residual water produced during the traditional
nixtamal process of cooking corn grain in a lime
and water solution before grinding into a dough
to make tortillas. Processing of corn by this
method in Mesoamerica dates to at least 1500
1200 BCE (Coe 1994).
SIMULATION OF ANCIENT DISTILLATION METHOD
Under the assumption that the traditional
method currently used to cook beans in western
Mexico has been in use at least since the appearance
of gourd and trid vessels during the Capacha
period in thisregion, we used a procedure similar to
that for cooking beans for the distillation experi-
ment, and, as a reference, we cooked 0.5 kg of the
local Flor de Mayobean variety in 1 L of water in
a bean-pot replica at the same time the experimental
stills were being tested.
The still assemblies were prepared by lling
each with 1 L of agave ferment (locally known as
Fig. 1. (A) Original trid and (B) gourd-shaped vessels from the Capacha cultural phase (15001000 BCE) of
Colima, Mexico, replicated for the experiments. National Museum of Anthropology and History, Mexico City
(Vela 2005:64) and Museum of Colima Regional History. (A´ and B´) Replicated vessels (31 cm tall x 16 cm wide
and 34 cm high x 20 cm wide).
ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOL
tuba), a raw material very probably available
during the Capacha phase. Ferment was prepared
by the master traditional mezcal producer Mac-
ario Partida from Zapotitlán, Jalisco state (see
Colunga-GarcíaMarín and Zizumbo-Villarreal
2007). The bean pot was a replica of one on
display in the Caxitlán Archaeological Museum
(CAM), and the top bowl was a clay dish or a
bowl of gourd fruit pericarp (Figs. 3and 4). The
water in the bean pot and ferment in the still
assemblies were heated over a stone re pit with
wood as fuel (Fig. 4). We were measuring the
water temperature in the bean pot, and when it
began to evaporate (approximately 75°C to 80°C),
heating temperature was lowered for all the vessels
to maintain evaporation constant. One liter of fresh
water was placed in the still condensers and in the
bean-pot top bowl. When top bowl water temper-
ature surpassed 40°C, it was poured into the bean
pot and replaced with water at 20°C. Water in the
condensers was kept at less than 27°C by replace-
ment with water at 20°C.
Traditional cooking time for beans in ceramic
bean pots is approximately two hours, which is
when the distillation process was stopped. The
distillates were then collected and taken to the
Fig. 2. Assembling of the four experimental Capacha-type Mesoamerican stillsusing replicas of trid (TS) and
gourd-shape (GS) vessels from the Capacha cultural phase (15001000 BCE) of Colima, Mexico. (TSC and GSC)
using ceramic condensers and recipients that are replicas of an hemispheric bowl describedby Kelly (1980:59, Fig. 12d)
and a miniature cup shown in Townsend (2000:133). (TSG and GSG) using condensers and recipients made with
gourd (L. siceraria) fruit pericarp. Distillate recipients were placed in the upper reservoir of the trid vessels, and held
in place with agave ber in the gourd-shaped vessels. All condensers were sealed with clay to prevent vapor leaks.
ZIZUMBO-VILLARREAL ET AL: DISTILLATION IN WESTERN MESOAMERICA2009]
laboratory to measure distillate yield (mL/L) and
ethanol concentration (g/L and % [v/v]). The
experiments were done from 18 to 20 September
and 3 to 9 December 2008, with the assistance of
Margarita Nava (65 years old), an expert in
traditional bean cooking methods, and the master
mezcal producers Apolinar Partida (85), Macario
Partida (68), and Miguel Partida (28).
Fig. 3. (A) Original bean potfrom the Capacha cultural phase (15001000 BCE) of Colima, Mexico,
replicated for the experiments. Caxitlán Archaeological Museum, Colima. (B) Replicate pot (14.5 cm tall x 18 cm
wide x 24.5 cm mouth).
Fig. 4. Simulation of ancient distillation method using the trid and gourd-shaped experimental stills. (A)
Building a stone repit using burning wood. (B) Using ceramic accessories. (C) Using gourd (L. siceraria) acces-
sories. (D) Scoring of temperatures in the bean pot as a reference.
ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOL
DISTILLATION UNDER CONTROLLED HEATING
CONDITIONS
Wood res produce extremely variable heating
conditions. To control for this variability in the
simulation of traditional distillation methods, we
repeated the experiments using the same materials
and procedures, but using a gas stove as heat
source. Five replicates were done for each of the
four still assemblies. Distillate yield (mL/L) and
ethanol concentration (g/L and % [v/v]) were
measured. Ethanol production efciency was
calculated as the amount of ethanol obtained in g/L
of ferment during the 2-hour distillation period.
