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International Migration

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... Other theories may explain the interactions between push and pull factors and their influence on the decision to migrate but fail to account for why migration persists even after these factors have diminished. The movement of people from one place to another often leads to the establishment of a process of "cumulative causation" (Brown & Bean, 2006) or what Massey (1987) has termed "chain migration." The study of networks, particularly those linked to family and households, permits understanding migration as a social product-not as the sole result of individual decisions made by individual actors, or as the sole result of economic or political parameters, but rather as an outcome of all these factors in interaction (Boyd, 1989). ...
... The network also provides an important means through which migrants acquire social capital, that is, the repertoire of resources such as information, material assistance, as well as social support that flow through social ties (Brown & Bean, 2006)-which could either be kin, communities, or institutions like churches, mosques, or other professional or religious groups. Network theory is especially useful for analyzing irregular migration because it helps us to understand how migrants get to be introduced into processes, as well as how relationships are sustained over time. ...
... The political economy theory of migration encompasses a larger framework than the network theory: it explains the interplay of factors affecting migration flows and, thus, is considered to be a more holistic macrotheory. In some literature, political economy theory of migration and 60 international migration theory are equated because they share similar features (Brown & Bean, 2006). The political economy theory of migration highlights three principal categories of international migration, namely micro, meso, and macro levels. ...
Book
This open access edited collection explores obstacles that impede, and potential pathways toward improving, the material and psychological well-being of youth in and from West Africa. Contributors range from researchers to practitioners, offering a transatlantic, transcontinental set of perspectives on the mounting evidence that, whether they reside in poor “underdeveloped” or wealthier (OECD) countries, young people who live in poverty and are African-born or of African descent are disproportionately burdened by the global phenomenon of increasing income inequality. Mora McLean is Co-Adjutant in the Office of the Chancellor and Office of Globally Engaged Experiential Learning at Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey, USA.
... Other theories may explain the interactions between push and pull factors and their influence on the decision to migrate but fail to account for why migration persists even after these factors have diminished. The movement of people from one place to another often leads to the establishment of a process of "cumulative causation" (Brown & Bean, 2006) or what Massey (1987) has termed "chain migration." The study of networks, particularly those linked to family and households, permits understanding migration as a social product-not as the sole result of individual decisions made by individual actors, or as the sole result of economic or political parameters, but rather as an outcome of all these factors in interaction (Boyd, 1989). ...
... The network also provides an important means through which migrants acquire social capital, that is, the repertoire of resources such as information, material assistance, as well as social support that flow through social ties (Brown & Bean, 2006)-which could either be kin, communities, or institutions like churches, mosques, or other professional or religious groups. Network theory is especially useful for analyzing irregular migration because it helps us to understand how migrants get to be introduced into processes, as well as how relationships are sustained over time. ...
... The political economy theory of migration encompasses a larger framework than the network theory: it explains the interplay of factors affecting migration flows and, thus, is considered to be a more holistic macrotheory. In some literature, political economy theory of migration and international migration theory are equated because they share similar features (Brown & Bean, 2006). The political economy theory of migration highlights three principal categories of international migration, namely micro, meso, and macro levels. ...
Chapter
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Nigerian youths constitute the largest population in an increasing flow of migration from countries in the Global South to Europe and other countries in the Global North. Using in-depth interviews and focus groups with Nigerian youths, this study explored: (1) the extent to which youths who were susceptible toward migration were aware of irregular migration and conditions that characterize it, and (2) the attitudes and survival strategies adopted by returnee irregular migrants. The study revealed that most of the youths who migrated under irregular circumstances were motivated by economic reasons and influenced by family dynamics and social media. The paper concluded that the perception of youths on irregular migration as survival strategy to escape from the harsh economy in Nigeria had dire consequences.
... Upon arrival, Puerto Ricans must learn to communicate in English and navigate a foreign culture pervaded by racial, ethnic, and class divisions. Recent arrivals may live under particularly unstable conditions as they begin to adapt to a new culture and recover from the costs of migration (Brown, Bean and Nasir 2019). Many Puerto Ricans are drawn to the United States for better work opportunities and wage differentials to improve their socioeconomic outcomes. ...
... The availability of information on residence 1 year ago in P.R. and the United States permitted distinguishing children in long-term migrant families from those in recent migrant families. As the literature notes (Brown, Bean and Nasir 2019), recent migrants may not fare well as they recover from the negative costs of migration. This study supports previous work by finding that children in families that arrived less than 1 year ago to their respective destinations (P.R. or the United States) show much higher poverty rates than families with longer durations of residence or families with no migration. ...
