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Unpacking the Strength of the State: The Utility
of State Infrastructural Power
Hillel Soifer &Matthias vom Hau
#Springer Science + Business Media, LLC 2008
Keywords Infrastructural power .State strength .State capacity
States are central to development and human well-being.
1
In Afghanistan, Haiti, and
the Democratic Republic of Congo, which for many contemporary commentators
epitomize weak or fragile states, the inability to provide security and establish a
presence throughout their territory has left local communities vulnerable to warlords
and militias and undermined the prospect of economic growth and basic social
provision. Other states, for instance Nicaragua, Nigeria, and Peru, have been better
able to bring an end to enduring cycles of civil violence and warfare. Yet the
provision of basic security and public goods remains fragmented and confined to
certain territorial areas, leaving out substantial parts of the population.
2
Unlike these
countries, a wide range of others, including Costa Rica and the Indian state of
Kerala, while by no means endowed with a strong state by any conventional means,
St Comp Int Dev
DOI 10.1007/s12116-008-9030-z
1
Some of the examples in this paragraph draw on the work of the Crisis States Research Centre (2005).
2
In Peru the inability of the state to provide for its citizens is reflected in the failed 2005 census, which had
to be repeated in October 2007, and required a national restriction on daily activity for its implementation.
See news.yahoo.com/s/nm/20071021/wl_nm//Peru_census_dc.
The order of authorship is alphabetical. The two editors contributed equally to this introductory essay.
Thanks to Fulya Apaydin, Dan Slater, Daniel Ziblatt, and the two reviewers for helpful comments and
suggestions.
H. Soifer (*)
Department of Politics, Princeton University,
039 Corwin Hall, Princeton, NJ 08544, USA
e-mail: hsoifer@princeton.edu
M. vom Hau
Brooks World Poverty Institute, The University of Manchester,
Humanities Bridgeford Street Building, Oxford Road, Manchester M13 9PL, UK
e-mail: Matthias.vomHau@manchester.ac.uk
have even managed to achieve certain levels of economic and social well-being. To
better understand what enables some states to secure peace and promote economic
growth, welfare, and democracy, it is necessary to sharpen our understanding of
what we mean by weak and strong states by unpacking the much-abused concepts of
state strength and weakness.
When scholars wrestle with state strength, they usually resort to assessing state
capacity, which is broadly a function of state bureaucracy, the state’s relations with
social actors, and its spatial and societal reach. High capacity states are seen as
generally better equipped to establish a monopoly of violence, enforce contracts,
control their populace, regulate institutions, extract resources, and provide public
goods. Analysts view state capacity as crucial to explain outcomes as diverse as
economic growth and development (e.g., Coatsworth 1998; North 1981), democra-
tization and democratic stability (e.g., Linz and Stepan 1996;O’Donnell 1993),
citizenship regimes (e.g., Yashar 2005), social welfare provision (e.g., Skocpol 1992;
Steinmetz 1993), as well as identity politics and political culture (e.g., Berezin 1997;
Kertzer and Arel 2001). Likewise, state capacity has been identified as critical for
explaining variations in state surveillance (e.g., Torpey 2000), nationalism (e.g.,
Gellner 1983), civil violence (e.g., Fearon and Laitin 2003; Goodwin 2001), the
intensity of international wars (e.g., Centeno 2002), and state-sponsored violence
against their own populace (e.g., Straus 2006; Rogers 2006).
Yet scholarly attention to the different dimensions of state capacity has been uneven.
Two broad and well-developed research programs trace variations of state capacity to
the relative autonomy of the state from societal actors (e.g., Bates 1981;Evans1995;
Marx 1978; Nordlinger 1981; Skocpol 1979; Waldner 1999) and the professionali-
zation (or “Weberianess”) of its bureaucracy (e.g., Carpenter 2001; Evans and Rauch
1999;Geddes1994;Skowronek1982; Weber 1968). Beyond these systematic
research programs, scholars explore the manifold impacts of a third dimension, often
called state reach or power.Togivebuttwoexamples,JeffreyHerbst(2000,173)
explores “the inability of African states to project power over distance.”Theda
Skocpol’s(
1979) classic study of the origins of social revolution argues that the
“weakening grip of the civil administration over the country”(p. 74) contributes to the
fiscal crisis of the old regime and plays a fundamental role in its collapse.