DISTILLATE ETHANOL CONTENT
Ethanol concentration was measured using the
potassium dichromate method (Williams and Reese
1950), which chemically quanties ethanol by
complete oxidation with potassium dichromate in
the presence of sulfuric acid to produce acetic acid
and the reduced chromic product Cr
2
O
72
(Cáceres-Farfán et al. 2008). The calibration
curves (ethanol concentration/absorbance) were
calculated in a range of 0.22.0 g/L with
anhydrous absolute ethylic alcohol. Readings to
generate the curves and evaluate the samples were
taken using a spectrophotometer (Beckman Model
DU65) at 550 nm. A simple linear model (y = mx)
was applied with the REG procedure in the SAS
statistical software (SAS 1992) and produced a
value of m = 18.85 (R
2
= 0.997, p=0.001).
Ethanol production was also calculated as a
percentage (v/v) of ethanol based on the density
of the anhydrous ethylic alcohol (0.79 g/mL).
VESSEL SIZE AND FERMENT CAPACITY
To estimate mean spirit production potential
for the studied vessels, height, width, and mouth
diameter were estimated for the seven trid and
ten gourd vessels reported by Kelly (1980).
Measurements were also taken of 20 gourd vessels
on display in regional museums: the MCRH
(Fig. 5), the State Capitol Museum (SCM), and
the CAM (Fig. 6).
STATISTICAL ANALYSIS
Comparisons between the four still assemblies
in terms of distillate yield, ethanol concentration,
and distillation efciency were done with a one-
way ANOVA and a Tukeys means separation
Fig. 5. Gourd-shaped vessels from the Capacha cultural phase (15001000 BCE) of Colima, Mexico on
display in the Museum of Colima Regional History.
ZIZUMBO-VILLARREAL ET AL: DISTILLATION IN WESTERN MESOAMERICA2009]
test (α= 0.05). A comparison among the trid
and gourd vessel dimensions reported by Kelly
(1980) and those in the Colima museums was
done with the GLM procedure and a Tukeys
means separation test (α= 0.05). All statistical
analyses were run using the SAS program (1992).
Results
SIMULATION OF ANCIENT DISTILLATION
CONDITIONS
After two hours at low heat, the GSC produced
72 mL distillate with an ethanol concentration of
162.1 g/L (20.5% v/v); the GSG produced
47 mL with a concentration of 202.2 g/L
(35.5% v/v); the TSC produced 112 mL with a
concentration of 93.9 g/L (12% v/v); and the
TSG produced 44 mL with a concentration of
237 g/L (32% v/v).
DISTILLATION UNDER CONTROLLED HEATING
CONDITIONS
Average distillate yield in the 20 replicates was
49.5 mL/L (range: 1685 mL/L), with an average
ethanol concentration of 160.3 g/L (range: 93.9
255.4 g/L), 20.5 % v/v (range: 1232 %), and an
average efciency of 7.8 g ethanol/liter ferment/
2 h (range: 2.917.1). No differences were
observed between the four still assemblies for
these variables under these conditions (Table 1).
VESSEL DIMENSIONS
The gourd vessels reported by Kelly (1980) did
not have signicant differences from those dis-
played in the regional museums, and both had
signicantly larger height, width, and mouth
diameter than the trid vessel (Table 2).
Discussion
The distillate volumes and ethanol concen-
trations produced experimentally with the
gourd and trid vessels, when assembled
following the Mongol-type still arrangement,
conrm that distillation is possible with these
vessels, as predicted by Needham et al.
(1980:109) and Needham and Lu (1985:50
59). All the materials and procedures used in the
experiments were, or could have been, contem-
poraneous to the Capacha vessels, suggesting the
real possibility that distillation occurred in the
Valley of Colima region in the Early Formative
(15001000 BCE).
General average ethanol content (20.5 % v/v)
was within the range of distilled beverages, i.e.,
> 15%, the natural limit for fermented beverages,
showing that the procedure was worth the effort,
especially considering that this is a rst distil-
lation, and a second one could increase the
ethanol content. The 12% alcohol content
observed here as the lesser value is higher than
Fig. 6. Gourd-shaped vessels from the Capacha cultural phase (15001000 BCE) of Colima, Mexico on
display in the State Capitol Museum (1116) and the Caxitlán Archaeological Museum (1720).
ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOL
the 9% distillate reported by Huang (2000:208)
for two experiments done with a bronze-steamer
still from a Chin period tomb (CE 11151234 )
in Hopei province, China.
The distillation process tested was effective at
producing ethanol from agave ferment. Use of
agave ferments for distillation during the Early
Formative is plausible because ceramic represen-
tations in the archaeological record from the
Valley of Colima and nearby areas, in conjunc-
tion with ethnohistoric evidence, suggest the
ceremonial use of alcoholic agave beverages made
from agave head juice (Butterwick 2000:107).
