Article

The Two Pathways to Being an (Un-)Popular Narcissist

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Abstract

Narcissism affects social relationships from the very first interactions. The overall positivity of social impressions narcissists evoke is, however, unclear—with previous research reporting positive, negative, or null effects on popularity at short-term acquaintance. Here we postulate a dual-pathway model, which explains the effects of narcissism on (un-)popularity as the result of two opposing behavioral pathways: assertiveness and aggressiveness. In two studies, unacquainted German college students (N = 100; N = 68) met in groups of four to six persons and engaged in group discussions. Afterward, they provided ratings of each other's assertiveness, aggressiveness, and likeability. In Study 2, we additionally videotaped the sessions and assessed participants’ actual behavior. Results of both studies confirm our dual-pathway hypothesis: There was a “positive” and a “negative” path from targets’ narcissism to being liked or not—dependent upon being seen as assertive or aggressive. Behavioral observations showed that expressive and dominant behaviors mediated the positive path, whereas arrogant and combative behaviors mediated the negative path. Initial (un-)popularity of narcissists at early stages of interpersonal interactions depends on the behavioral pathway that is triggered in the given situational context.

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... Communal behavior is usually beneficial for all involved interaction partners, meaning that if a person behaves in a warm and friendly fashion, this typically brings about benefits for everyone (Abele & Wojciszke, 2007;Hogan, 1982). Accordingly, a general tendency to display communal behavior should positively predict popularity, which would be in line with findings of previous research (Küfner et al., 2013;Leckelt et al., 2015). At the level of the dyad, actors differ in the extent to which they show communal behavior toward particular interaction partners (Dufner et al., 2016), and research on friendship formation suggests that those interaction partners who receive much communal behavior from a specific actor should appreciate that and, as a consequence, uniquely like the actor (Lydon et al., 1997;Park & Flink, 1989). ...
... From this perspective, agentic behavior entails potential disadvantages for the interaction partner, and therefore, it is also conceivable that people who show agentic behavior are liked less. Past research in group settings indicates that people who generally display agentic behavior are also generally liked by others (Küfner et al., 2013;Leckelt et al., 2015). Hence, agentic behavior might have a positive effect on popularity. ...
... Previous studies have reported medium to moderate effects of observer-coded behavior on popularity. Küfner et al. (2013) and Leckelt et al.'s (2015; Study 1) studies, which had designs that were similar to the current one, detected agentic and communal behaviors as predictors of popularity with an average effect size r of .30. Given this effect size and the current study's sample size (N = 139), the likelihood of finding a significant effect (p = .05, ...
Article
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When meeting other people for the first time, how should one behave in order to be liked? We investigated the effects of agentic and communal behaviors on two forms of being liked: popularity (being generally liked by others) and unique liking (being uniquely liked by specific interaction partners). In a round-robin study, 139 unacquainted German adults had dyadic conversations and provided liking ratings afterward. The conversations were recorded on video, and four agentic behaviors (leading, dominant, confident, boastful) and four communal behaviors (polite, benevolent, warm, friendly) were each rated by trained observers. Participants who generally showed agentic and communal behavior were also generally liked (popularity). When participants’ level of communal, but not agentic, behavior exceeded their personal standards during an interaction, they were particularly well-liked by the respective interaction partner (unique liking). The behavioral predictors of being liked thus differ, depending on whether one focuses on popularity or unique liking.
... Communal behavior is usually beneficial for all involved interaction partners, meaning that if a person behaves in a warm and friendly fashion, this typically brings about benefits for everyone (Abele & Wojciszke, 2007;Hogan, 1982). Accordingly, a general tendency to display communal behavior should positively predict popularity, which would be in line with previous research (Küfner et al., 2013;Leckelt et al., 2015). At the level of the dyad, actors differ in the extent to which they show communal behavior toward particular interaction partners (Dufner et al., 2016) and research on friendship formation suggests that those interaction partners who receive much communal behavior from a specific actor should appreciate that and, as a consequence, uniquely like the actor (Lydon et al., 1997;Park & Flink, 1989). ...
... From this perspective, agentic behavior entails potential disadvantages for the interaction partner, and therefore, it is also conceivable that people who show agentic behavior are liked less. Past research in group settings indicates that people who generally display agentic behavior are also generally liked by others (Küfner et al., 2013;Leckelt et al., 2015). Hence, agentic behavior might have a positive effect on popularity. ...