Article
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Puerto Rican children comprise a historically vulnerable group that has garnered little attention from academics and policy makers. Then, Hurricanes Irma and Maria devastated the already impoverished island of Puerto Rico in 2017. It is imperative to understand the demographic, social, and economic patterns of Puerto Ricans in the past decade, in order to assess the true impact of the destructive 2017 hurricanes on Puerto Rican children and their families, and identify ways to address current population needs. This study fills this gap in the literature by providing recent pre-hurricane socioeconomic outcomes of Puerto Rican-origin children in Puerto Rico and the United States. It applies an origin-destination framework by relying on American Community Survey and Puerto Rico Community Survey data from 2012 to 2016. The analyses consider the linkages among family migration experiences, children’s living arrangements, and household poverty levels. The findings are evaluated regarding prior research.
... The climate represents only one of several factors influencing migration decisions (Black et al. 2011a, b;Black et al. 2013;de Haas 2011;Findlay 2011;Hunter et al. 2015;McLeman 2011). As such, it is necessary to control for various sociodemographic factors that influence households' migration decisions (Brown and Bean 2006). Given our understanding of migration as a household-level livelihood strategy, we group control variables into types of livelihood capitals (social, human, physical, financial, natural) in line with the sustainable livelihoods framework (Carney et al. 1999;Scoones 1999). ...
... Appendix 2: Correlation matrix and parameter estimates of control variables Table 4 provides a matrix of correlations of outcome and substantive predictor variables employed in the investigation of the timing of international migration in response to climate shocks from rural Mexico during 1986-1999. The decision to migrate is influenced by various socio-demographic factors (Brown and Bean 2006). Table 5 shows multilevel event-history models, including only household-level variables (Model 1), and then adding municipality-level predictors (Model 2). ...
Article
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Although evidence is increasing that climate shocks influence human migration, it is unclear exactly when people migrate after a climate shock. A climate shock might be followed by an immediate migration response. Alternatively, migration, as an adaptive strategy of last resort, might be delayed and employed only after available in situ (in-place) adaptive strategies are exhausted. In this paper, we explore the temporally lagged association between a climate shock and future migration. Using multilevel event-history models, we analyze the risk of Mexico-US migration over a seven-year period after a climate shock. Consistent with a delayed response pattern, we find that the risk of migration is low immediately after a climate shock and increases as households pursue and cycle through in situ adaptive strategies available to them. However, about 3 years after the climate shock, the risk of migration decreases, suggesting that households are eventually successful in adapting in situ.
... Migrants are self-selected by subjective perception of the environments they live in and it can be said that migration is not a norm but an exception (Martin and Sirkeci, 2015). Movers are often healthy adults in working ages (Brown and Bean, 2006;Yaukey, 2007). Among 3 movers, unmarried are more likely to appear, while families tend to move when they don't have children or when the children are young. ...
... People with not the poorest backgrounds but those at lower middle classes and those from areas with mid level socio-economic development are more likely to move as they are expected to benefit from the move more than others . Referring to the cultures of migration model, many labour migrants come from migrant households whose standard of living is often above subsistence levels but their sense of relative deprivation is stronger than others (Cohen and Sirkeci, 2011;Brown and Bean, 2006;Stark and Taylor, 1989). ...
Book
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Family, marriage, ageing, and poverty are at the heart of migration studies. Human capital, education and employment are of equal importance. The income differentials between immigrants and native populations are widely known and tested in Europe and North America. Immigrants with distinct cultural backgrounds often resort to their transnational networks for marriages. Yet, the host societies may alter the behaviour in partner choice, endogamy and family relations. In this book, we brought together a select group of researchers investigating marriage patterns, family structures, ageing and health concerns as well as educational patterns and career concerns among Turkish movers in Europe.
... In many different studies population size and GDP variables are used in models to estimate migration population size (White and Lindstrom, 2005;Brown and Bean, 2005;Karemera et al., 2000). Traditional demographic datagathering methods (censuses, surveys, or official statistical reports) form the basis of the collection of these classic predictors. ...
