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Abstract

We propose a general framework for integrating theory and empiricism in human evolutionary ecology. We specifically emphasize the joint use of stochastic nonlinear dynamics and information theory. To illustrate critical ideas associated with historical contingency and complex dynamics, we review recent research on social preferences and social learning from behavioral economics. We additionally examine recent work on ecological approaches in history, the modeling of chaotic populations, and statistical application of information theory.
A Prolegomena to Nonlinear Empiricism
in Human Evolutionary Ecology
Charles Efferson1,2,4
Peter J. Richerson1,3,4
1Graduate Group in Ecology, University of California, Davis
2Institute for Empirical Research in Economics, University of Zürich
3Graduate Group in Animal Behavior, University of California, Davis
4Department of Environmental Science and Policy, University of California, Davis
Experimental Nonlinear Dynamics
“ . . . in nonlinear systems one should not necessarily expect data to be simply ‘fuzzy’
versions of some attractor. Instead, one is likely to see dynamics that are mixtures of
attractors, transients, and even unstable entities.”
Cushing et al. (2003)
“One of the features of nonlinearity is that responses are not (necessarily) proportional to
disturbances.”
Cushing et al. (2003)
Consider a world with a large population of organisms and two alternative
behaviors, A and B. Call the proportion of individuals with behavior A at a particular
point in time t
q. Further assume this frequency changes deterministically from one
period to the next according to some convex combination of linearity and conformity1,
(
)
(
)
(
)
{
}
1211
1
+
+
=
+tttttt qqqqqq
λ
λ
,
where
()
1,0
λ
. In short, with probability
λ
individuals maintain their current
probability of choosing A in the next period, while with probability
λ
1 individuals
exhibit a tendency to select the most common current behavior in the next period. In the
long run this system will persist in one of only three states. If the initial frequency of A
1 Strictly speaking, a model of this sort cannot be fully deterministic in a finite population. Feasible values
of t
q will form a lattice in the sense that, in a population of size N, the variable t
q can only take N + 1
different values. Model (x) places no such restrictions of the possible values of t
q, and thus it can only be
approximately deterministic. In a nonlinear experimental environment, one should not trivialize this
distinction, as it can prove critical to understanding the predictive power of a mode (see Cushing et al.
2003, ch. 5). For present expository purposes, assume N is large enough to ignore lattice effects.
in the population is less than one half, the long-run frequency is 0
ˆ
=
q. If the initial
frequency of A is greater than one half, the long-run frequency is 1
ˆ
=
q. Lastly, if the
initial frequency of A is exactly one half, then it will remain so indefinitely.
This enumeration of steady states, however, glosses over their stability properties.
The steady states 0
ˆ=q and 1
ˆ=q are locally stable. They are attractors in the sense that,
if the system starts sufficiently close to the attractor, the system moves toward the
attractor. For example, if we start with an initial value at 0
=
t of 2.0
0
=
q, the system
tends toward the 0
ˆ
=
q steady state through time. An initial value of 8.0
0=q, in
contrast, means the system tends toward the 1
ˆ
=
q steady state. The steady state 2/1
ˆ=q,
however, is unstable. For any value of
ε
±
=
2/1
t
q, where 0>
ε
, the system moves
away from the steady state 2/1
ˆ=q no matter how small
ε
.
In a deterministic world, this distinction causes no practical problems. One need
only characterize the steady states, and all falls into place. Alternatively and more
realistically, imagine a setting where model (x) yields highly accurate but not perfect
predictions. In this case the residual variation is small, and for many purposes the
deterministic model (x) might serve admirably. In effect the deterministic signal is so
strong relative to any remaining effects, which we may choose to model stochastically,
that few interpretive problems arise. If given several replicate data sets with initial
conditions
ε
= 2/1
0
q for some small 0>
ε
, we recognize some probability that a given
time series will tend toward 1
ˆ=q rather than 0
ˆ
=
q. But as long as
ε
is not too small,
and as long as determinism is strong enough, we nonetheless expect the time series to
tend toward 0
ˆ=q in general. In other words, in the long run we expect dynamical data
to be “fuzzy” versions of some appropriately modeled deterministic attractor.
