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The Integration of the European Union and the Changing Cultural Space of Europe: Xenophobia and Webs of Significance

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The Integration of the European Union and the Changing Cultural Space of Europe: Xenophobia and Webs of Significance

Abstract

The dialogic relationship between individuals and the cultural space of Europe embodies cultural definitions, political definitions and individual definitions. As individuals draw from Europe as a cultural space and strive to identify and define themselves, definitions are created against an “other,” leading to Europe being defined against the “other.” Identity is established through difference, and in this, the relationship between the EU—a force of integration—and Europe as a cultural space is strained. As boundaries change through the European Union, transforming the cultural space of Europe, the “other” against whom individuals have traditionally defined themselves is also transforming. This article asks if the integration of Europe through the European Union is resulting in the political mobilization of xenophobia and thereby transforming the cultural space of Europe into a xenophobic space. As many academics and professionals have argued that xenophobia in Europe has been on the rise since the 1990s, this paper will question how the relationship between the European Union—as a force of European integration—and Europe—as a cultural space—is contributing to the construction of xenophobia. KeywordsEurope-European Union-Xenophobia-Cultural space-Racism-Nationalism-Borders-Identity-Immigration-Fortress Europe-Semiotics of law-Semiotics of culture
The Integration of the European Union and the Changing Cultural Space of Europe:
Xenophobia and Webs of Significance
Laura Story Johnson
- 1 -
-Introduction-
An examination of the complex and multifaceted relationship b
a cultural space and the European Union reveals that these two different and
multidimensional concepts are distinct, yet inextricably linked. How Europe informs the
European Union, and how the EU informs Europe as a cultural space, are both fascinating
and complicated questions that bring countless issues to the table. The concept of Europe
as a cultural space can be understood as Europe being both a container of human culture
and itself a cultural object.
1
In 1973, Clifford Geertz offered one of the founding


fined culture as such webs
of significance.
2

shared mediating orientations that incline members of a group or society to display

3
Europe forms the boundaries around

Individuals inform and create Europe as a multilevel framework of beliefs and values,
and in turn, Europe as a cultural space impacts individual identity and development.
1
Rob Shields writes that concepts of space a

ey,
Work of Arts, Vol. 1, Iss. 1 (Spring 2005): 4-
5; available at www.uofaweb.ualberta.ca/arts/.
2
Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures (New York: Basic Books, 1973): 5.
3
Comparative
Politics, Vol. 32, No. 4 (July 2000): 422.
- 2 -
The dialogic relationship between individuals and the cultural space of Europe
embodies cultural definitions, political definitions and individual definitions.
4
As
individuals draw from Europe as a cultural space and strive to identify and define


In the attempt to identify what Europe is, that is in the attempt to establish identity
through difference, there is a very real danger of peripheralising countries, belief
systems, languages, rendering invisible the histories and concerns of the

5
Identity is established through difference, and in this, the relationship between the EU a
force of integration and Europe as a cultural space is strained. As boundaries change

against whom individuals have traditionally defined themselves is also transforming. The
research question serving as the premise for this paper asks: Is the integration of Europe
through the European Union resulting in the political mobilization of xenophobia and
thereby transforming the cultural space of Europe into a xenophobic space?
The exploration of this research question is two-fold. First, recognizing that the
political mobilization of racism and the expression of xenophobic attitudes may be a
reaction to the political changes represented by European integration
6
(specifically the
perceived threat to the nation state), the fostering of xenophobia at the level of the nation

4
The concept of the dialogic relationship was developed by Mikhail Bakhtin in his The Dialogic
Imagination. Used here, a dialogic relationship between individuals and the cultural space of
Europe means that individuals inform and are continually informed by Europe as a cultural space.
5
ationalism, Euro-Centrism and
International Studies in Sociology of Education, Vol. 5, No. 2 (1995): 118.
6
See De Master and Le Roy, 426.
- 3 -

7
the possibility that the EU itself fosters a certain wider

Europeanisation takes the form of a sense of European civilisation, superior to and
distinct from its progenitors in Eastern 
8
As many
academics and professionals have argued that xenophobia in Europe has been on the rise
since the 1990s, this paper will question how the relationship between the European
Union as a force of European integration and Europe as a cultural space is
contributing to the construction of xenophobia.
-Xenophobia Defined-

use its meaning has

9
Wodak and Reisigl identify racism as a
social construct, a social practice and an ideology with discursive manifestations.
Recognizing that definitions and understandings of racism are varying and diverse, this