... Previous studies have reported medium to moderate effects of observer-coded behavior on popularity. Küfner et al. (2013) and Leckelt et al.'s (2015; Study 1) studies, which had designs that were similar to the current one, detected agentic and communal behaviors as predictors of popularity with an average effect size of r = .30. Based on this effect size and the current study's sample size (N = 139), the likelihood of finding a significant effect (p = .05, ...
Preprint
Full-text available
When meeting others for the first time, how should one behave in order to be liked? We investigated the effects of agentic and communal behaviors on two forms of being liked, popularity (being generally liked by others) and unique liking (being uniquely liked by specific interaction partners). In a round-robin study, 139 unacquainted German adults had dyadic conversations and provided liking ratings afterwards. The conversations were recorded on video, and four agentic behaviors (leading, dominant, confident, boastful) and four communal behaviors (polite, benevolent, warm, friendly) were each rated by trained observers. Participants who generally showed agentic and communal behavior were also generally liked (popularity). When participants’ level of communal, but not their agentic, behavior exceeded their personal standards during an interaction, they were particularly well-liked by the respective interaction partner (unique liking). The behavioral predictors of being liked thus differ, depending on whether one focuses on popularity or unique liking.
... It is used in a number of psychological and nonpsychological disciplines, including personality and social psychology, educational psychology, clinical psychology, political science, and anthropology, to disentangle the components that underlie interpersonal phenomena. For example, social and personality psychologists use the SRM to better understand liking between unacquainted individuals (e.g., Küfner et al., 2012;Leckelt et al., 2015;Salazar-Kämpf et al., 2018). Clinical psychologists have used the model to investigate interpersonal processes in group psychotherapy (e.g., Christensen & Feeney, 2016), and educational psychologists have examined students' performance in learning groups to determine which students profit the most from such groups (e.g., Horn et al., 1998). ...
... How would an applied SRM researcher currently examine such longitudinal round-robin data? Three approaches have been used or suggested (see also Nestler et al., 2017, for a similar discussion): using multiple cross-sectional SRMs (e.g., Gill & Swartz, 2007;Hoff, 2005), a two-step approach in which time-point-specific SRM effects are estimated and then used in standard longitudinal models (e.g., Küfner et al., 2012;Leckelt et al., 2015), and the social relations growth model (Nestler et al., 2017). Below, we discuss the limitations of these three approaches. ...
... This approach uses cross-sectional SRMs to estimate individual-level or dyad-level SRM effects for each time point. Thereafter, the time-point-specific effects are used in standard longitudinal models such as a growth model or an autoregressive model to examine the respective research question (see Küfner et al., 2012;Leckelt et al., 2015;Nestler et al., 2015;van Zalk & Denissen, 2015, for an application). In our example, a researcher may have estimated the target effects at each of the three time points and entered these effects into an autoregressive panel model in the second step of the analyses. ...
Article
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The social relations model (SRM) is very often used in psychology to examine the components, determinants, and consequences of interpersonal judgments and behaviors that arise in social groups. The standard SRM was developed to analyze cross-sectional data. Based on a recently suggested integration of the SRM with structural equation models (SEM) framework, we show here how longitudinal SRM data can be analyzed using the SR-SEM. Two examples are presented to illustrate the model, and we also present the results of a small simulation study comparing the SR-SEM approach to a two-step approach. Altogether, the SR-SEM has a number of advantages compared to earlier suggestions for analyzing longitudinal SRM data, making it extremely useful for applied research.
... Key features of narcissism include entitlement, dominancy, and superiority, along with the self-centered pursuit of admiration. Küfner et al. (2013) proposed a dual-pathway model for understanding the social consequences of this trait. Here, the social effects of narcissism are conveyed via two paths, one where narcissists are perceived as dominant and expressive, and the other where they are seen as aggressive and arrogant. ...
... Regarding the promotion of problematic trait-based behaviors, it has been argued that stressful and ambiguous situations are associated with the overuse of troublesome behavioral strategies, as such situations can tax the self-regulatory capacity necessary to conceal socially unacceptable tendencies (Gaddis & Foster, 2015). Consistent with this, Küfner et al. (2013) reviewed research showing that narcissism, for example, is more likely to evoke negative reactions from others during intense and ambiguous interactions. Beyond this, at least two other factors are likely responsible for the increased expression and negative consequences of negative traits under volatile, ambiguous, or stressful conditions. ...