Representations of miniature cups for drinking
ceremonial beverages (see Townsend 2000:132)
imply the use of distilled beverages. Ethnohistoric
sources from the Early Colonial period (CE
15501580) include references to indigenous
peoples in the area around the Colima volcanoes
using agaves to produce wine(Alcalde-de Rueda
1580:158; Dávila-Quiñónez 1580:141; de
Agüero 1579:69). The Spanish word vino (wine)
can be used to refer to a distilled beverage, and
the term vino-mezcal (mezcal wine) has been
widely used for agave spirits in western Mexico
since at least the early 17th century, when de
Arregui (1621) described them as clearer than
water and stronger than aguardiente.Spanish
chroniclers also used the term vino de cocos
(coconut wine) to refer to coconut spirits (Tello
16321636; Zizumbo-Villarreal 1996). Both
corn and hog plum have been used to make very
culturally signicant fermented beverages in west-
ern Mexico and therefore constitute other possi-
ble ferment sources (Bruman 1940,2000).
The regional relevance of the traditional bean
cooking method makes it a plausible analogue for
designing an ancient distillation technique. Beans
have been a primary protein source in Mesoa-
merica for millennia (Gepts 1988), and western
Mexico is proposed as the putative center of bean
domestication in Mesoamerica (Kwak et al.
2009). The water covermethod was probably
a key cooking procedure among ancient cultures
since it effectively eliminates beanshigh cyano-
genic content, and therefore water coverpot
technology may have played a key role in the
domestication process as a selective instrument.
In addition, cooking utensils such as the bean pot
can be considered as proto-stills because water
evaporation and vapor condensation occur inter-
nally due to the cooling function of the water in
the bowl (Needham et al. 1980:8081).
TABLE 1. MEAN, STANDARD DEVIATION,AND CV OF THE DISTILLATE YIELD (DY, ML DISTILLATION PRODUCT/L OF FERMENT), ETHANOL CONCENTRATION (EC, G/L),
PERCENTAGE OF ETHANOL (EP, % V/V), AND ETHANOL PRODUCTION EFFICIENCY (EPE, GRAMS OF ETHANOL/LITER OF FERMENT/2 HOURS)OBTAINED WITH THE FOUR
EXPERIMENTAL CAPACHA-TYPE MESOAMERICAN STILLSASSEMBLED WITH REPLICAS OF TRIFID (TS) AND GOURD-SHAPED (GS) VESSELS FROM THE CAPACHA CULTURAL
PHASE (15001000 BCE) OF COLIMA, MEXICO. TSC AND GSC USING CERAMIC CONDENSERS AND RECIPIENTS. TSG AND GSG USING CONDENSERS AND RECIPIENTS
MADE WITH GOURD (L. SICERARIA)FRUIT PERICARP.
Capacha-Type Still n
DY
CV
EC
CV
EP
CV
EPE
CV
mL/L g /L % v/v g/L/2 h
Mean Mean Mean Mean
TSC 5 34.4± 22.2 64.7 A
a
163.1± 23.2 14.2 A 20.1±2.9 14.2 A 5.2± 2.5 48.8 A
GSC 5 43.8±21.9 49.9 A 171.1± 51.1 29.9 A 22.5±5.9 26.3 A 7.8 ±5.6 71.9 A
TSG 5 56.8±25 44.7 A 139.8±33 23.6 A 17.7±4.2 23.7 A 7.6 ±3.3 43.3 A
GSG 5 63.8± 12.9 20.3 A 167.4±43.9 26.2 A 21.2±5.6 26.2 A 10.6±2.8 26.6 A
a
Different letters mean statistically signicant differences p<0.05.
ZIZUMBO-VILLARREAL ET AL: DISTILLATION IN WESTERN MESOAMERICA2009]
The key technological advance in the develop-
ment of still assemblies would have been internal
placement of a miniature cup for distillate
collection and removal (Needham et al.
1980:89, 9495). In fact, Kelly (1980:46)
reported a miniature olla inside a bean pot. This
nding suggests its possible use as a still. Based on
this initial arrangement, more sophisticated still
designs would have been developed, such as the
bid and trid vessels. Their arrangement of two
superimposed reservoirs joined by tubes allows a
recipient to be placed in the upper reservoir,
creating an arrangement very similar to the
Mongol still. Indeed, a trid vessel on display in
the Regional Museum of Guadalajara (RMG)
includes a miniature olla that would have
functioned perfectly well as a recipien t
(Fig. 7A). A simplied version of this distillation
system would have included a single tube
connecting the two reservoirs, as occurs in gourd
vessels, although this would require that the
receptacle be hung and that the condenser apply
pressure against the pot sides. This is how we
arranged the still assembly using the gourd vessel
for the present experiment, and a similar system
was reported by Lumholtz (1902:184) for the
Huichol people when using a Mongol-type still.