[Racism] originates from a mind-

the mildest to the most severe, what is being denied is the possibility that the
racializers and the racialized can coexist in the same society, except perhaps on
the basis of domination and subordination.
10
7
Comparative Education, Vol.
33, No. 1 (March 1997): 30.
8
Ibid., 31.
9
Annual Review of
Anthropology, Vol. 28 (1999): 178.
10
George M. Fredrickson, Racism: A Short History (United States: Princeton University Press,
2002) reviewed in The Nation, Vol. 275, No. 14
(October 28, 2002): 36.
- 4 -
Friedrickson argues that racism is both idea and act, and indeed, racism takes many
forms. Kleinpenning and Hagendoorn review and conceptualize different forms of

belief in the innate quality of interethnic differences and a belief in the superiority of

11
While definitions and manifestations of racism continue to be debated, racial
discrimination has a formal definition in international law. According to Article 1 of the
United Nations International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial
Discrimination, racial discrimination is:
any distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference based on race, colour, descent
or national or ethnic origin which has the purpose or effect of nullifying or
impairing the recognition, enjoyment or exercise, on a equal footing, of human
rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural or any
other field of public life.
12
Racism, racial discrimination and xenophobia are distinct but overlapping phenomena.
Xenophobia can literally be defined as the fear of the strange or foreign: in Greek xenos
means foreigner and phobos means fear. De Master and Le Roy write that xenophobia
has come to mean an expression of mistrust, fear and/or hatred of foreigners.
13
The
International Labour Organization (ILO), International Organization for Migration (IOM)
and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)
11

Social Psychology Quarterly, Vol. 56, No. 1 (March 1993): 22.
12
United Nations, International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial
Discrimination (1966); available at www.civicwebs.com/cwvlib/.
13
De Master and Le Roy, 425.
- 5 -
argue that while it is difficult to distinguish between racism and xenophobia as
motivations, important distinctions between the two can be made.
14
The definition of xenophobia, and its differentiation from racism and racial
discrimination are still evolving concepts. One of the regional Preparatory
Meetings for this World Conference suggests that:
* Racism is an ideological construct that assigns a certain race and/or ethnic group
to a position of power over others on the basis of physical and cultural attributes,
as well as economic wealth, involving hierarchical relat
race exercises domination and control over others;
* Xenophobia describes attitudes, prejudices and behavior that reject, exclude and
often vilify persons, based on the perception that they are outsiders or foreigners
to the community, society or national identity.
15
Xenophobia can materialize in the establishment of identity through difference. As a

alter the domestic culture through the i
16
-Nation as Culture in Europe-
The nation state was born in Europe. As the name implies, a nation state suggests
the parallel existence of state and nation 
successful and da
17

forms of state surveillance and control of populations as well as of capitalist organization
14
Mi
dimension by which persons assigned to another group are kept at a distance because they are
 a difference

Anthropology Today, Vol. 12, No. 2 (April 1996): 8.
15

and Traf-Pacific NGO Meeting for the World Conference Against Racism,
Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance, Tehran, Iran (February 18, 2001) in
International Labour Office, International Organization for Migration, Office of the United
Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and Office of the United Nations High

(Geneva: United Nations, 2001): 10; available at
www.ilo.org/public/english/protection/migrant/download/wcar.pdf.
16
De Master and Le Roy, 425.
17
d
aspirations of a nation relies on a cultural and ethnic homogeneity which actually does not exist
anywhere in Europe. No European state is co-
- 6 -
and work discipline have depended on the homogenizing, rationalizing, and partitioning
of space.
18
The homogenization and rationalization of state formation have transformed
space into territory, and enforced borders around webs of significance. In other words,

pe
19
A political community can be understood as a form of
association that governs relations and social interactions among members of the

20
The nation state has come to
enchain culture in Europe, equating a dominant ethnic identity with the core of the
nation.
21
As national cultural identities have been created, in spite of the fact that ethnic
and cultural homogeneities do not exist within European nation states, the nation state has
become a framework for identity: a cultural space.