... One possible explanation for these effects could be the nature with which high narcissism was behaviorally displayed in our study. Küfner et al. (2013) theorized that narcissism manifests in either agentic or antagonistic behavior, with the former being associated with more positive social interactions and occurring earlier whereas the latter being associated with more negative interactions and occurring during the later stages of social relations. Although teams were actively performing across 6 weeks, perhaps this was an inadequate duration for members with high levels of narcissism to transition from agentic behavior (e.g., assertiveness) to antagonistic behavior (e.g., arrogance) that would damage team functioning. ...
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Despite the well-established importance of team composition, there has been relatively little research that focuses on compositions regarding problematic personality traits. This study examines the impact of Machiavellianism, narcissism, psychopathy, and sadism—all operationalized as team composition variables—on team cooperation and performance over time. This was done in a sample of 43 graduate student teams (n = 269) engaged in an immersive business simulation that unfolded over a 6-week duration. In addition, the parameters of the simulation task were altered midway through the simulation without forewarning, in turn creating a shock event that allowed for an examination of whether team composition for negative personality had similar effects under conditions of business-as-usual versus a disruptive change. Results indicated that both team average Machiavellianism and sadism had deleterious effects on team cooperation and performance over time, while controlling for two closely associated positive personality traits (honesty-humility and agreeableness). These damaging effects were further revealed to especially detract from performance trajectories after teams experienced a disruptive event. Overall, our findings highlight the importance of including problematic personality traits in considerations pertaining to team composition. This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved
... Until recently, grandiose narcissism had been conceptualized and treated as a unidimensional construct. Thus, previous research on the link between narcissism and popularity (Carlson, Naumann, & Vazire, 2011;Heatherton & Vohs, 2000;Küfner, Nestler, & Back, 2013;Paulhus, 1998;Rauthmann, 2012) has mainly focused on narcissism total scores from the Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI; Raskin & Hall, 1979). Empirical evidence and conceptual advances in recent years, however, have converged on the importance of systematically distinguishing agentic, antagonistic, and neurotic aspects of narcissism (Back, 2018;Back & Morf, in press;Back et al., 2013;Brown, Budzek, & Tamborski, 2009;Krizan & Herlache, 2018;Miller et al., 2015;Miller, Lynam, Hyatt, & Campbell, 2017;Paulhus, 2001). ...
... In line with this, the NARC proposes two process pathways that link agentic and antagonistic aspects of narcissism to (un)popularity. Each pathway is defined by specific behavioral expressions, interpersonal perceptions, and evaluation processes Back, Küfner, & Leckelt, 2018;Küfner et al., 2013;Leckelt et al., 2015). ...
... Each pathway is defined by specific behavioral expression, interpersonal perception, and evaluation processes Back et al., 2018;Küfner et al., 2013;Leckelt et al., 2015). Figure 1 gives an overview of this conceptual model. ...
Article
Grandiose narcissism has been linked to initial popularity but to later unpopularity in peer groups and laboratory contexts. Do these effects on peer relationships also emerge in larger real-life contexts and what are the underlying behavioral processes (i.e., behavioral expressions, interpersonal perceptions)? Using data from the longitudinal CONNECT field study ( N = 126), we investigated effects of agentic and antagonistic aspects of grandiose narcissism on emerging popularity in a complete peer network. A cohort of psychology first-year students was assessed with a quasiexperimental, experience-sampling methodology involving online surveys, diaries, and behavioral observations. In contrast to previous laboratory research, narcissism was unrelated to popularity at the level of zero-order correlations. However, results indicated that (a) an agentic behavioral pathway fostered popularity across time, and an antagonistic behavioral pathway drove the long-term decline in popularity, and (b) the two pathways were differentially related to agentic (admiration) and antagonistic (rivalry) aspects of narcissism.
... How successful, then, are narcissists at gaining popularity? The "dual-pathway model" (Küfner, Nestler, & Back, 2013;Leckelt, Küfner, Nestler, & Back, 2015) explains how narcissism may influence popularity in the early stages of relationship formation. This model posits that narcissism can influence the degree to which individuals become popular or unpopular, depending on whether their interpersonal style predominantly manifests in narcissistic assertive behaviors (e.g., dominance, agentic tendencies) or narcissistic adversarial behaviors (e.g., self-centeredness, lack of genuine concern for others, competitiveness, envy). ...