A closer examination of these studies—as well as many others—reveals a
common object of study. By state reach,power, and the like, these scholars are in
fact exploring what Michael Mann has called the infrastructural power of the state:
its institutional capability to exercise control and implement policy choices within
the territory it claims to govern. The ability of the state to exercise control and
implement policies varies widely: states that are weaker in this regard are unable to
assess and collect taxes, or even effectively carry out a national census.
3
Despite
Mann’s development of the concept of infrastructural power more than two decades
ago,
4
social scientists have not developed the body of empirical and conceptual
knowledge around it, which has characterized the research programs based on the
3
Centeno (2002) uses the national census as a proxy for the infrastructural power of the state.
4
Mann (1984) first developed the idea of infrastructural power in his 1984 essay, and further elaborated
on it in his two-volume history of social power (1986,1993).
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autonomy and bureaucracy of the state.
5
The goal of this collection of articles is to
provide a roadmap for filling that void, demonstrating the utility of the conceptual
framework of infrastructural power for precisely assessing the reach or power of the
state, and for developing explanations of its origins and effects.
While few scholars have engaged explicitly with Mann’s concept, many have
explored precisely these aspects of the state and its relations with societal actors
under other terminology. For example, Lawrence Boudon (1996: 288) defines the
Colombian state’s weakness as its inability “to establish its legal authority and
legitimacy throughout the entire national territory.”Deborah Yashar (2005:6)
defines the “reach”of the state as its “actual penetration throughout the country and
its capacity to govern society,”which also fits very closely with Mann’s concept of
infrastructural power. The heterogeneity of terminology has contributed to some
imprecision about the meaning of state strength or state power, but reexamining this
body of research with Mann’s concept in mind creates greater conceptual clarity and
generates significant payoffs for knowledge accumulation. In other words, a wide
variety of scholars would benefit from drawing explicit connections between their
analyses and Mann’s framework of infrastructural power.
Many scholars of democracy are concerned with the strength or evenness of the
state. Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan (1996: 11) write, “modern democracy …needs
the effective capacity to command, regulate, and extract.”Democracy cannot be
consolidated where the state cannot reach through society to enforce its policies.
Guillermo O’Donnell (1993) more explicitly explores the territorial aspect of state
strength in his discussion of “brown areas”and the limitations of democracy. A
similar focus on the ability of the state to implement policy throughout its territory
has long characterized the study of insurgency and revolution. A weak state—
lacking those implementation capabilities—determines the presence and persistence
of domestic conflict (Fearon and Laitin 2003) and is a necessary condition for social
revolutions to occur (Goodwin 2001; Skocpol 1979). Scholars also highlight the
presence of the state when explaining its role in influencing ideology and culture
(Wuthnow 1989), as well as defining subjects and social identities (Wimmer 2002).
A state whose coercive and regulatory institutions do not reach through society is
unlikely to develop the symbolic power of being seen as an almost natural force in
shaping the daily lives of its populace (Loveman 2005). Thus, scholars of many
aspects of politics and state-society relations explore precisely those aspects of the
state captured in Mann’s concept of infrastructural power.
The focus of many economic historians on the effectiveness of property rights and
on the public goods provided by the state reveals the importance of Mann’s concept
in that field. For example, John Coatsworth’s(1998) investigation of the roots of
economic stagnation in nineteenth-century Latin America argues that the provision
of security, infrastructure, and other basic functions by states is a fundamental
requirement for economic growth. Analogously, the ability of the state to enforce
laws—particularly the laws governing property rights—is central to Douglass
5
Some scholars have fruitfully employed Mann’s concept. See for example Ziblatt (2006), who shows
that levels of subnational infrastructural power explain the divergent state structures of Germany and Italy,
and Weiss (2006), who shows that increased levels of infrastructural power help to explain economic
development in North East Asia.