comes from a belief that the nation is the arena in which critical values and beliefs are
transmitted to developing 
22
The collective experience of living in a nation
state 
23
fosters a mediating
orientation: a sense of self and a cultural identity. Since the dissolution of multiethnic
empires in Europe and the formation of sovereign nation states, the nation as a
18
onalism
Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 23 (1994): 382.
19
Ibid., 391.
20
Europe Without Borders:
Remapping Territory, Citizenship, and Identity in a Transnational Age, eds. Mabel Berezin and
Martin Schain (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003): 8.
21
Ibid., 394.
22
De Master and Le Roy, 425.
23
Berezin, 3.
- 7 -
community of territory has transformed to the nation as a community of culture.
24
As

constructed and ultimately imagined by the individuals who perceive themselves to be

because, regardless of the actual inequality and exploitation that may prevail in each, the
nation is always conceived as a deep, horizontal comradeship. Ultimately it is this
fraternity that makes it possible, over the past two centuries, for so many millions of

25
Recognizing, as Coulby does, that modern European nation states do not represent
conterminous relationships between nations and the state, the role of nationalism in

disguised itself as the nation. The nation and nationalism have then been used to


26
Nationalism has helped to foster the nation as an imagined community, to
drive the nation state as a cultural space. E. J. Hobsbawm argues that in Europe, ethnic
politics have mutated into nationalist politics. Hobsbawm writes that this mutation takes

set

27
24
Pakistan Forum, Vol. 2, No.
12 (September 1972): 4-5.
25
Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of
Nationalism (London and New York: Verso, 1991); selections available at
www.nationalismproject.org/what/anderson.htm.
26
Coulby, 430.
27
Anthropology Today, Vol. 8, No.
1 (February 1992): 4.
- 8 -
The nation as a cultural space is also advanced by the concept of ethnocentrism.
roup is the

28
Kleinpenning and Hagendoorn note that the core of ethnocentrism is a differentiation
between the ingroup and outgroups, and that the central theme in ethnocentrism is the

29


in common common territory of existence in which
we live, whose landscape is familiar and recognizable. It is the existence of this which

30
The nation state serves as a cultural space in that
it contains culture (individuals may identify with more than one cultural group within a
nation state) and in that it transcends culture by providing an ethnocentric national
identity.
Because membership in a nation is often equated with an ethnic heritage, cultures
may appear relatively fixed and distinct in character from each other. This
national cultural identity contributes to the xenophobic perception of stark,

of xenophobia finds its source in the apparent disparity between nations and their
associated cultures. Strangeness creates fear not only because the foreign culture
is unknown, but also because contact with it threatens to alter the known and
make it strange as well. For xenophobic individuals the establishment of the
nation-state provides visible protection from the corrupting influences of other
cultures by politically distinguishing their culture from surrounding ones. It
alleviates xenophobia to a certain extent by assuring sovereignty over the arena in
which culture is expressed and transmitted.
31


28
Kleinpenning and Hagendoorn, 23.
29
Ibid.
30
Hobsbawm, 7.
31
De Master and Le Roy, 425.
- 9 -
framework of the nation state 
the nation state can be interpreted to be threats to identity and culture. Thus the
integrating force of the European Union erasing borders between member states and
the shift of limited sovereignty from the nation state to the level of the EU may be linked
to rising xenophobia in Europe.
-Right-Wing Populist Parties: The Political Mobilization of Xenophobia-
In 2004, Glyn Ford, a Labour Member of the European Parliament, noted that for
r two decades, Europe has seen a rising tide of racism and xenophobia threatening to

32
Ford argued that the political expression of racism and xenophobia,
-fascist and far-right
parties.
33
Hans-George Betz defines radical right-wing populist parties as:
radical in their rejection of the established Sociocultural and sociopolitical system
and their advocacy of individual achievement, a free marketplace, and a drastic
reduction of the role of the state. They are right-wing in their rejection of
individual and social equality, in their opposition to the social integration of
marginalized groups, and in their appeal to xenophobia, if not overt racism.
34
Since the 1980s, radical right-wing populist parties have gained surprising electoral
success and considerable political ground in Europe.
35
Examples include the Belgian
Vlaams Blok, the French Front National (FN), the Italian Alleanza Nazionale, the Swiss
32
Glyn Ford, UN Chronicle,
No. 4 (2004): 32.
33
Ibid.
34
Hans--Wing Populist Parties in
Comparative Politics, Vol. 25, No. 4 (July 1993): 413.
35
See Hans-George Betz, Radical Right-Wing Populism in Western Europe (New York: St.
-Wing Populist Parties constitute a European
Party Family?: A Comparison of their Programmatic Profile and their Positioning in Political
Reflexive Modernisierung von Politik: Transformation von
Staatlichkeit und gesellschaftlichen Konfliktlagen (München: Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität,
October 2005); and Hans-opulism in Western Europe in the 1990s