... This model posits that narcissism can influence the degree to which individuals become popular or unpopular, depending on whether their interpersonal style predominantly manifests in narcissistic assertive behaviors (e.g., dominance, agentic tendencies) or narcissistic adversarial behaviors (e.g., self-centeredness, lack of genuine concern for others, competitiveness, envy). Küfner et al. (2013) illustrated the model in research involving college students. In the context of a brief (<15 min) group discussion with unacquainted peers, narcissism was positively related to peer judgments of both "assertiveness" and "aggressiveness." ...
... We found no indications that the popularity of those narcissists whose popularity increased across the school transition waned over time when peers got to know them better. Previous evidence that narcissists can make both positive and negative impressions on their peers was obtained in get-acquainted tasks involving college students who first introduced themselves and then engaged in group discussions (Carlson & Lawless DesJardins, 2015;Küfner et al., 2013;Leckelt et al., 2015). Our results extend this evidence in that they are based on a sample of young adolescents who were followed over an extended period of time, in a naturalistic setting, and following a major life transition. ...
Article
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The dual-pathway model posits that narcissism can both benefit and compromise popularity, depending upon whether narcissists’ assertive or adversarial interpersonal tendencies surface in social interaction. A 5-wave longitudinal study followed Dutch adolescents (N = 322, 53% female, Mage = 12.2) who transitioned from primary into secondary school and examined how narcissism, along with self-esteem (measured at the end of primary school), contributes to cross-transition change in peer-rated popularity. Narcissism predicted rank-order increases in popularity among children with modest self-esteem but decreases in popularity among children with high self-esteem. These effects emerged shortly after the transition and were maintained throughout the school year. The results illustrate how self-esteem can act as a marker for the different faces of youth narcissism.
... Positive associations between narcissism and being liked were also found in other selfpresentational and dyadic small-talk contexts Miller et al., 2011; see Küfner, Nestler, & Back, 2013, for an overview). ...
... There are, however, also a couple of studies that revealed no or even negative effects of narcissism on initial evaluations, such as in ambiguous decision-making tasks (Rauthmann, 2012), get-to-know-you conversations in small groups (Carlson, Naumann, et al., 2011), and intimacy-creating dyadic conversations after ego-threat (Heatherton & Vohs, 2000) (see Küfner et al., 2013, for an overview). Thus, initial impressions of narcissists not only contain 6 positive aspects pointing to a certain charm and self-assuredness but also negative aspects such as arrogance and lack of trust. ...
... In order to resolve these seemingly opposite effects, we propose a dual-pathway account that describes two behavioral process pathways mediating the effects of narcissism on resulting impressions. This model has proven useful in sorting existing findings and to derive novel predictions regarding the factors that moderate the narcissism-impression links (see Küfner et al., 2013, andLeckelt et al., 2015, for details). ...
Chapter
Getting-to-know situations are complex social contexts both for narcissists (who love to present themselves but are not inherently interested in others) and their social partners (who are fascinated but also turned off by narcissists). In this chapter, we give an empirical and conceptual overview on the early impressions grandiose narcissists make. We first summarize the existing empirical findings on the association between narcissism and personality impressions as well as liking at zero- and short-term acquaintance. This research indicates that narcissists tend to impress others despite the fact that others are able to accurately detect their narcissistic characteristics. We then present a dual-pathway framework that organizes these findings and specifies the moderating conditions of more or less positive first impressions of narcissists. The agentic pathway includes the tendency to behave dominant and expressive, which leads to being seen as assertive, which is evaluated positively and, thus, fosters popularity. The antagonistic pathway includes arrogant and combative behavior, which leads to being seen as aggressive, which is evaluated negatively and, thus, fosters unpopularity. Depending on which of the two pathways is triggered more in a given situation, at a given acquaintance level, and by a given facet of narcissism, a more or less positive/ negative association between narcissism and popularity can result. Initial empirical investigations of unfolding laboratory group interactions underline the validity and utility of the dual-pathway perspective. We close with a number of suggestions for future research that applies the dual-pathway perspective across samples, contexts, and designs. © Springer International Publishing AG, part of Springer Nature 2018.