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North’s(1981) account of economic development. As such, economic historians are
centrally concerned with the ability of the state to penetrate society and implement
its chosen policies.
In studying this aspect of the state, Mann’s conceptual framework has two
significant advantages in that it highlights the spatial dimension of the state and the
relational nature of its power. The ability of states to carry out their projects is
territorially organized and crucially shaped by the organizational networks that they
coordinate, control, and construct. Thus, examining state infrastructural power draws
attention to subnational territorial variation in the ability of the state to exercise
control and regulate society, and draws scholars to subnational comparison in
addition to cross-national research (see Snyder 2001). For example, the territorial
variation in the power of the state underlies the emergence and persistence of the
Colombian insurgency.
6
The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and
the National Liberation Army (ELN) confront a state that has not built significant
infrastructure in the rural regions of the country, but that remains quite effective in
the major cities—and particularly in the capital of Bogotá. Similarly, cities can also
be places where state infrastructural power is severely limited. In Nicaragua’s capital
city of Managua, security and social provision are confined to territorial pockets
inhabited by elite sectors of the population, whereas in most of the city state power is
eclipsed by social monopolies of violence exercised by gangs and drug syndicates
(Rogers 2006).
The spatial unevenness of the state’s capacity in Colombia and Nicaragua can best
be understood with reference to Mann’s conceptual framework. A focus on the
effects of uneven state infrastructural power directs scholars to subnational
investigation of the dynamics of the state at the local and regional level. A
subnational approach to the state’s ability to exercise control and regulate social
relations is also a central feature of several of the articles in the present collection, in
particular Daniel Ziblatt’s study on public good provision in nineteenth-century
German cities and Daniel Schensul’s analysis of urban development in post-
Apartheid Durban.
Second, Mann’s concept emphasizes the relational nature of state capacity.
Infrastructural power not only radiates from the administrative activities of states, it
is also grounded in the organizational entwining (Gorski 2003) between state and
nonstate actors. For instance, when analyzing the power of local state actors, the
power of the Manchester (England) City Council to initiate and coordinate the urban
regeneration of this old industrial city was significantly enhanced by private support
through institutionalized connections between city authorities and local economic
elites (Kidd 2006). Moreover, state infrastructural power is shaped by the relation-
ships among different state agencies themselves. For example, it is not clear whether
educational bureaucrats and public school teachers in Venezuela will actually submit
to the recent school curriculum changes ordered by President Hugo Chávez. The
relational nature of infrastructural power allows analysts to move past debates that
juxtapose state and society as opponents to examine the varied forms of their
interaction. In this collection of articles, Matthias vom Hau’s essay on nationalism in
Mexico and Argentina develops this point more explicitly.
6
Among many scholars making this argument is Kline (1999).
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Drawing Conceptual Boundaries
The spatial and relational focus of the concept also helps to demonstrate the central
place of state infrastructural power in a variety of research areas without engaging in
the sort of conceptual stretching criticized by Giovanni Sartori (1970), David Collier
and Steven Levitsky (1997), and Gary Goertz (2005). Instead, as the articles in this
issue show, it is important to distinguish carefully between this aspect of state
capacity and others. In particular, state infrastructural power must be distinguished
from the well-developed concepts of state bureaucracy and state autonomy, and from
Mann’s concept of despotic power.
Mann’s conception of the state draws both on Karl Marx and on Max Weber, and
his conception of infrastructural power falls more in the Weberian tradition of statist
analysis.