But what if residual variation is large in some particular sense? This difficulty is
intrinsic to high-dimensional systems. Many phenomena involve dozens, hundreds, or
even thousands of relevant causal variables. As scientists, however, we need to restrict
the set of variables under consideration in some way. Given a particular data set,
restricting the set of explanatory variables increases the residual variation. In a static
linear environment, this increased residual variation may not hamper insight. A linear
trend can remain a linear trend even in the face of substantial increases in residual
dispersion. In a dynamical nonlinear environment, however, small differences can have
large effects. In model (x), for instance, 49.0
=
t
q yields a prediction about the future
state of the system that is wildly different from the prediction under 51.0=
t
q. As a
consequence, if residual variation is large enough, one essentially loses the ability to
predict if one only focuses on deterministic attractors. This difficulty is intrinsic to high-
dimensional nonlinear dynamical systems. High dimensionality ensures that a tractable
and thus typically low-dimensional model leaves a noteworthy amount of residual
variation. Nonlinear dynamics, in turn, ensure that small differences, like those due to
residual variation, for example, can yield disproportionately large differences in future
dynamics. Together, these two forces suggest that empirical time series need not be
“fuzzy” versions of a deterministic attractor even if this attractor derives from model that
summarizes important deterministic forces in the empirical system.
Consider, for example, the hypothetical time series in figure (x). An
unconsidered focus on the attractors of (x) would lead us to conclude the model is
fundamentally incompatible with the data. As a strictly deterministic model, (x) offers no
basis for making sense of such a time series. We could alternatively treat (x) as a
conditional expectation for a nonlinear stochastic model. For example, assume we model
the probability that in the next period 1+t
A out of N individuals will choose behavior A,
conditioned on the frequency of A in the current period, t
q. Then our stochastic
nonlinear dynamical model with conditional predictions takes the form
()
tt qAP |
1+ ~ binomial
(
)
(
)
(
)
(
)
Nqqqq tttt ,1211
+
λ
.
Note that this model, although stochastic, preserves the structure of (x) under conditional
expectations in the following sense,
[][]
()( )( )
1211
1
|11 +== ++ ttttttt qqqqAE
N
qqE
λ
.
The difference in terms of confronting data (e.g. figure x) with models, however, is
fundamental. In model (x) stochasticity can move the system away from the attractor.
Moreover, under the right circumstances the system can end up near the unstable steady
state at 2/1
ˆ=q. This unstable entity can thereby affect the dynamics of the system
transiently as in figure x. Moreover, one can show that as
λ
increases the deterministic
forces drawing the system away from 2/1
ˆ
=
q grow weaker, and this fact will protract the
transient dynamics under the influence of this unstable steady state. Now the time series
in figure x is at least interpretable under the deterministic forces summarized by model x.
When we embed these nonlinear deterministic forces in a stochastic model as in (x), we
can tentatively conclude conformity effects are compatible with the data. Initially the
system tends toward the attractor at 1
ˆ
=
q, but subsequent stochastic effects place the
system near the unstable entity, 2/1
ˆ
=
q, which in turn affects dynamics transiently as
t
qlingers near 1/2 under the potentially weak forces attracting the system to other steady
states. At some point the system enters the basin of attraction for 0
ˆ
=
q and escapes the
transient pull of the unstable steady state. Deterministic conformity forces come to
dominate again, and the system tends toward this latter attractor.
In practical terms, this interpretation is intuitive. We recognize that a
deterministic model (x) yields a sharp distinction between 49.0
=
t
q and 51.0=
t
q, but
we can also imagine the response of an actual group of 100 people with two alternative
behaviors. If, for some reason, they end up with 49 out of 100 choosing behavior A at a
given point in time, and if they know this fact, we still would not be surprised if the
system moved to 100 out of 100 choosing A instead of 0 out of 100. A large, probably
extremely large, number of unconsidered forces affecting decision making could produce
this outcome even if conformity is important. If conformity does play some role, the
probability the system will move toward 0 is greater than the probability it will move
toward 100. No matter how small this tendency, if we could replicate the precise
situation above enough times, we could detect the effects of conformity simply by
counting replicates. Nonetheless, as stochasticity becomes more important as we
substitute low-dimensional systems for high-dimensional reality, and as threshold effects
enter the fray due to nonlinearity, the number of necessary replicates becomes
impractically large. The crux lies here; the dynamical interaction of nonlinearity,
determinism, and strong residual stochasticity presents unique problems to those who
would integrate theory and empiricism in the evolutionary social sciences.
Interestingly and not coincidentally, population biologists face the same
difficulties. Recently a group of ecologists and applied mathematicians, Jim Cushing,
Robert Costantino, Brian Dennis, Robert Desharnais, Shandelle Henson, and Aaron King
(collectively known as “The Beetles”), have developed a provocative set of tools for
integrating theory and empiricism in experimental nonlinear stochastic environments.