Needham et al. (1980:81) also considered
steamer vessels to be possible proto-stills. Based
on the similarities between Chinese steamer pots
and gourd and trid vessels from Capacha,
Colima, these authors proposed that they could
have functioned as stills. Kelly (1980:54) believed
the gourd and trid pots to have been utilitarian,
although similar designs do not occur in current
traditional ceramic technology in the region. One
possible scenario is that the trid and gourd
vessels would have been designed initially as
TABLE 2. MEAN, STANDARD DEVIATION,AND CV OF THE HEIGHT,WIDTH,AND MOUTH DIAMETER OF TRIFID AND
GOURD-SHAPED VESSELS FROM THE CAPACHA CULTURAL PHASE (15001000 BCE) OF COLIMA, MEXICO. TK,
TRIFID VESSELS REPORTED BY KELLY (1980); GK, GOURD-SHAPED VESSELS REPORTED BY KELLY (1980); GM,
GOURD-SHAPED VESSELS ON DISPLAY IN THREE MUSEUMS IN COLIMA: MUSEUM OF COLIMA REGIONAL HISTORY
(MCRH), STATE CAPITOL MUSEUM (SCM), AND CAXITLÁN ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUM (CAM).
Vessel Type n
Height
CV
Width
CV
Mouth diameter
CV
cm cm cm
Mean Mean Mean
TK 7 23.6±5.5 23.5 B
a
12.1± 2.5 20.8 B 9.2 ±2.5 27.1 B
GK 10 30.9±5.6 18.2 A 18.2± 2.7 14.7 A 17.7±3.2 18.3 A
GM 20 30.7±4.8 15.6 A 20.0± 4.4 21.9 A 20.4±4.0 19.6 A
a
Different letters mean statistically signicant differences p<0.05.
Fig. 7. (A) Trid vessel and miniature pot from the Capacha cultural phase (15001000 BCE) of Colima,
Mexico that could be used as a recipient, on display in the Regional Museum of Guadalajara. (B) Gourd-shape
vessel from El Pantano culture (1000800 BCE) of Jalisco, that could be used as a steamer, on display in the
Archaeological Museum of Mascota.
ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOL
steamers and then evolved into stills. Both vessel
types easily support wrapped, solid food in the
upper pot for steam-cooking by the boiling water
in the lower pot. Kelly (1980:55) even cites a
secondary source referring to a gourd pot whose
upper and lower bodies were separated on the
interior by a clay divider, pierced by spaced
perforations,much like a steamer. There is also
a gourd-shaped vessel in the Archaeological
Museum of Mascota (AMM) with an interior
grating in its constriction that would have allowed
it to function as a steamer (Fig. 7B). Its shape
differs notably from that of Capacha period gourd
vesselsit is smaller in size and its waist is much
more constrictedbut it was recorded in a
Middle Formative cemetery of El Pantano culture
(1000800 BCE) in the Mascota Valley, Jalisco,
culturally associated with the Capacha phase
(Mountjoy 2006). This suggests that western
Mesoamerican cultures did make ceramic steam-
ers, and could have adapted this technology for
distillation, much as the Chinese did (Huang
2000; Needham et al. 1980).
The bean-pot, trid, and gourd vessels all have
a wide mouth suitable for holding a hemispheric
bowl or a small jar as a top. Mountjoy (2006)
reported several assembled water coverbean-pot
vessels in the Mascota Valley cemeteries men-
tioned above. The gourd vesselslarger size,
greater ferment volume capacity, and consequent
ability to produce larger distillate volumes suggest
that they are the improved version of the
Capacha-type Mesoamerican still.They are also
much more frequent in the Valley of Colima
archaeological record. Indeed, almost half of the
vessels recorded by Kelly (1980:55) are gourd
pots, whereas bid and trid vessels are scarce in
the record and almost absent in Mexican muse-
ums. This difference in vessel type frequency may
be due to wider use of the gourd vessels, but may
also be a result of the higher prices offered for
bid and trid vessels on the illegal antiquities
market. Assembled gourd, bid, or trid stills
may yet be discovered, although it may be quite a
wait since looting in the region has been very
intense and extensive for a long time.
Capacha period ceramics have always been
recorded as burial offerings, normally placed
vertically on the body of the deceased or to one
side, indicating the importance accorded them.
Their ritual context and small distillate volume
production capacity suggest that if they were used
for this purpose, it was probably as a means to
produce a prestigious product for ceremonial
purposes. Archaeological evidence suggests that
agave culture was signicant during the Early
Classic period (CE 200550) in Colima, possibly
in relation to its use in alcoholic beverage
production and the use of these in religious
ceremonies (Zizumbo-Villarreal et al. 2009a).
Presence of stills in the Colima region during
the Early Formative period (15001300 BCE)
would indicate that complex food systems were in
place, and consequently that complex agricultural
systems also existed, the structuring of which
would have required long periods of time. It
would also indicate that alcoholic beverages were
part of their culture. Certainly, the Early and
Middle Formative periods document the earliest
sedentary populations in West Mexico and the
continuing spread of agriculture across the region
(Beekman 2009). Wild populations of the three
main crops of the Mesoamerican diet are present
in the region: corn (Buckler et al. 2006;
Fukunaga et al. 2005; Moeller et al. 2007), beans
(Kwak et al. 2009; Zizumbo-Villareal et al.