7
The state’s despotic power refers to the range of policies that it can order:
in Mann’s analogy from Alice in Wonderland, the despotic power of the Red Queen
refers to her ability to order one’s head to be cut off. The extent of the state’s
freedom from societal constraints on policy choice is shaped largely by its autonomy
from societal actors, or the extent to which state leaders can enact their own
preferences into policy. Infrastructural power, which captures the ability of the Red
Queen to hunt down Alice and enforce her decapitation, is related to the extent that
the bureaucracy carries out the policies chosen by state elites. Mann’s two-fold
distinction between infrastructural and despotic power mirrors the distinction
between the bureaucratic capacity of the state and its autonomy.
At the same time, as shown above and in the articles in this issue, infrastructural
power is distinct from the bureaucratic professionalism of the state.
8
While state
infrastructural power focuses on the ability of the state to control and regulate social
relations throughout the territory it claims to govern, Weberianess focuses on the
nature of the bureaucracy. There is a relationship between the training and expertise
of the bureaucracy, and the ability of the state to enforce policies, since policy is
frequently enforced by state agents. Yet, as Ziblatt shows in his contribution to this
collection, we can differentiate between the professionalism of the state bureaucracy
and the state’s power by distinguishing between the capacity of higher level
bureaucrats designing policy and of the lower rungs of the civil service hierarchy
who implement it. While the characteristics of the higher rungs capture bureaucratic
professionalism, the characteristics of the lower ranking members provide
information about the implementation ability of the state.
Although infrastructural power is distinct from both autonomy and bureaucracy of
the state, its relationship to these other aspects of state capacity is more than simply
additive. The essays assembled in this issue suggest some initial steps toward
unpacking the causal relationships between these distinct dimensions, pointing to
avenues for further research. As it stands, the causal impact of bureaucracy on state
infrastructural power remains uncertain. Schensul’s article identifies the Weberianess
8
In other words, there is a distinction between bureaucratic professionalism and state capacity: the latter
encompasses the former as well as the infrastructural power of the state.
7
The relationship between Mann’s framework and Weber’s analysis of the state is developed further in
Soifer’s essay in this issue.
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of Durban’s bureaucracy as a necessary condition for the state’s ability to transform
the city’s spatial hierarchy. Ziblatt also suggests that bureaucratic professionalism (in
his case, at the local level in a federal system) has the potential to generate
infrastructural power. Thus, bureaucratic professionalism is one potential factor
among many possible causes of state infrastructural power. Conversely, the causal
influence of state infrastructural power on bureaucratic professionalism is arguably
more direct. Infrastructural power is crucial for the Weberian performance of state
apparatus. As Soifer argues, the inability of the state to penetrate civil society
through routine communication and regulatory means undermines the construction
of an efficient state bureaucracy. Infrastructural power is perhaps a necessary
condition for bureaucratic effectiveness.
The causal relationships between infrastructural power and state autonomy again
remain underspecified. As Soifer argues when tracing Mann’s genealogy of the
concept, the genesis of infrastructural power presupposes a certain degree of
autonomy of the state apparatus from civil society. Without autonomy from societal
actors, the state cannot be seen to control society and regulate social relations across
its territories. At the same time, the expansion or reproduction of infrastructural
power is not necessarily dependent on state autonomy. As many of the advanced
industrial countries illustrate, infrastructurally powerful states are often characterized
by limited state autonomy. It is precisely the organizational entwining between state
agencies and civil society organizations that is often constitutive of infrastructural
power.
9
One possible avenue for further exploration of this causal relationship is to
identify different kinds of state autonomy and their differential effects on
infrastructural power.
10
Slater’s essay indicates that under certain conditions mass
mobilizing parties engender the expansion of public services, whereas the lack of
autonomy from local elites reduces such an ability for basic provision. A close
entwining of representative institutions with the state apparatus may engender
infrastructural power, while a similar entwining of the state apparatus with specific
elite sectors may work the opposite way.