They study the population dynamics of the flour beetle, Tribolium castaneum, and their
task is a demanding one. Specifically, beetles in the genus Tribolium exhibit a taste for
eating conspecifics, and this cannibalistic tendency creates strong nonlinear interactions
between the different stages in the life cycle. The resulting range of dynamical behaviors
in controlled laboratory environments runs from simple steady states to chaos and in
between includes an exotic and surprising collection of intermediate dynamical regimes.
Cushing et al. (2003) recently summarized a decade’s worth of research to develop and
use a single low-dimensional model to predict, qualitatively and quantitatively, the
myriad dynamical regimes they observe in their experimental Tribolium populations.
Their achievement is stunning. Figure x provides a summary of some of their results.
(Pete, do we have an interest in reproducing some of their graphs? One has to get
permission for this, right? If there are any graphs we’d like to reproduce, I’d say they’re
from Cushing et al. I don’t know if you’ve looked at this book or not, but some of their
graphs are nothing short of mind-blowing. They would show, I think, better than
anything we can say, just how far a concerted research program in experimental nonlinear
dynamics can go, and they would suggest the possibilities with regard to micro-society
experiments. The one problem is that many readers might not understand the graphs. I
don’t have a good sense about this. On the other hand, I’d think anybody could look at
the graphs and see that the predictions match the observations very closely, something
that rarely happens in ecology.) This kind of predictive accuracy rarely, if ever, happens
in ecology, and it is a testimony to how far a sustained research program in experimental
nonlinear dynamics can go.
With regard to the study of human evolutionary ecology, the importance of
Cushing et al. (2003) is primarily methodological. We describe some of their key
methods below and discuss their implications specifically with regard to the experimental
study of social learning and cultural evolution.
Low-dimensional models from first principles. Many phenomena in biology and the
social sciences are high-dimensional in the sense that even in simple systems more causal
variables play a role than we would like to address. As a consequence, a key question,
and one that will figure prominently in our discussion of model selection below, is the
question of how to find a suitable low-dimensional surrogate to examine high-
dimensional phenomena. All else being equal, in nonlinear stochastic settings a
mechanistic model can typically do more with less than a corresponding
phenomenological model. (Why is this? Cushing et al. claim that this is true, and it
seems intuitively compelling to me. But why? See what follows.) Phenomenological
models, though they bring the advantage of flexibility across various applications, they
also bring important costs. In particular, as observed time series become more complex,
phenomenological models typically require an increasingly opaque array of nonlinear
terms to capture the variation. In the limit, one can end up with a senseless model that
does an admirable job of summarizing observed variation. Mechanistic models, in
contrast, . . . (I’m losing it here . . .)
Conditional predictions. Because small differences in parameter values and the values
of state variables can yield large differences in dynamical behavior in stochastic
nonlinear models, one needs some way to prevent even small errors in prediction from
accumulating through time. Nonlinearity increases the chances that, even if a model
predicts well, compounding errors of this sort will lead to predictions that diverge wildly
from the observed time series. As a consequence, Cushing et al. (2003) rely exclusively
on conditional predictions. They take the state of the system in one time period as given
by the actual observed state and predict one period forward only. In essence, if N
tRX
is a vector of random state variables with expected values determined by NN RRf :,
predictions take the following form,
[
]
(
)
ttt xfxXE
=
+|
1,
where t
x are the observed values of the state variables at t. In essence, one uses the
observed values at t – 1 to predict the values at t, and then one uses the observed values at
t to predict the values at t + 1. This resetting process continues recursively over the entire
data set, and allows one to estimate parameters in the model and make predictions
without the potentially serious consequences of stochastic errors accumulating in a
nonlinear environment through time.
Different deterministic entities and their effects. As our exercise with figure x
demonstrates, when stochasticity is important in nonlinear empirical settings one cannot
focus solely on the attractors of a given model. Deterministic entities with different
stability properties can interact with stochastic effects to yield time series with a
historically contingent character. Cushing et al. (2003) find evidence for this repeatedly.
Their solution is to model deterministic and stochastic forces together in ways rooted
firmly in the biology of their study organism. Moreover, once a given model is in place,
they develop various model-specific approaches to examining the effects of different
deterministic entities when stochasticity is important. More generally, Cushing et al.