2009b), and squash (Sanjur et al. 2002). Given
this coincidence, some researchers have proposed
west Mexico as the most probable center of origin
for cultivation and domestication of these species,
about 9,000 calendar years B.P. (Matsuoka et al.
2002; Piperno et al. 2009; Ranere et al. 2009).
Although very little archaeobotanical research has
been done in the region (Benz 2002), bone
isotope studies of the skeletal remains have
revealed that the population of the El Pantano
culture in the Mascota Valley, Jalisco, consumed
maize (Cahue et al. 2002), and this ts well with
the frequent appearance of grinding stones in
Capacha burials (Kelly 1980). With respect to the
cultural importance of alcoholic beverages, the
ceramic of the Western Mesoamerican culture is
highly illustrative of their importance, and the
abundance of all kinds of exotic bottle forms is a
shared and suggestive characteristic (Beekman
2009; Butterwick 2000).
Kelly (1980:2) dened the distribution of
known Capacha cemeteries to be the Armería-
Ayuquila-Tuxcacuesco and the Tuxpan-Coa-
huayana river basins, but predicted a wider
cultural inuence based on Capacha-afliated
pottery specimens (Kelly 1980:22). To date,
however, the most spectacular Capacha-like
ceramics, according to Beekman (2009), are those
reported by Mountjoy (2006) from the Mascota
Valley, Jalisco, that document the transition of
ZIZUMBO-VILLARREAL ET AL: DISTILLATION IN WESTERN MESOAMERICA2009]
Capacha to El Pantano culture. The spatial and
temporal depth of this cultures spread and
inuence, including the putative Capacha-type
Mesoamerican stilltechnology, remains to be
described through future research.
Sources unequivocally referring to agave spirits
production are colonial sources dating to the early
17th century. Introduction of the Chinese/Mon-
gol-type still by Filipinos during the late 16th
century very probably facilitated spirits produc-
tion, bringing it to a noticeable scale (Zizumbo-
Villarreal and Colunga-GarcíaMarín 2008). The
Spanish Crown later prohibited production and
sale of all fermented or distilled beverages by
native populations. In Colima, ethnohistoric
sources record that this prohibition led to
destruction of ceramic vessels containing native-
made wines and severe punishment for those
making them (Sebastián de Vera [1612] in
Sevilla-del Río 1977:60). Despite centuries of
prohibition and persecution, tenacious preserva-
tion of ancient agave pit-cooking and fermenting
technologies in the isolated ravines of the Colima
volcanoes and other mountains of west Mexico,
and their use for traditional spirits production,
helped to keep alive the traditions that would
bring the world mezcal and tequila (Zizumbo-
Villarreal and Colunga-GarcíaMarín 2008). This
tradition could be thousands of years old.
Acknowledgments
The authors thank CONACYT and CICY for
the sabbatical scholarship for D.Z.-V. and P.C.-
G.M., and P. Gepts for his hospitality at U.C.-
Davis. Field work was partially supported by the
Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia-
Colima (INAH) through the Archaeological
Project Ixtlahuacán No. 552. The University of
Colima kindly provided logistical support. Guil-
lermo Ríos-Alcalá (Museo Universitario de Artes
Populares, Colima) and Edith Zizumbo-Villarreal
(Colegio de Ciencia y Arte de la Vida, Toluca)
made the vesselsreplicas. Apolinar, Macario, and
Miguel Partida prepared the agave ferments. Saúl
Alcántara helped with photographs. Felipe Bar-
ahona (Unidad de Materiales-CICY) kindly advised
us in the ethanol quantication techniques.
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ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOL
... Mezcal's recognized organoleptic diversity and richness is a result of variation in local environmental characteristics such as climate, soil, and microorganisms, as well as diverse techniques that vary among regions and among producers in the same region (Colunga-García Marín and Zizumbo-Villarreal 2007; Gutiérrez 2015). Mezcal holds centuries or even millennia of knowledge (Zizumbo-Villarreal et al. 2009;Serra and Lazcano 2015), which is backed and enriched by Mexico's diverse traditional, cultural, and religious context. ...
... Los grupos indígenas prehispánicos de Mesoamérica utilizaban la planta del agave para diversos fines, incluyendo la confección de prendas de vestir, como fuente de alimento y para producir bebidas alcohólicas fermentadas. Hubo un debate sobre si la tecnología de destilación se desarrolló o no antes de la Conquista (Zizumbo Villarreal et al., 2009a). En cualquier caso, esa hipótesis ha perdido terreno frente a los trabajos de Paulina Machuca (2018) sobre la difusión de las técnicas de destilación traídas a México por la inmigración filipina que venía en el famoso Galeón de Manila, y que se extendieron rápidamente por toda la región durante el siglo XVII, a partir de la producción de vino de coco. 4 A finales del siglo XVIII, las familias de élite de ascendencia española (incluida la familia Cuervo) explotaban cuatro destilerías-tabernas en los alrededores del pueblo de Tequila, produciendo lo que entonces se conocía como vino mezcal de Tequila (Luna Zamora, 1999, p. 45). ...