The contributions assembled here also point to the complex relationship between
infrastructural power and violence. Many analyses of the state—including Mann’s—
begin from the Weberian conception of the state as the monopoly of legitimate
violence. This conceptual starting point poses two distinct analytical puzzles. First is
the question of whether the use of violence in the domestic context by state forces
reflects infrastructural power. Second are the conclusions to be drawn about the
state’s infrastructural power from violence by nonstate actors.
State violence is one way used to exercise control over society and implement
policies. Resorting to coercion reflects a state that lacks the necessary organizational
entwining with civil society to meet its goals. As such, a high level of state violence
does not imply an infrastructurally powerful state. Yet state violence is not
necessarily a sign of an infrastructurally weak state. Even infrastructurally strong
states may resort to force under some circumstances. We can see this, for example, in
9
Schensul suggests in his essay that infrastructural power can instead act in the absence of organizational
entwining (embeddedness or synergy) to allow states to effectively implement policy.
10
We are grateful to Miguel Angel Centeno for this idea.
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the repression exercised by the Pinochet government in Chile after it came to power
in 1973. Although it does not shape the level of violence, infrastructural power may
shape the forms of violence employed by the state. Kalyvas (2006), as discussed in
more detail in Soifer’s essay, has argued that infrastructural power influences the
selectivity of state violence. A comparison of the violence inflicted by Latin
America’s military governments of the 1970s against civil society actors shows that
the Chilean state was more selective and effective in its repression than its
counterpart in Argentina, where a much higher level of violence was less effective in
silencing opposition. The Weberian conception of the state highlights the fact that
infrastructurally strong states have a unique claim to the legitimate violence, yet it
does not shed light on the level of violence that they exercise.
In turn, violence exercised by nonstate actors may be also be shaped by the state’s
infrastructural power. As Matthew Lange and Hrag Balian show in their article, there are
two countervailing views of the relationship between state power and civil violence. On
the one hand, civil violence may characterize infrastructurally weak states, which lack
the power to contain it. Another logic holds that the state’s capability to control and
regulate social relations—its infrastructural power—is precisely the trigger instigating
violence by societal actors. These competing mechanisms complicate the relationship
between infrastructural power and the various forms of civil violence. As with state
violence, violence by nonstate actors sheds no clear light on the infrastructural power
of the state, but points to the need for context-specific analyses of the relationship
between infrastructural power and violence.
Advancing the Study of State Infrastructural Power
The contributions of this special issue are not just a demonstration of the usefulness
of Mann’s concept across a variety of substantive areas. By unpacking state
infrastructural power and drawing its conceptual boundaries, the articles assembled
here also raise broader issues that speak to central puzzles and debates in the study
of the state.
First, the articles’focus on the precise conceptualization and measurement of state
infrastructural power has major ramifications for the study of democracy. Many
works in the political regime literature define and operationalize democracy by
including the effectiveness of government as a key conceptual dimension (e.g.,
Huntington 1968; Inglehart and Welzel 2005; Putnam et al. 1993). Yet, as illustrated
in Ziblatt’s essay on the varying effectiveness of German city governments to
provide public healthcare facilities, the capacity to actually implement political
decisions is an attribute of political authority, and not a regime quality. Drawing a
clear distinction between state infrastructural power and government accountability
helps researchers to disentangle the complex causal relationship between regime
type and state infrastructural power, and suggests the analytical utility of a more
minimal definition of democracy.
For example, works by James Holston and Teresa Caldeira (1998)ondisjunctive
democracy in Brazil or Steven Levitsky and Maria Victoria Murillo (2006) on the
institutional weakness of democracy in Argentina have shown that the state’s ability
to exercise effective control and implement policy may strengthen democracy, while
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the lack of infrastructural power is likely to create obstacles to the stability and
inclusiveness of democratic institutions. In this special issue, Dan Slater’s essay
suggests that the causal arrow can be reversed, and that regime factors can influence
the development of state infrastructural power. His comparative study of democra-
tization in Southeast Asia shows that competitive high-stakes national elections in a
context of robust mass political mobilization can lead to an increase in the power of
the state. Distinguishing carefully between regimes and states allows scholars to
explore the relationship between them, and Mann’s conceptual approach to state–
society relations provides a particularly apt framework for this purpose.