Preprint
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With the consolidation of the culture of evidence-based policymaking, the availability of data has become central to policymakers. Nowadays, innovative data sources offer an opportunity to describe demographic, mobility, and migratory phenomena more accurately by making available large volumes of real-time and spatially detailed data. At the same time, however, data innovation has led to new challenges (ethics, privacy, data governance models, data quality) for citizens, statistical offices, policymakers and the private sector. Focusing on the fields of demography, mobility, and migration studies, the aim of this report is to assess the current state of data innovation in the scientific literature as well as to identify areas in which data innovation has the most concrete potential for policymaking. Consequently, this study has reviewed more than 300 articles and scientific reports, as well as numerous tools, that employed non-traditional data sources to measure vital population events (mortality, fertility), migration and human mobility, and the population change and population distribution. The specific findings of our report form the basis of a discussion on a) how innovative data is used compared to traditional data sources; b) domains in which innovative data have the greatest potential to contribute to policymaking; c) the prospects of innovative data transition towards systematically contributing to official statistics and policymaking.
... In many different studies population size and GDP variables are used in models to estimate migration population size (White and Lindstrom, 2005;Brown and Bean, 2005;Karemera et al., 2000). Traditional demographic datagathering methods (censuses, surveys, or official statistical reports) form the basis of the collection of these classic predictors. ...
Book
Full-text available
With the consolidation of the culture of evidence-based policymaking, the availability of data has become central for policymakers. Nowadays, innovative data sources have offered opportunity to describe more accurately demographic, mobility- and migration- related phenomena by making available large volumes of real-time and spatially detailed data. At the same time, however, data innovation has brought up new challenges (ethics, privacy, data governance models, data quality) for citizens, statistical offices, policymakers and the private sector.Focusing on the fields of demography, mobility and migration studies, the aim of this report is to assess the current state of utilisation of data innovation in the scientific literature as well as to identify areas in which data innovation has the most concrete potential for policymaking. For that purpose, this study has reviewed more than 300 articles and scientific reports, as well as numerous tools, that employed non-traditional data sources for demographic, human mobility or migration research.The specific findings of our report contribute to a discussion on a) how innovative data is used in respect to traditional data sources; b) domains in which innovative data have the highest potential to contribute to policymaking; c) prospects for an innovative data transition towards systematic contribution to official statistics and policymaking.
... Second, human movement occurs at a range of temporal as well as spatial scales; it is these more heterogeneous scalar registers that distinguish 'mobility' from 'migration' (Sassen 1998). So, whereas migration is usually taken to be movement by a person across an administrative border of some kind and which lasts for at least a year (Brown and Bean 2005), human mobility may include shorter term movements, such as daily and seasonal movements of people into cities for work, the movements of tourists within and across countries or the hypermobility of elites who traverse the planet for work and leisure. Pacific Island migration patterns include diverse temporal dimensions, ranging from permanent migration to short-term relocation and mobility. ...
Article
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Human mobility over different distances and time scales has long been associated with environmental change, and the idea of climate change is now affecting movement in new ways. In this paper, we discuss three cases from the South Pacific to explain the ways anticipated climate futures are changing mobility in the present. First, we examine village relocation in response to coastal erosion and inundation in Fiji, drawing on our study of the unfolding experience of Narikoso village in Kadavu Province. In contrast to this spatially constrained process of permanent relocation, we examine the spatially extended yet temporally constrained seasonal migrant worker programme that aims to support economic development in the Pacific Islands by providing temporary work visas in Australia and New Zealand. Finally, we examine the likely effects of proposed open labour markets as a means to promote climate change adaptation, through a study of the analogous example of Niuean migration to New Zealand which has resulted in both permanent migration and a slow circulation of people between both countries. Across these examples, we highlight emerging and potentially constructive ways in which climate change is altering the spatio-temporal patterns and rhythms of mobility.
... Such circumstances characterize Japan, whose overall population declined from 127.8 million in 2008 to 126.9 million by 2015 (U.S. Bureau of the Census 2015). Other countries like the United States and many European ones have staved off such an outcome through immigration to sustain population growth (Brown and Bean 2005;Goldin et al. 2011;Coleman 2006) Since this immigration comes from other countries, it diversifies the national-origin composition of the receiving populations, often along ethnoracial and religious lines. Coleman (2006: 419) has termed such compositional transformations accompanying this immigration a third demographic transition, arguing that the changes are to a considerable extent "without precedent, irreversible, and above all of substantial social, cultural, and political significance." ...