... Los grupos indígenas prehispánicos de Mesoamérica utilizaban la planta del agave para diversos fines, incluyendo la confección de prendas de vestir, como fuente de alimento y para producir bebidas alcohólicas fermentadas. Hubo un debate sobre si la tecnología de destilación se desarrolló o no antes de la Conquista (Zizumbo Villarreal et al., 2009a). En cualquier caso, esa hipótesis ha perdido terreno frente a los trabajos de Paulina Machuca (2018) sobre la difusión de las técnicas de destilación traídas a México por la inmigración filipina que venía en el famoso Galeón de Manila, y que se extendieron rápidamente por toda la región durante el siglo XVII, a partir de la producción de vino de coco. 4 A finales del siglo XVIII, las familias de élite de ascendencia española (incluida la familia Cuervo) explotaban cuatro destilerías-tabernas en los alrededores del pueblo de Tequila, produciendo lo que entonces se conocía como vino mezcal de Tequila (Luna Zamora, 1999, p. 45). ...
... Los grupos indígenas prehispánicos de Mesoamérica u ilizaban la planta del agave para diversos fines, incluyendo la confección de prendas de ves ir, como fuente de alimento y para producir bebidas alcohólicas fermentadas. Hubo un debate sobre si la tecnología de des ilación se desarrolló o no antes de la Conquista (Zizumbo Villarreal et al., 2009a). En cualquier caso, esa hipótesis ha perdido terreno frente a los trabajos de Paulina Machuca (2018) sobre la difusión de las técnicas de des ilación traídas a México por la inmigración filipina que venía en el famoso Galeón de Manila, y que se extendieron rápidamente por toda la región durante el siglo XVII, a par ir de la producción de vino de coco. 4 A finales del siglo XVIII, las familias de élite de ascendencia española (incluida la familia Cuervo) explotaban cuatro des ilerías-tabernas en los alrededores del pueblo de Tequila, produciendo lo que entonces se conocía como vino mezcal de Tequila (Luna Zamora, 1999, p. 45). ...
... Los grupos indígenas prehispánicos de Mesoamérica u ilizaban la planta del agave para diversos fines, incluyendo la confección de prendas de ves ir, como fuente de alimento y para producir bebidas alcohólicas fermentadas. Hubo un debate sobre si la tecnología de des ilación se desarrolló o no antes de la Conquista (Zizumbo Villarreal et al., 2009a). En cualquier caso, esa hipótesis ha perdido terreno frente a los trabajos de Paulina Machuca (2018) sobre la difusión de las técnicas de des ilación traídas a México por la inmigración filipina que venía en el famoso Galeón de Manila, y que se extendieron rápidamente por toda la región durante el siglo XVII, a par ir de la producción de vino de coco. 4 A finales del siglo XVIII, las familias de élite de ascendencia española (incluida la familia Cuervo) explotaban cuatro des ilerías-tabernas en los alrededores del pueblo de Tequila, produciendo lo que entonces se conocía como vino mezcal de Tequila (Luna Zamora, 1999, p. 45). ...
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En el capítulo 8, Darcy Tetreault, Cindy McCulligh y Carlos Lucio cuestionan la idea de que el concepto de extractivismo agrario deba limitarse a los cultivos destinados a la exportación con poca o ninguna transformación. Basándose en un estudio sobre la producción de agave y tequila en Jalisco (México), sostienen que el procesamiento doméstico de la biomasa no compensa necesariamente los negativos impactos sociales y medioambientales de las actividades agrícolas previas, sino que de hecho puede profundizarlos. Tetreault, McCulligh y Lucio demuestran que este es el caso de la producción industrializada de agave-tequila adoptando un enfoque que rastrea flujos de materiales, contaminantes y dinero. De este modo examinan la dinámica del control sobre la cadena de valor del agave-tequila, la parte del tequila que se exporta, las tecnologías, las relaciones empresa-agricultor y empresa-trabajador, las políticas públicas pertinentes y los impactos socioambientales. A través de este enfoque, los autores demuestran cómo la expansión e intensificación de la producción de agave desde mediados de la década de 1990 se ha caracterizado por el aumento de los volúmenes de extracción de biomasa, la degradación del medio ambiente, la marginación de las y los pequeños productores de agave y el deterioro de las condiciones laborales de las y los trabajadores del campo. En contraste con estos hallazgos señalan la producción tradicional de mezcal como un modelo alternativo social y ecológicamente sostenible.
... The fermentation of numerous palms sap is common in countries of Asia and Africa [96,[98][99][100][101][102][103][104][105][106][107][108][109][110][111] and, in Mexico, taberna and tuba are examples of the adoption of new technologies and instruments, including distillers for the Philippine coconut spirits distillation technique [112][113][114]. Nowadays, there is a debate about possible pre-Columbian distillation, but the fact is that the Philippine distillation technique is commonly used in several localities for producing mescal and other beverages [115]. ...