By putting the concept of infrastructural power to work, this special issue also
allows us to highlight two concepts that Mann’s framework fails to sufficiently
distinguish: spatial and social control. In his original definition, Mann emphasized
the inherently territorial nature of state infrastructural power, focusing on the
capacity of state institutions to radiate outwards from the center and exercise control.
As such, Mann ultimately does not clarify whether he refers to control over territory
or control over social relations. Yet, as Schensul’s article shows, the distinction
between the spatial and the social is crucial. Even the presence of “logistical
techniques”such as schools or police officers in the most remote areas may not
guarantee control over society. Schensul’s study of post-apartheid Durban argues
that the preexisting public infrastructure in fact undermined the capacity of the city
government to foster racial integration, whereas previously stateless territories were
those most easily transformed. If we follow Mann’s(1986) approach and think of
society as constituted of multiple, overlapping social networks (pp. 1–3, 13–17),
social control needs to be treated as analytically distinct from spatial control. As
recent examples from the immigration and the nationalism literatures illustrate, states
may employ infrastructural power to exercise control over national minorities
situated outside their territorial boundaries (Brubaker 1996; Fitzgerald 2008). The
actual exercise of state infrastructural power may not only vary across territory, but
also across social categories of membership and exclusion, such as the distinctions
between citizens and foreigners, men and women, or fully included “nationals”and
racial minorities (Marshall 1963; Winant 2001; Wimmer 2002).
11
Similarly, spatial and social control do not automatically translate into the state’s
ability to implement policy, highlighting a tension within Mann’s very definition of
state infrastructural power. Vom Hau’s study of state infrastructural power and
nationalism shows that even though in mid-twentieth-century Argentina the state
marshalled comparatively higher levels of state infrastructural power than the
Mexican state during the same period, the former did not manage to institutionalize a
new national ideology as a hegemonic frame of reference. The improved
technologies of control, such as tax revenues, schools, police officers, and roads
available to the Argentinean state, did not translate into an enhanced capability to
implement its goals. Thus, the ability of a state to penetrate its territories needs to be
analytically distinguished from the ability to implement decisions and put policy to
work, and the geographic pattern of effective power will vary by objective.
12
11
These categorical differences create bounded networks, and the ability of the state to exercise control
and implement decisions across those patterned social relations may vary (see Tilly 1998).
12
We are grateful to James Mahon for highlighting this issue, and for this wording.
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The contributions to this special issue also help to differentiate between state
infrastructural power and public good provision. Mann’s original conceptualization
of state infrastructural power as the capacity to implement decisions blurs the line
between control and provision by including a wide range of policy implementation
under the rubric of state infrastructural power. Again, this is an important conceptual
distinction to draw. Infrastructurally powerful states may or may not employ their
capacities to engage in the creation of public goods. As emphasized by Ziblatt’s
essay in this collection, a public good is one possible policy output sought by state
elites. Likewise, public good provision is shaped by a variety of complex causal
factors, among them the motivations of social and political actors and the
implementation capabilities of state organizations. Thus, state infrastructural power,
at its core, is about the capacity to exercise control. While some public goods, such
as security, provide precisely this kind of capacity, others, such as public sewers,
might not.