... Grandiose narcissism 2 is a multifaceted construct consisting of several interrelated aspects. Although conceptual and taxonomic questions (as to the exact number, nature, and labeling of these dimensions) are a matter of an ongoing debate (e.g., Back et al., 2013;Barry & Kauten, 2014;Brown, Budzek, & Tamborski, 2009;Miller & Campbell, 2008), researchers have recognized that not all aspects of narcissism are associated with negative emotional or behavioral outcomes (e.g., Back, Schmukle, & Egloff, 2010;Back et al., 2013;Barry, Frick, Adler, & Grafeman, 2007;Barry & Wallace, 2010;Campbell, 2001;Campbell & Campbell, 2009;Rose, 2002;Washburn, McMahon, King, Reinecke, & Silver, 2004;Wink, 1991). These findings have also inspired researchers to acknowledge that the heterogeneity of the narcissism construct has to be taken into consideration when examining its associated correlates (e.g., Back et al., 2013;Brown et al., 2009;Krizan & Herlache, 2018;Miller, Lynam, Hyatt, & Campbell, 2017;Wright & Edershile, 2018), especially in the domain of SECA (Vonk et al., 2013). ...
... Grandiose narcissism 2 is a multifaceted construct consisting of several interrelated aspects. Although conceptual and taxonomic questions (as to the exact number, nature, and labeling of these dimensions) are a matter of an ongoing debate (e.g., Back et al., 2013;Barry & Kauten, 2014;Brown, Budzek, & Tamborski, 2009;Miller & Campbell, 2008), researchers have recognized that not all aspects of narcissism are associated with negative emotional or behavioral outcomes (e.g., Back, Schmukle, & Egloff, 2010;Back et al., 2013;Barry, Frick, Adler, & Grafeman, 2007;Barry & Wallace, 2010;Campbell, 2001;Campbell & Campbell, 2009;Rose, 2002;Washburn, McMahon, King, Reinecke, & Silver, 2004;Wink, 1991). These findings have also inspired researchers to acknowledge that the heterogeneity of the narcissism construct has to be taken into consideration when examining its associated correlates (e.g., Back et al., 2013;Brown et al., 2009;Krizan & Herlache, 2018;Miller, Lynam, Hyatt, & Campbell, 2017;Wright & Edershile, 2018), especially in the domain of SECA (Vonk et al., 2013). ...
... Although conceptual and taxonomic questions (as to the exact number, nature, and labeling of these dimensions) are a matter of an ongoing debate (e.g., Back et al., 2013;Barry & Kauten, 2014;Brown, Budzek, & Tamborski, 2009;Miller & Campbell, 2008), researchers have recognized that not all aspects of narcissism are associated with negative emotional or behavioral outcomes (e.g., Back, Schmukle, & Egloff, 2010;Back et al., 2013;Barry, Frick, Adler, & Grafeman, 2007;Barry & Wallace, 2010;Campbell, 2001;Campbell & Campbell, 2009;Rose, 2002;Washburn, McMahon, King, Reinecke, & Silver, 2004;Wink, 1991). These findings have also inspired researchers to acknowledge that the heterogeneity of the narcissism construct has to be taken into consideration when examining its associated correlates (e.g., Back et al., 2013;Brown et al., 2009;Krizan & Herlache, 2018;Miller, Lynam, Hyatt, & Campbell, 2017;Wright & Edershile, 2018), especially in the domain of SECA (Vonk et al., 2013). According to a recent twodimensional reconceptualization of grandiose narcissism, the Narcissistic Admiration and Rivalry Concept (NARC; Back et al., 2013), the wealth of narcissistic processes and correlates can be better understood by distinguishing between agentic and antagonistic aspects of grandiose narcissism (also see Paulhus, 2001). ...
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Narcissists are assumed to lack the motivation and ability to share and understand the mental states of others. Prior empirical research, however, has yielded inconclusive findings and has differed with respect to the specific aspects of narcissism and socioemotional cognition that have been examined. Here, we propose a differentiated facet approach that can be applied across research traditions and that distinguishes between facets of narcissism (agentic vs. antagonistic) on the one hand, and facets of socioemotional cognition ability (SECA; self-perceived vs. actual) on the other. Using five nonclinical samples in two studies (total N = 602), we investigated the effect of facets of grandiose narcissism on aspects of socioemotional cognition across measures of affective and cognitive empathy, Theory of Mind, and emotional intelligence, while also controlling for general reasoning ability. Across both studies, agentic facets of narcissism were found to be positively related to perceived SECA, whereas antagonistic facets of narcissism were found to be negatively related to perceived SECA. However, both narcissism facets were negatively related to actual SECA. Exploratory condition-based regression analyses further showed that agentic narcissists had a higher directed discrepancy between perceived and actual SECA: They self-enhanced their socio-emotional capacities. Implications of these results for the multifaceted theoretical understanding of the narcissism-SECA link are discussed.