www.unrisd.org/.
- 10 -
ische Volkspartie), the Austrian Freedom Party (Freiheitliche
Partei Österreich or FPÖ), the Norwegian Progress Party (Fremskrittspartiet), and the
British National Party (BNP). In the early 1990s, radical right-wing populist parties were
able to multiply votes and parliamentary representation across Europe. Ford writes that
coming into the 2004 European Parliament elections, Vlaams Blok, FN, Alleanza
Nazionale and the BNP all performed well at local and regional elections. Ford also
notes that in the 2004 European Parliament elections, twenty-five Members of the
European Parliament (MEPs) were elected from neo-Nazi and extreme right-wing
parties.
36
De Master and Le Roy also comment on the increasing support for nationalist
parties across Europe and link 

37
Radical right-wing populist parties capitalize on concerns about threats to the
integrity of the nation state by politically mobilizing xenophobia. De Master and Le Roy
-
states, but has also multiplied the points of contact between individuals of differing

38
As the internal borders of Europe are, in a sense,
removed with the integration of the EU, the national containers for webs of significance
are breaking; in other words, the walls around the nation state as a cultural space are
crumbling.
Should the sovereignty of the nation-state be threatened, active xenophobia may
rise in response to the perceived danger to the nation and culture. European
integration could present such a threat if seen as an attempt to subsume nation-
36
Ford, 32.
37
De Master and Le Roy, 419.
38
Ibid., 421.
- 11 -
states into a larger entity that forces individuals from multiple nations with
conflicting cultures into close proximity.
39

space, new borders around culture, around mediating orientations, must be fortified.
Individuals have 

-Immigrants: “The Other”-

radical right-wing populism to the recent explosion of hostility towards immigrants in

40
The migration order in Europe has been constructed by the
integration of the European Union. In 1985, the Federal Republic of Germany, France,
Belgium, Luxembourg and the Netherlands signed an intergovernmental treaty called the
Schengen Agreement.
41
The aim of the Schengen Agreement was to achieve a closer
union between the five nations through establishing the free movement of persons, goods
and services; internal border control measures were reduced between the nations. In

emphasis away from freedom of movement towards the strengthening of controls and

42
The Schengen Convention officially abolished
checks at internal borders and created a single external frontier for the Schengen area,
39
Ibid., 426.
40

41
The text of the 1985 Schengen Agreement, the Schengen Convention, accession protocols and
the decisions and declarations adopted by the Schengen bodies are all included in The Schengen
Acquis as referred to in Article 1(2) of Council Decision 1999/435/EC of 20 May 1999 (1999)
Official Journal of the European Communities 22.9.2000; available through EUR-Lex.
42
Sandra Lavenex, The Europeanisation of Refugee Policies: Between human rights and internal
security (Vermont: Ashgate Publishing Company, 2001): 94.
- 12 -
dictated by a common set of rules. The Schengen Convention entered into force in 1995,
and by 2001, 13 EU member states had become members of the Schengen area. A
protocol to the 1999 Amsterdam Treaty incorporated the Schengen Agreement and

The Schengen Agreement initially suggested a policy of integration and openness,
eliminating internal borders and establishing the free movement of persons. However,
with the enormous political changes of 1989 and the end of the Cold War, the Schengen
-oriented scheme to end border controls to a

43
In the early 1990s, Western European
states anticipated a massive influx of migrants and asylum-seekers from the once closed-

began to fortify their defences by enacting new laws and implementing new strategies to
control the effects of migration, particularly unlawful immigration. Within the prevailing
restrictive immigration atmosphere, imm

44
Since the 1990s, the EU has
been operating in a political environment fed by increasingly negative popular opinion
regarding immigration. Betz writes
Against the background of a growing influx and increasing visibility of non-
Europeans, the success of radical right-wing populist parties marks the revival of
racism in western Europe. The success of the Front National in the European
elections of 1984 and the growing electoral success of other radical populist right-
wing parties in the late 1980s show that the growing presence of a non-European
population has evoked anxiety and resentment. The radical populist right has
been particularly astute in translating these sentiments into political gains without
43


European Conference on Preventing and Combating Trafficking in Human Beings (Belgium:
IOM, 2002): 7; available at www.belgium.iom.int/STOPConference/.
44
Ibid.
- 13 -
couching them in outright racist terms. Instead, they have echoed those critics of
the West European refugee policy who have focused public attention on the
growing financial burden that refugees impose on the host countries.
45
The immigrant has become the outgroup because he is non-European. Radical right-wing
populist parties have mobilized xenophobia by speaking to fears that have arisen in
reaction to the integrating force of the European Union. Further integration through the
European Union has increased the flow of people across national borders and the
influence of foreign policymakers on domestic politics, changing the perception of and
reaction to foreigners.
46
But who is the foreigner? In an integrating Europe where the