13
Another important realm where this special issue moves beyond Mann’soriginal
work is legitimacy. Even though Mann builds extensively on the Weberian definition of
the state, he does not further develop the legitimation of authority in his
conceptualization of state infrastructural power. While it is certainly important to
conceptually distinguish between state infrastructural power and legitimacy, the precise
relationship between the two merits more attention. Supporting beliefs that represent
state organizations as bearers of legitimate authority facilitate the actual exercise of
state infrastructural power. Analogously, state infrastructural power contributes to the
construction of legitimacy, which can be further subdivided into two complementary
but analytically distinct forms, identity legitimacy and output legitimacy. Vom Hau’s
essay emphasizes the former, suggesting that infrastructurally more powerful states
may exhibit the organizational machinery and the territorial reach to instil a sense of
belonging among their citizenry. Likewise, the everyday presence of state
organizations may engender beliefs in the taken-for-granted-ness of state authority
(see also Loveman 2005). By contrast, Ziblatt’s study of public good provision reflects
an output perspective on legitimacy. In this view, infrastructurally powerful states may
be better able to provide certain basic services and goods, which in turn enhance the
legitimacy of state organizations among the citizenry.
Finally, this special issue also points to the complicated relationship between state
infrastructural power and state action. The concept does not capture the goals the
coercive, extractive, and regulatory capabilities of state organizations are used for.
State infrastructural power has been employed for engendering greater well-being, as
well as for committing some of the worst atrocities in human history.
14
Moreover,
there is no assurance that state elites actually exercise the infrastructural power at
their disposal, even if the resources and technologies of control are in place.
13
This distinction is particularly important when evaluating the new institutional economics and economic
history (e.g., Coatsworth 1998; North 1981) and its focus on public good provision as a necessary
condition for economic development. By failing to distinguish between public goods and state
infrastructural power, this literature ignores major motivations for state development by narrowly focusing
on economic growth as the only impetus behind the expansion of state control.
14
It is not surprising then that Mann’s(2005) later work focuses on the role of states in genocide and
ethnic cleansing.
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Therefore, we must empirically distinguish between the resources constitutive of
infrastructural power and the actual use of those resources. It also remains an open
question whether the goals that underpin state action shape the effects of state
infrastructural power. Lange and Balian’s study of the effects of state infrastructural
power on civil violence suggests that it does. Their case study of Botswana indicates
that when state elites used roads, police officers, and schools with the explicit aim of
fostering national development, the containment of civil violence was a more likely
outcome. By contrast, the case study of Burma shows that when state infrastructural
power was employed with the stated goal of suppressing ethnic minorities, it had
conflict-instigating effects. Thus, state infrastructural power is neither good nor bad,
yet the goals for which infrastructural power is used may affect how it is deployed
and the actual outcomes it generates.
15
On the whole, the contributions to this special issue illustrate new and valuable
ways of putting the conceptual framework of state infrastructural power to work.
Covering topics as diverse as democratization, civic violence, race relations,
nationalism, and social development, the articles assembled here carefully unpack
state infrastructural power for investigating the strength of the state. Jointly, these
articles also advance beyond Mann’s initial conceptualization to address distinctions
between state infrastructural power and public good provision; between spatial and
social control; between control and policy implementation; and the relationships
between state infrastructural power and the goals of state elites, legitimacy, and
democracy. The articles, in their substantive analyses of a wide range of geographic
contexts and aspects of social science, thus illuminate the fruitfulness of state
infrastructural power for the precise and nuanced study of the state.
Acknowledgements The editors thank the Weatherhead Center for International Affairs at Harvard
University and the Faculty Development Fund of Bates College for supporting this project.
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Hillel Soifer is a Lecturer in the Politics Department at Princeton University. He previously served as
Assistant Professor of Politics at Bates College. He received his Ph.D. in political science from Harvard
University. His main research interests include Latin American political development and state-building
and comparative–historical methods. He is currently completing a book manuscript on the origins and
long-term persistence of variation in state infrastructural power in Latin America.
Matthias vom Hau is a postdoctoral research fellow in the Brooks World Poverty Institute at the
University of Manchester. He received a Ph.D. in sociology from Brown University in 2007. He is
currently completing a book manuscript, a comparative–historical analysis of nationalism in twentieth-
century Mexico, Argentina, and Peru. His main research interests are nationalism and ethnicity, health
politics, global development, and comparative–historical methods.
St Comp Int Dev