Chapter
This paper examines the degree to which fertility and socio-demographic changes are reducing the size of the U.S.-born less-skilled working-age population in the United States. By less-skilled, we mean persons with a high school diploma or less. By consequences of fertility change, we mean the repercussions of both high fertility in past decades (the Baby Boom) and below replacement native-born fertility in more recent decades. By consequences of socio-demographic change, we refer to the rise in the proportion of the population starting and finishing college. In the context of evidence indicating that the relative size of economic sectors hiring less-skilled workers has not diminished in recent decades (with the exception of manufacturing employment), we suggest these demographic and social changes imply that the country will continue to rely on less-skilled immigrant workers. We assess this idea based on analyses of U.S. Census and American Community Survey data for decennial census years starting in 1970 and running through 2010. The results show a net decline of more than 7 million persons in the U.S.-born less-skilled working-age population since 1990, and a looming decline of more than 12 million between now and 2030. Educational upgrading, especially among women, contributes a notable share to these shifts, but so does earlier high fertility (the aging of the Baby Boomers) and more recent low native fertility. Interestingly, the number of less-skilled unauthorized immigrants living in the United States in 2010 is smaller than the decline in the size of the less-skilled U.S.-born working-age population over the same period.
... All models shown in Table 3 control for various socio-economic and geographic characteristics that have been shown to influence international and domestic migration (Brown & Bean, 2006;White & Lindstrom, 2006). Within this, most interestingly for our purposes, our measures of access to migrant networks show the expected directionality, indicating that access to international migrant networks (REMIT) encourages international migration but discourages internal moves. ...
Article
Migration provides a strategy for rural Mexican households to cope with, or adapt to, weather events and climatic variability. Yet prior studies on environmental migration in this context have not examined the differences between choices of internal (domestic) or international movement. In addition, much of the prior work relied on very coarse spatial scales to operationalise the environmental variables such as rainfall patterns. To overcome these limitations, we use fine-grain rainfall estimates derived from NASA's Tropical Rainfall Measuring Mission satellite. The rainfall estimates are combined with population and agricultural census information to examine associations between environmental changes and municipal rates of internal and international migration during 2005–2010. Our findings suggest that municipal-level rainfall deficits relative to historical levels are an important predictor of both international and internal migration, especially in municipalities with predominantly rainfed agriculture. Although our findings do not contradict results of prior studies using coarse spatial resolution, they offer clearer evidence and a more spatially nuanced examination of migration as related to social and environmental vulnerability. Copyright
... Migration in this chapter is defined in terms of temporal and spatial characteristics: it is a permanent or semi-permanent move by a person of at least one year that involves crossing an administrative, but not necessarily a national, border (Brown and Bean, 2005). Permanent migration, as well as temporary and seasonal migration, are prevalent in every part of the world, and are driven by economic and other imperatives. ...
Chapter
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Definition and Scope of Human Security There are many definitions of human security, which vary according to discipline. This chapter defines human security, in the context of climate change, as a condition that exists when the vital core of human lives is protected, and when people have the freedom and capacity to live with dignity. In this assessment, the vital core of human lives includes the universal and culturally specific, material and non-material elements necessary for people to act on behalf of their interests. Many phenomena influence human security, notably the operation of markets, the state, and civil society. Poverty, discrimination of many kinds, and extreme natural and technological disasters undermine human security. The concept of human security has been informed and debated by many disciplines and multiple lines of evidence, by studies that use diverse methods (Paris, 2001; Alkire, 2003; Owen, 2004; Gasper, 2005; Hoogensen and Stuvøy, 2006; Mahoney and Pinedo, 2007; Brauch et al., 2009; Inglehart and Norris, 2012). The concept was developed in parallel by UN institutions, and by scholars and advocates in every region of the world (UNDP, 1994; Commission on Human Security, 2003; Najam, 2003; Kaldor, 2007; Black and Swatuk, 2009; Chourou, 2009; Othman, 2009; Poku and Sandkjaer, 2009; Rojas, 2009; Sabur, 2009; Wun Gaeo, 2009). This chapter assesses the risks climate change poses to individuals and communities, including threats to livelihoods, culture, and political stability. Chapters in Working Group II (WGII) in the Fourth Assessment Report (AR4) identified the risk climate change poses to livelihoods, cultures, and indigenous peoples globally (Chapters 5, 7, 9 10, 16, and 17) and that migration and violent conflicts increase vulnerability to climate change (Chapter 19), as well as highlighting that migration plays a role in adaptation. But this chapter is the first systematic assessment across the dimensions of human security.
... Migration is determined by various sociodemographic factors (Brown and Bean 2006). As a first step in our analysis, we built a multivariate base model to account for the various migration drivers (Table 4). ...