Anthropological Association in 1991; a captivating comment that is worth quoting in full.
National xenophobia shading into racism is almost universal. And it poses a



French, or Swedes, or Germans or even members of politically defined subunits

Frenchmen or Germans or Brits, as defined (usually) by putative descent or long


these s

recognized by cultural differences, though in racist reactions much is made of
such things: how good Frenchmen are insulted by the smells of North African
cooking, or good Brits by that of curry emanating from their neighbours. In fact,
as the global expansion of Indian and Chinese restaurants suggests, xenophobia is
directed against foreign people, not foreign cultural imports. It would be tempting
to say: what is being defended against strangers is jobs, and there is a certain truth
in the proposition. The major social base of European racist movements such as
the French National Front appears to be in the native working class, the major
activists of such movements appear to be working class young men skinheads
and the like and a long era of full or virtually guaranteed employment ended, in
western Europe during the 1970s, in central and eastern Europe at the end of the
45

46
De Master and Le Roy, 425.
- 14 -
1980s. Since then Europe is once again living in societies of mass unemployment
and job uncertainty. Moreover, as I already observed, the social mechanisms
which assigned each group different and non-competitive niches, are eroding or
are politically unacceptable. The relatively sudden rise of xenophobic parties, or
of the xenophobic issue in politics, is largely due to this.
47
Radical right-wing populist parties have taken advantage of unemployment concerns,
linking immigrants   to the lack of job opportunities. As a 1991 flyer in

48
While the claims about
immigrants as a threat to job opportunities or as a cause of unemployment are absolutely
flawed,
49
associati-
integration are on the rise marks a clever political mobilization of xenophobia.
-Fortress Europe-
Faye V. Harrison writes that immigration is being subjected to xenophobic

50
Fortress
47
Hobsbawm, 6-7.
48
alstaat retten: Asylbetrüger ausweisen! Arbeitslosigkeit beseitigen:


pamphlets, the Front National graphically connects rising immigration, an increase in the number

will no longer be able to pay our pensions and, above all, that we will see disappear our thousand-


Le Front National c’est vous!, p. 6; Andreas Mölzer, Jörg! Der Eisbrecher (Klagenfurt: Suxxes,

Le Monde Diplomatique, 39 (February 1992): 8-9.
49
For example, Betz writes
of job opportunities rather questionable. It is also open to discussion whether they represent a
burden or not rather a net gain for West European societies. Generally, immigrant workers have
made significant contributions to these societies. Recruited to fill vacant positions during the
period of high economic growth, they played a vital part in laying the foundation for affluence
and prosperity in western Europe. Furthermore, immigrant workers represent not only a work


50
litical Economy of
Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 24 (1995): 49.
- 15 -
Europe 
51
is a concept that
has been developed to describe the perceived phenomenon that as boundaries between
member states are 

immigration policies in Europe. Fortress Europe is a means for Europe to establish a


member-states fall, so the exterior walls seem to grow taller. It is also because by
thout a proper definition, Europe actually
defines itself mainly as against non-Europeanness. The designing of the frontier

dropped over Europe in 1948, supported the constitution of the Western Europe.
Today still, after the fall of the communist regimes in the East, the appropriation

whose identity is in question. Strangely enough this is also echo

this definition-by-opposition a result of the consciousness that, as in the case of
-against-the-world is in a
position of a minority?
52
Fortress Europe is being erected as Europe defines itself against non-Europe, a definition-
by-opposition, as the walls around Europe as a cultural space are built. As xenophobia is
politically mobilized as a reaction to European integration, xenophobia is transforming
and mutating. Xenophobia exists at multiple and varying levels within Europe. The
xenophobia and racism that have been linked to national right-wing populist parties exist
at the level of the nation state in Europe. Thus, for some, the European Union an
integrating, multicultural force is offered as a corrective against nationalist or
51