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Mexico is one of the main regions of the world where the domestication of numerous edible plant species originated. Its cuisine is considered an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity and ferments are important components but have been poorly studied. Traditional fermented foods are still diverse, but some are endangered, requiring actions to promote their preservation. Our study aimed to (1) systematize information on the diversity and cultural history of traditional Mexican fermented beverages (TMFB), (2) document their spatial distribution, and (3) identify the main research trends and topics needed for their conservation and recovery. We reviewed information and constructed a database with biocultural information about TMFB prepared and consumed in Mexico, and we analyzed the information through network approaches and mapped it. We identified 16 TMFB and 143 plant species involved in their production, species of Cactaceae, Asparagaceae, and Poaceae being the most common substrates. Microbiological research has been directed to the potential biotechnological applications of Lactobacillus, Bacillus, and Saccharomyces. We identified a major gap of research on uncommon beverages and poor attention on the cultural and technological aspects. TMFB are dynamic and heterogenous foodscapes that are valuable bi-ocultural reservoirs. Policies should include their promotion for conservation. The main needs of research and policies are discussed.
... The agave plant, a staple of pre-Hispanic peoples for thousands of years, was not only a source of food and a fermented drink referred to as pulque but also made into paper, textiles and rope (Bowen, 2015, p. 28). Some believe that agave began to be distilled into a spirit before the arrival of Europeans in the late 16 th century (Zizumbo-Villareal et al., 2009). ...
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Purpose This paper examines social impact investing (SII), a growing source of investment from the Global North to the Global South celebrated as a new way of doing good in low-income countries, but bearing elements of neoliberalism that can reify post-colonial contexts. Design/methodology/approach A microfoundational, autoethnographic approach is used based on the author’s experiences and emotional epiphanies while engaged in an activist entrepreneurial enterprise. The author’s goal was to effect positive social change with Indigenous Mexican producers of mezcal liquor. Findings Despite the best of intentions and following best practices for SII, the expected altruistic outcomes were eclipsed by inadvertent post-colonial behaviours. Neoliberal foundations of financialization gave primacy to the perspectives and egos of the investors rather than meaningful impact for the Indigenous beneficiaries. Research limitations/implications Based on the findings, three areas are presented for further research. First, how Global North social impact investors balance the ego of their motivations with the altruism of intended outcomes for beneficiaries. Second, what ownership structures of Global North investments allow for social benefits to flow through to intended beneficiaries. Third, how post-colonial power imbalances can be redressed to give an equal position to Global South beneficiaries as people, rather than financial metrics indicating only that they have become less poor. Originality/value By using autoethnographic methods that expose the vulnerability of the researcher, unique insights are generated on what happens when good intentions meet with a post-colonial context. The neoliberal underbelly of SII is revealed, and ways to make improvements are considered.
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Las interacciones mutualistas planta–animal (IMPA) incluyen aquellas relaciones entre plantas y animales que, a través de efectos ecológicos positivos y recíprocos, pueden llegar a operar como fuerzas de selección natural. Aunque el papel demográfico y evolutivo de las IMPA es bien conocido desde hace décadas, estas interacciones rara vez se analizan como funciones y/o servicios de los ecosistemas. En este capítulo interpretamos la polinización y la dispersión de semillas por animales como procesos ecosistémicos cuya magnitud y estabilidad dependen de la propia biodiversidad contenida en las interacciones ecológicas. Para ello consideramos los efectos funcionales de las IMPA a la hora de regular la biomasa y la abundancia de las especies en las redes tróficas, a través de componentes que representan tanto la cantidad como la calidad de las interacciones. También resaltamos que numerosos estudios muestran los efectos positivos de la abundancia y la riqueza de especies de animales en la magnitud de las funciones de polinización y dispersión de semillas. Estos vínculos positivos se explican a partir de diferentes mecanismos como los efectos de muestreo, la complementariedad de nicho y la facilitación interespecífica. Menos estudiado ha sido el papel positivo de la biodiversidad en la estabilidad de la polinización y la dispersión de semillas, que potencialmente surge de efectos portafolio, de compensación de densidad o de diversidad de respuesta. Tener en cuenta los rasgos de las especies que participan en las IMPA —interpretados como rasgos de efecto funcional o de respuesta a las perturbaciones— ayuda a entender mejor la resiliencia de la polinización y la dispersión de semillas frente a las perturbaciones y los impactos antrópicos. En un mundo donde multitud de especies vegetales y animales sufren declives poblacionales y extinciones locales de manera generalizada, y donde el bienestar diario de millones de personas se ve progresivamente afectado por la pérdida de servicios de los ecosistemas, resulta prioritario estudiar los mecanismos que regulan el resultado funcional de las interacciones ecológicas.