Article
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Evidence is increasing that climate change and variability may influence human migration patterns. However, there is less agreement regarding the type of migration streams most strongly impacted. This study tests whether climate change more strongly impacted international compared to domestic migration from rural Mexico during 1986–99. We employ eight temperature and precipitation-based climate change indices linked to detailed migration histories obtained from the Mexican Migration Project. Results from multilevel discrete-time event-history models challenge the assumption that climate-related migration will be predominantly short distance and domestic, but instead show that climate change more strongly impacted international moves from rural Mexico. The stronger climate impact on international migration may be explained by the self-insurance function of international migration, the presence of strong migrant networks, and climate-related changes in wage difference. While a warming in temperature increased international outmigration, higher levels of precipitation declined the odds of an international move.
... Because international migration is a process influenced by various sociodemographic determinants (Brown and Bean 2006), our multivariate base model accounts for these factors (Table 4). The factors influencing international migration from Burkina Faso and Senegal show considerable similarity. ...
Article
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Studies investigating the connection between environmental factors and migration are difficult to execute because they require the integration of microdata and spatial information. In this article, we introduce the novel, publically available data extraction system Terra Populus (TerraPop), which was designed to facilitate population–environment studies. We showcase the use of TerraPop by exploring variations in the climate–migration association in Burkina Faso and Senegal based on differences in the local food security context. Food security was approximated using anthropometric indicators of child stunting and wasting derived from Demographic and Health Surveys and linked to the TerraPop extract of climate and migration information. We find that an increase in heat waves was associated with a decrease in international migration from Burkina Faso, while excessive precipitation increased international moves from Senegal. Significant interactions reveal that the adverse effects of heat waves and droughts are strongly amplified in highly food insecure Senegalese departments.
... To capture the various factors influencing the probability of an international move (Brown & Bean, 2006), we built a multivariate base model (Table 2). Tests for multicollinearity showed that baseline temperature and precipitation controls for Burkina ...
Article
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Research often assumes that, in rural areas of developing countries, adverse climatic conditions increase (climate driver mechanism) rather than reduce (climate inhibitor mechanism) migration, and that the impact of climate on migration is moderated by changes in agricultural productivity (agricultural pathway). Using representative census data in combination with high-resolution climate data derived from the novel Terra Populus system, we explore the climate-migration relationship in rural Burkina Faso and Senegal. We construct four threshold-based climate measures to investigate the effect of heat waves, cold snaps, droughts and excessive precipitation on the likelihood of household-level international outmigration. Results from multi-level logit models show that excessive precipitation increases international migration from Senegal while heat waves decrease international mobility in Burkina Faso, providing evidence for the climate inhibitor mechanism. Consistent with the agricultural pathway, interaction models and results from a geographically weighted regression (GWR) reveal a conditional effect of droughts on international outmigration from Senegal, which becomes stronger in areas with high levels of groundnut production. Moreover, climate change effects show a clear seasonal pattern, with the strongest effects appearing when heat waves overlap with the growing season and when excessive precipitation occurs prior to the growing season.
... Emerging literature identifies migration patterns as either permanent or temporary (seasonal or cyclic) that may be internal (within a country) or international (across countries) (UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs (DESA), 2011). IPCC describes migration as a multi-causal phenomenon characterised by a permanent or semi-permanent move by a person of at least one year that involves crossing an administrative, but not necessarily a national border (Brown and Bean, 2005). Although historically humans migrated in response to variability in local conditions (Foresight, 2011), earlier streams of research have focused more exclusively on migration's socioeconomic determinants. ...
... We included various control variables, reflecting social, human, physical, financial and natural capitals. These variables have been shown to be important predictors of migration in prior research (Brown and Bean, 2006;Massey, Axinn and Ghimire, 2010;Nawrotzki, Riosmena and Hunter, 2013). Table 1 provides source information and summary statistics on all control variables employed in the analysis. ...
Article
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In the face of climate change-induced economic uncertainties, households may employ migration as an adaptation strategy to diversify their livelihood portfolio through remittances. However, it is unclear whether such climate-related migration will be documented or undocumented. In this study we combined detailed migration histories with daily temperature and precipitation information from 214 weather stations to investigate whether climate change more strongly impacted undocumented or documented migrations from 68 rural Mexican municipalities to the U.S. from 1986−1999. We employed two measures of climate change, the warm spell duration index (WSDI) and precipitation during extremely wet days (R99PTOT). Results from multi-level event-history models demonstrated that climate-related international migration from rural Mexico was predominantly undocumented. We conclude that programs to facilitate climate change adaptations in rural Mexico may be more effective in reducing undocumented border crossings than increasing border fortification.