(2003) do not average the time series from replicate experiments in search of average
trends. Although such a procedure may be useful in some situations, one must recognize
the potential importance of history in a dynamical world, as our own, with a thorough
mix of nonlinearity, determinism, and stochasticity. Averaging loses the information
inherent in history.
Bifurcation experiments. A bifurcation is a change in the deterministic attractor of a
dynamical system as some parameter of interest changes. Although Cushing et al. (2003)
focus repeatedly on the need to expand the study of nonlinear dynamical systems beyond
the study of attractors, the fact remains that their core model is amazingly accurate at
predicting the dynamics of their experimental Tribolium populations, and thus an analysis
of attractors constitutes a crucial part of their general research program. Moreover,
although removing data certainly requires some justification, one can remove transients
from a time series if the particular task at hand requires a focus on attractors. In this
regard Cushing et al. (2003) make effective use of what they call “bifurcation
experiments.” Essentially, given a model of an experimental situation, at least some of
the parameters in the model will be under experimental control. One can vary one of
these parameters theoretically, and the result is a bifurcation diagram. This diagram is a
description of how the set that attracts the dynamical system changes as the parameter of
interest changes. One can then select appropriate values of this parameter from the
bifurcation diagram to implement as different experimental treatments. If the observed
sequence of bifurcations matches the predicted sequence, the bifurcation experiment
represents a severe and successful test of the theoretical model. Figure x shows the
results of such a bifurcation experiment from Cushing et al. (2003). As the figure shows,
their core 3-dimensional model has a remarkable ability to predict changes in the
behavior of experimental Tribolium dynamics as some parameter, in this case the rate at
which adults cannibalize pupae, changes. We suspect that the experimental study of
cultural evolution is a log way from the successful use of such a technique, but we would
like to put it forward as a long-term goal. Before such a goal can be realized, however,
bifurcation analysis must become a central part of the theoretical study of cultural
evolutionary dynamics. We have yet to see a complete bifurcation analysis of a cultural
evolutionary model (Pete, is this true? Is it important?).
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Chapter
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Was macht die Psychologie für die Sozial- und Wirtschaftswissenschaften und umgekehrt, was macht die Sozialwissenschaften für die Psychologie so interessant? Diese Frage ist nicht so zu verstehen, dass „die Psychologie“ oder „die Sozial- und Wirtschaftswissenschaften“ jeweils einheitliche Wissenschaften wären. Vielmehr gliedern sie sich in verschiedene Teildisziplinen und Ansätze. Ich kenne jedoch keine soziologische Theorie, die nicht in irgendeiner Weise wenigstens implizit Bezug auf individuelles Handeln und zugrunde liegende mentale Prozesse nimmt und damit in die Nähe psychologischer kulturinformierter Forschung rücken könnte. Dass in der Soziologie die mentalen Prozesse und in der Psychologie die soziologischen Erkenntnisse allerdings nur implizit oder kursorisch berücksichtigt werden, kann man als eine Aufforderung an die Psychologie und die Sozial- und Wirtschaftswissenschaften verstehen, ihren möglichen Beitrag für die jeweils andere Wissenschaft zu erkennen und zu nutzen.
Book
Game theory, the formalized study of strategy, began in the 1940s by asking how emotionless geniuses should play games, but ignored until recently how average people with emotions and limited foresight actually play games. This book marks the first substantial and authoritative effort to close this gap. Colin Camerer, one of the field's leading figures, uses psychological principles and hundreds of experiments to develop mathematical theories of reciprocity, limited strategizing, and learning, which help predict what real people and companies do in strategic situations. Unifying a wealth of information from ongoing studies in strategic behavior, he takes the experimental science of behavioral economics a major step forward. He does so in lucid, friendly prose. Behavioral game theory has three ingredients that come clearly into focus in this book: mathematical theories of how moral obligation and vengeance affect the way people bargain and trust each other; a theory of how limits in the brain constrain the number of steps of "I think he thinks . . ." reasoning people naturally do; and a theory of how people learn from experience to make better strategic decisions. Strategic interactions that can be explained by behavioral game theory include bargaining, games of bluffing as in sports and poker, strikes, how conventions help coordinate a joint activity, price competition and patent races, and building up reputations for trustworthiness or ruthlessness in business or life.