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El objeto de este trabajo es mostrar las relaciones socioeconómicas y culturales del proceso de producción tradicional de mezcal en el estado de Michoacán. Se trata de comprender la persistencia de la producción tradicional de mezcal en Michoacán, tratándose de estructuras y dinámicas sociales engendradas en el interior del modo capitalista de producción, pero distintas a él. La investigación inició con la delimitación del objeto de estudio, luego se determinaron los objetivos, se diseñó el esquema de investigación, se identificaron las fuentes de información por ámbito de indagación —las cuales se analizaron y ficharon en una base electrónica de datos—, se determinaron, diseñaron y aplicaron instrumentos de investigación de campo, se interpretaron los resultados obtenidos en los instrumentos aplicados y éstos fueron integrados a la base de datos electrónica como fichas de trabajo. Finalmente, se diseñó un esquema de presentación de resultados, utilizado para la codificación de fichas de trabajo y para la redacción final. Los resultados obtenidos fueron los siguientes: i) Las familias mezcaleras y la producción tradicional de mezcal en Michoacán no pertenecen al conjunto de estructuras prehispánicas sincretizadas con la cultura hispánica capitalista. ii) La familia mezcalera posee una estructura social que no corresponde con la predominante en el régimen capitalista, producto de una adaptación a la naturaleza que no contiene vínculos históricos con ninguna de las formas transicionales a la sociedad de clases. iii) La producción de mezcal tradicional en Michoacán está orientada al autoconsumo y se da en un contexto de trabajo familiar alternado con actividades agrícolas, avícolas y ganaderas. iv) Existen indicios de que la actividad artesanal mezcalera se engendró en tiempos de la Colonia y que hoy tiende a desaparecer.
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No evidence exists of distillation in Mexico before European contact. The Philippine people in Colima established the practice in the 16th Century to produce coconut spirits. Botanical, top-onymic, archaeological, and ethnohistoric data are presented indicating that agave distillation began in Colima, in the lower Armería-Ayuquila and Coahua-yana-Tuxpan river basins, using Agave angustifolia Haw. and through adaptation of the Philippine coconut spirits distillation technique. Subsequent selection and cultivation of agaves led to their domestication and diversification. This did not take place in the lower river basins, where agave populations tended to disappear. The distillation technique spread to the foothills of Colima volcanoes and from there to all of western Mexico, leading to creation of tequila and other agave spirits. Two factors aided producers in avoiding strict Colonial prohibitions and were therefore key to the diffusion and persistence of agave spirits production: (1) clandestine fermentation in sealed, underground pits carved from bedrock, a native, pre-European contact technique; and (2) small, easy-to-use Philippine-type stills that could be hidden from authorities and allowed use of a broad range of agave species.
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Current germplasm diversity used in the production of Agave spirits in west-central México is in danger of erosion due to an expansion in the cultivation of the clone A. tequilana Weber var. azul, used for the elaboration of the famous drink "Tequila". In order to define critical areas of in situ conservation and to determine the role of local native and mestizo cultures in the generation and maintenance of diversity, an ethnobotanical exploration was conducted in the center and south of the state of Jalisco. Results situate the nucleus of greatest diversity at present in the south of Jalisco and indicate that this is a result of a continuous process of selection initiated by the indigenous population for the production of food and fermented drinks, which continued into the final years of the 16th century but with a new objective: distillation using the Filipino technology introduced to west-central Mexico through Colima. More than 20 variants were found to be cultivated by the traditional farmers, the majority relating to the A. angustifolia Haw. complex. We discuss the possibilities of in situ germplasm conservation and its legal protection.
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Z. mays ssp. parviglumis and ssp. mexicana are the closest wild relatives to domesticated maize. Using isozyme and chloroplast evidence, this study examined how populations of these subspecies are related to one another, and how geography has structured the relationships between them. As some lines of evidence indicate that ssp. mexicana is a derived clade of ssp. parviglumis, dispersal, isolation by distance (IBD), and altitudinal hypotheses were tested to explain the genetic differentiation of ssp. mexicana and parviglumis populations. Simple dispersal hypotheses explained most of this genetic variation, while IBD and altitudinal models explained very little of the variation. The origin of this dispersal appeared to be the middle and lower elevation regions of Guerrero. These dispersal events are discussed in light of Late Pleistocene and Holocene climate change and maize domestication.
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In his landmark treatise “L’Origine des Plantes Cultivées”, de CANDOLLE (1882) suggested that botanical, archaeological, historical, and linguistic data can provide evidence on the area of domestication of crop plants. These types of data are still considered at the present time by crop evolutionists (e.g., PICKERSGILL, 1977).
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* Preface * Introduction *1. Domestication *2. New World Staples *3. New World Produce *4. The Aztecs *5. Aztec Ingredients *6. Aztec Cooks and Menus *7. The Maya and the Explorers *8. Diego de Landa *9. Solid Maya Breadstuffs *10. Maya Flesh Food *11. Maya Produce *12. The Inca: Animal and Mineral *13. The Inca: Vegetable *14. The Inca *15. The Inca and the Europeans *16. The Occupation *17. A Final Banquet *18. Finale * Bibliography * Index