... Three cases illustrate how the region-specific context uniquely shapes the age and gender profile of a bilateral net migrant flow (Brown and Bean 2006). Age and gender profiles for bilateral net migrant flows may substantially deviate from profiles derived from migrant stock data because net flow profiles investigate changes over time (Rogers 1990). ...
Article
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Although data for the total number of international migrant flows is now available, no global dataset concerning demographic characteristics, such as the age and gender composition of migrant flows exists. This paper reports on the methods used to generate the CDM-IM dataset of age and gender specific profiles of bilateral net (not gross) migrant flows. We employ raw data from the United Nations Global Migration Database and estimate net migrant flows by age and gender between two time points around the year 2000, accounting for various demographic processes (fertility, mortality). The dataset contains information on 3,713 net migrant flows. Validation analyses against existing data sets and the historical, geopolitical context demonstrate that the CDM-IM dataset is of reasonably high quality.
... An important twist in this debate on immigration is the idea that adapting to mainstream U.S. society while retaining aspects of one's cultural values, language, and homeland ties can promote upward mobility (Gibson 1988;Zhou and Bankston 1998;Portes and Rumbaut 2001;Portes and Zhou 1993). Proponents of this process of "accommodation without assimilation" suggest that successful migrants may selectively assimilate (Brown and Bean 2005) and that retaining a "bicultural" outlook-i.e., living between two worldsmay promote overall well-being for recent immigrants (e.g., Zhou and Bankston 1994;Feliciano 2001;Bacallao and Smokowski 2005). For instance, a considerable amount of research has focused on the so-called "Latino health paradox" where the acculturation of Latino immigrants in the United States appears to be negatively associated with certain health outcomes and behaviors such as diet, birth outcomes, and substance abuse (see Lara et al 2005 for a review). ...
Article
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While the concept of transnationalism has gained widespread popularity among scholars as a way to describe immigrants' long-term maintenance of cross-border ties to their origin communities, critics have argued that the overall proportion of immigrants who engage in transnational behavior is low and that, as a result, transnationalism has little sustained effect on the process of immigrant adaptation and assimilation. In this paper, we argue that a key shortcoming in the current empirical debate on transnationalism is the lack of data on the social networks that connect migrants to each other and to non-migrants in communities of origin. To address this shortcoming, our analysis uses unique bi-national data on the social network connecting an immigrant sending community in Guanajuato, Mexico, to two destination areas in the United States. We test for the effect of respondents' positions in cross-border networks on their migration intentions and attitudes towards the United States using data on the opinions of their peers, their participation in cross border and local communication networks, and their structural position in the network. The results indicate qualified empirical support for a network-based model of transnationalism; in the U.S. sample we find evidence of network clustering consistent with peer effects, while in the Mexican sample we find evidence of the importance of cross-border communication with friends.
... Numerous influences, including historical background, political situation, and socioeconomic conditions determine the characteristics of the observed migrant flows (Brown and Bean 2006). Three cases illustrate how the region-specific context uniquely shapes the age and gender profile of a migrant flow. ...
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The demographic features of a growing number of international migrants increasingly impacts socioeconomic development in various countries of the world. However, information on international migrant’s demographic characteristics is sparse. To develop the multiregional population/urbanization projections module of the NCAR Community Demographic Model (CDM) requires information on the age and gender composition of international migration streams. This paper reports on the methods used to generate the CDM International Migration dataset, which contains information on the age and gender profiles of international migrants with approximate global coverage. We employ raw data of gender and age specific migrant stocks from the United Nations Global Migration Database (UNGMD). We derive the highest quality migrant stock data for two time points closest to the year 2000. We reallocate the migrants into standardized age and gender categories by using information directly from the selected file, by borrowing information from files of other years, and by applying aggregated region-level information. After accounting for the impacts of mortality and fertility, we derive the age and gender profiles of net migrant flows between the two time points for each migration stream. The newly generated dataset contains age and gender profiles of international migrants for 3,713 country-level migration streams. Validation analyses against existing data sources and against the geographical, historical, and political context demonstrate reasonably high data quality. This data set not only meets our requirement for population projections, but can also be used for the study of international migration behavior among subgroups of various socioeconomic and environmental backgrounds.
... Migration requires capital, so migrants are typically not the poorest of the poor (Brown and Bean 2006). Indeed, Mberu (2006) observed that migrants have higher living standards (a reflection of financial capital) than non-migrants, primarily due to selectivity into migration status by education and occupation. ...