Vienna Intensive Seminar, 2006).
52
 a metaphor for the stu
Cambridge Anthropology, Vol. 22, No. 1 (2000-2001): 37-49; available at
monica.heintz.free.fr/Citadel.htm.
- 16 -
regionalist isolationism, beliefs and attitudes.
53
In other words, the EU can be seen as a
solution to xenophobia, as it creates a multicultural, diverse, open space. As the

but also with shared values such as democracy, freedom and social justice. The EU
defends these values. It fosters cooperation among the peoples of Europe, promoting
unity while preserving diversity and ensuring that decisions are taken as close as possible
to the citizens. In the increasingly interdependent world of the 21st century, it is more
necessary than ever for every European citizen to work together with people from other

54
But is the EU really a
corrective against nationalistic xenophobia? Or, as the nation states of Europe integrate
and xenophobia 

-Europe as a Xenophobic Cultural Space-

European 
a sense of European civilisation, superior to and distinct from its progenitors in Eastern

55
Heintz also described how Europeanness is being
defined against non-Europeanness. The question that must be asked is whether or not the
EU is a form of forced assimilation,
56
and thereby whether or not the EU is correcting
xenophobia or creating a new xenophobic cultural space. Krishan Kumar writes that
53
See Coulby, 30.
54

europa.eu.int/abc/panorama/index_en.htm.
55
Ibid., 31.
56
This question was posed to students in the Intensive Seminar Europe as a Cultural Space;
Laura Schlapkohl class notes (February 14, 2006).
- 17 -
nat if they ever really had such a
character and are now increasingly accompanied and perhaps superseded by other

57
The
European Union provides a supranational and transnational identity; the EU has informed

Changing and expanding the cultural spaces the webs of significance of
Europe has altered the societal networks that once bound individuals together. Where
individuals once utilized the boundaries of the nation state to protect what they

boundaries that defined which individuals belonged together in Europe are disappearing.
And as these boundaries dividing individuals change and fade, xenophobia is on the rise.
The strength of this xenophobia is the fear of the unknown, of the darkness into
which we may fall when the landmarks which seem to provide an objective, a
permanent, a positive delimitation of our belonging together, disappear. And
belonging together, preferably in groupings with visible badges of membership
and recognition signs, is more important than ever in societies in which
everything combines to destroy what binds human beings together into
communities.
58
The integration of the European Union, the change of old groups of membership into a
European membership, has shifted the delimitations of belonging together, driving
individuals to seek another imagined community to which they can belong. The EU has
informed a new sense of identity, a new cultural space: Europe as a cultural space. And
while the EU works to create a cultural space that is multicultural, open and unified, as
Ford wr
57
dea of Europe: Cultural Legacies, Transnational Imaginings, and the
Nation-Europe Without Borders: Remapping Territory, Citizenship, and Identity in a
Transnational Age, eds. Mabel Berezin and Martin Schain (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University
Press, 2003): 40.
58
Hobsbawm, 7.
- 18 -

59
the question is

ot-
racism and xenophobia, rather than being eradicated through integration and assimilation,
merely been displaced moved to the walls around a fortified Fortress Europe? Is
Europe merely another imagined community? As Hobsbawm warns:

they can define the others who do not belong, who should not belong, who never
can belong. In other words, by xenophobia. And because we live in an era when
all other human relations and values are in crisis, or at least somewhere on a
journey towards unknown and uncertain destinations, xenophobia looks like
becoming the mass ideology of the 20th century fin de siècle. What holds
humanity together today is the denial of what the human race has in common.
60
Ford writes that the EU has enacted countervailing measures against racism and
xenophobia. In December 2000 the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European
Union was signed. The EU has established a Monitoring Centre on Racism, Xenophobia
and Anti-Semitism. And the EU funds organizations such as the European Network
Against Racism.
61
But can countering xenophobia and racism really be guaranteed by the
European Union?
62
The formation and integration of the European Union have seen the
rise of xenophobia and the success of radical right-wing populist parties across Europe.

ing made ground at the expense of those openly proud right-wing
59
Ford, 33.
60
Hobsbawm, 8.
61
Ford, 33. Further information about the EU Monitoring Centre on Racism, Xenophobia and
Anti-Semitism can be found at www.eumc.eu.int/.
62
This question is taken from the Intensive Seminar Europe as a Cultural Space, in which the
argument was made that countering racism can not be guaranteed by the state; Laura Schlapkohl
class notes (February 14, 2006).
- 19 -

63
Across Europe, xenophobia and racism manifest themselves in culture,
surfacing in the shadows through race-hate music, or blatantly displayed in racially-
acist music is found in every one of Europe's 30 countries, but it
is especially widespread in the Czech Republic, Germany, Hungary, Poland, Serbia and