Article
A summary is given of the results obtained from all fifteen field sites of the cross-cultural behavioural experiments project reported in the book and comparisons are made between them. Two lessons are drawn from the experimental results: first, there is no society in which experimental behaviour is even roughly consistent with the canonical model of purely selfinterested actors; second, there is much more variation between groups than has been previously reported, and this variation correlates with differences in patterns of interaction found in everyday life. The results are thought to bear on fundamental questions about human behaviour and society such as the nature of human motivations, and how these motivations are shaped by the societies in which people live, but the discussion is limited to the implications of the study for rational actor and similar models of human behaviour. The chapter is arranged in eight main sections which: (1) give an account of the cross-cultural behavioural experiments project, describing the main economics experiments used - the Ultimatum Game (only this game was used at all experimental sites), the Public Goods Game, and the Dictator Game - and the locations and characteristics of the ethnographic studies involved (two each in Ecuador, Mongolia, Papua New Guinea and Tanzania; and one each in Bolivia, Chile, Indonesia, Kenya, Paraguay, Peru, and Zimbabwe); (2) present and analyse the experimental results; (3) attempt to explain differences in behaviour across groups; (4) attempt to explain individual differences in behaviour within groups; (5) discuss local group effects; (6) examine experimental behaviour in relation to everyday life; (7) discuss the research methods used and suggest ways that the between-group behavioural differences found could have originated as products of patterns of social and economic interactions; and (8) draw conclusions.
Article
In order to test the proposition that performance in bargaining experiments is significantly affected by degree of monetarization, market integration, and relative westernization, a one-shot Ultimatum Game was conducted during the months of June and July 1998 in two villages in a rural region of Papua New Guinea: Anguganak (where the people speak Au) and Bogasip (where they speak Gnau). Although the villages are located in close proximity to one another and are relatively homogeneous culturally, and both subsist using a mixture of foraging and horticulture and have an elaborate system of exchange relationships, they are distinguished by their average degree of exposure to and integration in a cash-based economy, as well as their degree of education (both are greater in Anguganak). The different sections of the chapter provide: an ethnographic account of the two villages; a description of the experimental methods employed; a presentation and analysis of the results in terms of various indicators of wealth and market integration; and a discussion of the implications of the results. The level of offers made in the Ultimatum Game data combined for Anguganak and Bogasip were between those in western industrialized populations and the Machiguenga of Peru. There was some indication that variability in the level of market integration between the two village populations may have influenced the results, although they appeared to be equally influenced by local beliefs on reciprocity, generosity, and indebtedness, and an unfamiliarity with impersonal transactions.
Article
Experimental results are reported from Ultimatum and Public Goods Games performed among the Machiguenga of the Peruvian Amazon, the Mapuche and Huinca of southern Chile, and US control groups in Los Angeles and Ann Arbor (Michigan). The chapter begins with a brief ethno-historical sketch of the Machiguenga, Mapuche, and Huinca, then the Ultimatum Game methodologies used are sketched and the results presented. Next, the Public Goods Game methodologies used are described, and those results presented - first for the Machiguenga/American comparison and then for the Mapuche/ Huinca experiment. Three findings are emphasized: first, results from both the Ultimatum (bargaining) and Public Goods Games indicate much greater between-group variation than previous work has suggested; second, if individual economic decisions vary as a consequence of differences in individuals' circumstances, then variables such as wealth, household size, age, and sex should provide some explanatory power, but in fact individuallevel economic and demographic variables do not account for much, if any, of the variation found; and finally, despite the failure of individuallevel variables to explain variation, the results seem to reflect group-level differences in the economic life of these groups, as captured in numerous ethnographic accounts. Some theoretical and methodological points related to the findings conclude the chapter.
Chapter
The Ultimatum Game was played with a group of traditional big game hunters: the Lamalera whalers of Nusa Tenggara, Indonesia, whose community is described in the first section of the chapter. The methods used for the study are then outlined and the results presented and discussed. The results were consistent in some ways with those from trials in western societies, with the primary difference that there were a number of cases of hyper-fairness: one interpretation offered of these cases is that the whale hunters made strategic decisions when they made fair offers, but other explanations are also examined on the basis of the results of various crosscultural studies (including those in this book). These focus on the rejection of both fair and hyper-fair offers in the Ultimatum Game (which have been interpreted as indicating an unwillingness to punish), and the issue of the variance seen in the cross-cultural sample in this book in relation to fairness, for which strategic risk reduction is one explanation, but reputation effects are another, and the best model incorporates market integration and payoff to cooperation. The final section of the chapter discusses evolutionary theory and adaptive responses in relation to human cooperative behaviour.