Article
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Background: Although natural resources play a central role in rural livelihoods across the globe, little research has explored the relationship between migration and natural capital use, particularly in combination with other livelihood capitals (i.e., human, social, financial and physical). Objective: Grounded in the rural livelihood framework, this paper explores the association between the livelihood capital availability, especially natural capital, for migrants and non-migrants in rural Madagascar. Methods: Data from the 2008/2009 Demographic and Health Survey are used in combination with satellite imagery of vegetation coverage (Normalized Difference Vegetation Index, NDVI) to proxy natural resources. Hierarchical multilevel models allow for inclusion of cross-level interactions between migrant status and proximate natural resources as determinants of the status of livelihood assets. Results: Three key findings emerge. First, higher levels of proximate natural resources are associated with greater financial, human, and social capital for both migrants and non-migrants. Second, migrants have, on average, greater financial, physical, human, and social capital than non-migrants, and urban-to-rural migrants do exceptionally well on all capital asset categories. Third, migrants residing in areas with higher levels of natural capital tend to have significantly higher levels of human capital (education). Conclusions: Although we cannot examine livelihood strategies per se, the results suggest variation in livelihood potential among migrants and non-migrants in rural Madagascar, with migrants tending to have greater capital assets. In addition, access to natural resources is a central livelihood strategy.
... The variable was the log transformed to account for the skewed distribution. In the context of rural areas (which tend to be particularly poor), household income should be positively associated with international migration, since it provides the necessary resources to fund such a move (Brown and Bean 2006). ...
Article
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Environmental and climatic changes have shaped human mobility for thousands of years and research on the migration-environment connection has proliferated in the past several years. Even so, little work has focused on Latin America or on international movement. Given rural Mexico's dependency on primary sector activities involving various natural resources, and the existence of well-established transnational migrant networks, we investigate the association between rainfall patterns and U.S.-bound migration from rural locales, a topic of increasing policy relevance. The New Economics of Labor Migration (NELM) theory provides background, positing that migration represents a household-level risk management strategy. We use data from the year 2000 Mexican census for rural localities and socioeconomic and state-level precipitation data provided by the Mexican National Institute for Statistics and Geography. Multilevel models assess the impact of rainfall change on household-level international out-migration while controlling for relevant sociodemographic and economic factors. A decrease in precipitation is significantly associated with U.S.-bound migration, but only for dry Mexican states. This finding suggests that programs and policies aimed at reducing Mexico-U.S. migration should seek to diminish the climate/weather vulnerability of rural Mexican households, for example by supporting sustainable irrigation systems and subsidizing drought-resistant crops.
... Migration requires capital, so migrants are typically not the poorest of the poor (Brown and Bean 2006). Indeed, Mberu (2006) observed that migrants have higher living standards (a reflection of financial capital) than non-migrants, primarily due to selectivity into migration status by education and occupation. ...
Article
Full-text available
Background: Although natural resources play a central role in rural livelihoods across the globe, little research has explored the relationship between migration and natural capital use, particularly in combination with other livelihood capitals (i.e., human, social, financial and physical). Objective: Grounded in the rural livelihood framework, this paper explores the association between the livelihood capital availability, especially natural capital, for migrants and non-migrants in rural Madagascar. Methods: Data from the 2008/2009 Demographic and Health Survey are used in combination with satellite imagery of vegetation coverage (Normalized Difference Vegetation Index, NDVI) to proxy natural resources. Hierarchical multilevel models allow for inclusion of cross-level interactions between migrant status and proximate natural resources as determinants of the status of livelihood assets. Results: Three key findings emerge. First, higher levels of proximate natural resources are associated with greater financial, human, and social capital for both migrants and non-migrants. Second, migrants have, on average, greater financial, physical, human, and social capital than non-migrants, and urban-to-rural migrants do exceptionally well on all capital asset categories. Third, migrants residing in areas with higher levels of natural capital tend to have significantly higher levels of human capital (education). Conclusion: Although we cannot examine livelihood strategies per se, the results suggest variation in livelihood potential among migrants and non-migrants in rural Madagascar, with migrants tending to have greater capital assets. In addition, access to natural resources is a central livelihood strategy.
... For most of the 2000s, immigration continued at the near-record levels of the late twentieth century, although the recession late in the decade slowed the flow. By 2006, the foreign born constituted 12.1% of the American population (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2008c), the highest percentage since the early decades of the twentieth century (Brown & Bean, 2005). The ethnic composition of the immigrant population continued to be heavily Hispanic and Asian, and among Hispanics, Mexicans continued to constitute the largest nationality group. ...