64
The riots in France this year were yet another example of
xenophobia and ethnic tensions exploding into violence.
-Conclusion: Looking to the Future-
This paper has questioned if the integration of Europe through the European
Union is resulting in the political mobilization of xenophobia and thereby transforming
the cultural space of Europe into a xenophobic space. While xenophobia has been on the
rise in Europe during the past two decades, and while radical right-wing extremists have
utilized the political mobilization of racism and xenophobia to make political gains,
arguably the walls around a Fortress Europe have not yet been solidified. Europe, as a
cultural space, is currently in a state of development, a dialogic development with the
European Union. The question remains to be answered as to how the cultural space of
Europe 
these new-right populist parties will legitimize the transformation of a rising racism and
xenophobia into a day-to-
65
This paper questions whether
xenophobia will grow to be both a container of the culture of Europe a boundary around
webs of significance in Europe and a product of the culture of Europe. Ford argues that
the right-
63
Ford, 33.
64

www.splcenter.org/intel/intelreport/article.jsp?pid=328
operating worldwide as of Fall 2001 see www.splcenter.org/intel/intelreport/article.jsp?sid=139.
65
Ford, 33.
- 20 -

66
But can xenophobia be linked only to
nationalism, or does the EU itself demand a certain xenophobia? Hobsbawm argued that
xenophobia was becoming the mass ideology of the 20th century; will xenophobia be the
mass ideology of the 21st century? The integration of the cultural space of Europe
through the EU is causing individuals to turn outward to define themselves, to find a new
en further,

expand, retract, and be respun. New cultural factors will come into play, particularly as
current world events have drawn important religious boundaries around cultural spaces
Christianity and Islam are becoming evermore unassimilable and as different factors
encounter each other and resist each other within Europe.
67
Europe has come to form the

mediating orientation. Individuals inform and create Europe as a multilevel framework
of beliefs and values, and in turn, Europe as a cultural space impacts individual identity
and development. Europe as a cultural space is increasingly informed by the European
Union. Perhaps the answer to creating a cultural space that is not xenophobic lies in
turning inward, in searching within the cultural space of Europe to find ways for culture
and identity to be linked to the self and to humanity, rather than to territory or borders.
66
Ibid.
67
Looking to how xenophobia will play a role in the future, Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn writes that
-admission of Turkey by the European Community is largely
due to a fear of massive Turkish immigration; the Turks are decent, hard-
National Review, Vol. 42, No. 1 (January 22, 1990): 44. Kumar writes:

called European culture. Undoubtedly too, the main basis of that is religion specifically

Europe was formed, what gave it its shape as a fragment of the Eurasian landmass. Europe was made by
the encounter with and resistance to other religions specifically, of course, the Muslim religion. It was
largely in response to the Muslim threat from Mongols and Tartars in the north, Arabs and Turks in the
south 
- 21 -
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... While refugee acculturation is important, host societies are not always welcoming of migrants and refugees (Grove and Zwi 2006;Lamkaddem et al. 2012), as demonstrated by recent antimigrant sentiment in the EU (Johnson 2012). Refugees, migrants, and minority ethnic groups may be treated or be perceived as being treated differently by members of the host community (Harris, Henderson, and Williams 2005;Wilson 2007), which frequently exacerbates negative health participation and interactions (Evans-Lacko et al. 2015;Lamkaddem et al. 2012). ...
... For example, in the 2016 U.S. presidential election campaign, several candidates discussed the negative impact of refugees on the U.S. economy and social structure. Xenophobic behaviors have also increased in the EU (Johnson 2012), partly because of the influx of refugees. Despite these signs, few governmental initiatives have targeted locals' understanding and acceptance of migrants (Jensen et al. 2010), though even if antidiscrimination initiatives increased, it is unclear whether such governmental actions would have a meaningful impact. ...
Article
Developed countries that accept refugees are obligated, under the UN Convention for Refugees, to integrate refugees into host communities, with inclusion in the health system being pivotal. Integration programs can be difficult though, because many refugees’ home countries have different health systems, lower health literacy, and different expectations of health services. Country health system differences require cultural adaptation of host country services when designing targeted, inclusive health care programs. Using a sample of 317 Australian-based African refugees, the authors examine how refugees’ acculturation, perceptions of discrimination, past behavior, objective knowledge, and medical mistrust affect their health inclusion, depending on their blood donation intentions. The results indicate that perceived discrimination and objective blood donation knowledge directly affect donation intentions. Perceived discrimination mediates the relationships between acculturation and intentions and between medical mistrust and donation intentions, and objective knowledge mediates the relationship between past behavior and donation intentions. The authors offer recommendations to policy makers designing social inclusion programs and health service providers designing and delivering targeted initiatives, to better facilitate refugee participation in host country health systems.
... While refugee acculturation is important, host societies are not always welcoming of migrants and refugees (Grove and Zwi 2006;Lamkaddem et al. 2012), as demonstrated by recent anti-migrant sentiment in the EU (Johnson 2012). Refugees, migrants and minority ethnic groups may be treated, or be perceived to be treated differently by members of the host community (Harris, Henderson and Williams 2005;Wilson 2007), which frequently exacerbates negative health participation and interactions (Evans-Lacko et al. 2015;Lamkaddem et al. 2012). ...
... For example, in the 2016 US presidential election campaign, several candidates discussed the negative impact refugees have on the US economy and social structure. Xenophobic behaviors have also increased in the EU (Johnson 2012), partly due to the influx of refugees. Despite these signs, there have been few governmental initiatives globally that target locals' understanding and acceptance of migrants (Jensen et al. 2010). ...
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ECAM - 3rd Axis. As the work for this research axis became huge, now around 150 p., it will come in parts with a extensive bibliography. Part A to come very soon.
Book
Social change and multicultural society in Western Europe against diversity - new right ideology in the new Europe individualism and xenophobia - radical right-wing populism in a comparative perspective the social basis of radical right-wing populism political conflict in the postmodern age.
Article
Historically, anthropology has occupied a central place in the construction and reconstruction of race as both an intellectual device and a social reality. Critiques of the biological concept of race have led many anthropologists to adopt a “no-race” posture and an approach to intergroup difference highlighting ethnicity-based principles of classification and organization. Often, however, the singular focus on ethnicity has left unaddressed the persistence of racism and its invidious impact on local communities, nation-states, and the global system. Within the past decade, anthropologists have revitalized their interest in the complex and often covert structures and dynamics of racial inequality. Recent studies shed light on race’s heightened volatility on contemporary sociocultural landscapes, the racialization of ethno-nationalist conflicts, anthropology’s multiple traditions of antiracism, and intranational as well as international variations in racial constructions, including the conventionally neglected configurations of whiteness.
Article
Are antisemitism and white supremacy manifestations of a general phenomenon? Why didn't racism appear in Europe before the fourteenth century, and why did it flourish as never before in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries? Why did the twentieth century see institutionalized racism in its most extreme forms? Why are egalitarian societies particularly susceptible to virulent racism? What do apartheid South Africa, Nazi Germany, and the American South under Jim Crow have in common? How did the Holocaust advance civil rights in the United States? With a rare blend of learning, economy, and cutting insight, George Fredrickson surveys the history of Western racism from its emergence in the late Middle Ages to the present. Beginning with the medieval antisemitism that put Jews beyond the pale of humanity, he traces the spread of racist thinking in the wake of European expansionism and the beginnings of the African slave trade. And he examines how the Enlightenment and nineteenth-century romantic nationalism created a new intellectual context for debates over slavery and Jewish emancipation. Fredrickson then makes the first sustained comparison between the color-coded racism of nineteenth-century America and the antisemitic racism that appeared in Germany around the same time. He finds similarity enough to justify the common label but also major differences in the nature and functions of the stereotypes invoked. The book concludes with a provocative account of the rise and decline of the twentieth century's overtly racist regimes--the Jim Crow South, Nazi Germany, and apartheid South Africa--in the context of world historical developments. This illuminating work is the first to treat racism across such a sweep of history and geography. It is distinguished not only by its original comparison of modern racism's two most significant varieties--white supremacy and antisemitism--but also by its eminent readability.
Article
Sur une echelle concernant l'attitude envers les etrangers et allant de l'universalisme au differencialisme, E. Todd a place successivement la France, la Grande-Bretagne, l'Allemagne et les Etats-Unis. Le comportement dependrait de la structure familiale, de l'autorite du pere et de l'egalite ou non dans la fratrie. La societe universaliste assimile les immigres qui acceptent les valeurs politiques alors que la societe differencialiste favorise une segregation sociale et politique. La legislation concernant la discrimination raciale differe entre la France et la Grande-Bretagne. La France connait aussi ses ghettos et ses segregations. Une etude sur la maniere dont les preferences de melange ethnique sont transmises a travers la socialisation permettrait de montrer que les differences culturelles dans la xenophobie des pays europeens diminuent