Article
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International migration and its consequences - the integration of newcomers to a society - has, in just a few years' time, developed from a purely demographic phenomenon into an issue that has altered the 'being' of the Western Nation-state in all its facets. The topic largely dominates the political debate in Flanders, Belgium and at the level of the European Union.
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This book compares the post‐war politics of immigration control and immigrant integration in three liberal states characterized by sharply distinct nationhood traditions and immigration experiences. Mapping out the many variations between these cases, it focuses on the impact of immigration in the two key areas of sovereignty and citizenship. The first part analyses the effect of immigration on state sovereignty, arguing that with respect to immigration control, liberal states are self‐limited by interest‐group pluralism, autonomous legal systems, and moral obligations towards particular interest groups – the weight of these factors differing across particular cases. The second part addresses the ways in which immigration impacts upon citizenship, arguing for the continuing relevance of national citizenship for integrating immigrants, albeit modified by nationally distinct concepts of multiculturalism. The book demonstrates the remarkable resilience of these nation‐states to immigration pressures, and makes a powerful contribution to the growing macro‐sociological literature and political science literature on immigration, citizenship, and the nation‐state.
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Debates about United States border control policies have generally ignored the human costs of undocumented migration. We focus attention on these costs by estimating the number, causes and location of migrant deaths at the southwest border of the United States between 1993 and 1997. We document more than 1,600 possible migrant fatalities along the border in this period. More than 1,000 of these deaths were reported by United States data sources, and the remainder were Rio Grande drowning deaths reported by Mexican sources. Additional deaths may go unrecorded because the bodies of the decedents do not come to the attention of government officials. Deaths from hyperthermia, hypothermia and dehydration increased sharply from 1993 to 1997 as intensified border enforcement redirected undocumented migration flows from urban crossing points to more remote crossing areas where the migrants are exposed to a greater risk of death.
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This paper surveys research on the size of the undocumented immigrant population in the United States, the causes and consequences of illegal migrant flows, public attitudes toward unauthorized migrants, and the history of attempts to control the volume of undocumented migration. It concludes that there are powerful push and pull factors that create and sustain the volume of unauthorized migration, that there is little evidence that undocumented migrants have negative labor market consequences despite what the general public thinks, that US policy has been largely powerless to make a permanent dent in undocumented immigration, and that the current level of clandestine US immigration may not be far from what society might view as socially optimal.
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Based on an equation that can be used with available data and that provides a basis for facilitating decomposition analyses, this research estimates that about 2.54 million total (as opposed to enumerated) unauthorized Mexicans resided in the United States in 1996. Comparing this figure with an estimate of about 2.70 million released by the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) during the 1990s, we find that the two estimates involve different assumptions about circular invisible, and ambiguous migrants. Stich differences not only can have important policy implications; they can also be sizable and can operate in opposite directions, as illustrated by findings from a components-of-difference analysis. The results are also extrapolated to 2000, and implications for 2000 census counts are discussed.
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As the number of immigrants to the United States has risen over the past 20 years and as their national origins have shifted to Third World countries, the attention of the public and of policymakers has increasingly focused on the costs rather than the benefits associated with the arrival of newcomers. After a brief examination of the size of the undocumented population in the United States--most of whom are Mexican in origin--the article examines a variety of recent studies of the labor market impact of undocumented immigrants. The wages of such workers do not appear to be affected by their immigrant status per se, and the effects of immigrants (both legal and undocumented) on the wages and earnings of other labor force groups are either nonexistent or small (and sometimes positive). Such conclusions have important policy implications. They might incline one, for example, to be more favorably disposed toward legal employment programs.
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This paper presents a conceptual framework for analyzing international illegal migration from developing countries. The model postulates that the decision to migrate is some function of the expected income differential between the home and destination countries, where this differential comprises not only home and destination wage and unemployment rates, but also two new variables unique to decisionmaking by illegal migrants--the probability of capture and deportation and the degree of wage discrimination against illegal workers. The model implies that illegal migration responds to a variety of economic and noneconomic variables that are either negligible or nonexistent in an analysis of internal domestic and legal international migration. Through a simulation that reflects the current environment in which illegal migration from Mexico into the United States takes place, the model is used to evaluate the impact of the 1986 Simpson--Rodino Immigration Reform and Control Act designed to curb the inflow of illegal migrants through the imposition of employer penalties and increased border apprehension. The simulation reveals some major weaknesses of the legislation.