... The relationship between narcissism and creativity has likewise inspired interesting debates (Lebuda et al., 2021). Several scholars suggest no such relationship, in that narcissism may be an inevitable by-product of creative talent (Goncalo et al., 2010). ...
... Narcissists are often described as arrogant, confident, charming, always a leader, have a strong desire to be unique, need attention and admiration, and are likely to take risks (Bogart et al., 2004;Chatterjee and Hambrick, 2011). This trait involves both the bright side of self-enhancement and the dark side of self-protection, characteristics that lead to contrary outcomes in the organization (Küfner et al., 2013); thus, the effect of narcissism on processes and consequences have always been paradoxical. In terms of the bright side, narcissists are highly charming, self-assured, and more successful in shortterm romantic relationships (Rhodewalt and Eddings, 2002;Holtzman and Strube, 2010) as well as humorous (Back et al., 2010). ...
Article
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The relationship between narcissism and creativity has inspired interesting debates for decades. Drawing on a new perspective, the current study tried to explain how narcissism influences others’ creativity evaluation in the organizational context. Based on the theory of impression management, we suggested that narcissism and creativity may have a more complex relationship rather than a simple linear link. To test this relationship, we conducted a survey of 596 subordinates and 60 leaders in three high-technology companies. The result showed that there was an inverted U-shaped relationship between narcissism and creativity evaluation. Moreover, personal reputation mediated this curvilinear relationship and this relationship was significant only when narcissists were low in political skill. Theoretical and practical implications, limitations and future directions have also been discussed.
... In the present study, we examined the role of two personality traits that could underlie such links: extraversion and narcissism. Extraversion and narcissism are two of the most frequently examined and significant predictors of both social media use and social outcomes in in-person interactions (Amichai-Hamburger & Vinitzky, 2010;Amiel & Sargent, 2004;Back et al., 2013;Chen & Marcus, 2012;Hamburger & Ben-Artzi, 2000;Kraut et al., 2002;Küfner et al., 2013;Kuo & Tang, 2014;Leckelt et al., 2015Leckelt et al., , 2018Ross et al., 2009;Ryan & Xenos, 2011;Tosun & Lajunen, 2010;Wyatt & Phillips, 2005). For example, extraversion, which includes being more outgoing and talkative, is associated with both offline and online positive social experiences, such as greater offline and online civic engagement (Elshaug & Metzer, 2001;Kavanaugh et al., 2005;Russo & Amnå, 2016) and communication (Akert & Panter, 1988;Seidman, 2013). ...
... For example, extraversion, which includes being more outgoing and talkative, is associated with both offline and online positive social experiences, such as greater offline and online civic engagement (Elshaug & Metzer, 2001;Kavanaugh et al., 2005;Russo & Amnå, 2016) and communication (Akert & Panter, 1988;Seidman, 2013). Similarly, narcissism, defined as having an excessive positive self-image, feelings of superiority, and desire for admiration (Bosson et al., 2008;Morf & Rhodewalt, 2001), has been linked to indicators of more positive social media use, such as having more friends on social media (McKinney et al., 2012), and more positive, charming social behavior, particularly for more agentic aspects of narcissism such as narcissistic admiration Küfner et al., 2013;Leckelt et al., 2015Leckelt et al., , 2018. ...
Article
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Does how people generally engage with their online social networks relate to offline initial social interactions? Using a large-scale study of first impressions ( N = 806, N dyad = 4,565), we examined how different indicators of social media use relate to the positivity of dyadic in-person first impressions, from the perspective of the participants and their interaction partners. Many forms of social media use (e.g., Instagram, Snapchat, passive) were associated with liking and being liked by others more, although some forms of use (e.g., Facebook, active) were not associated with liking others or being liked by others. Furthermore, most associations held controlling for extraversion and narcissism. Thus, while some social media use may be generally beneficial for offline social interactions, some may be unrelated, highlighting the idea that how, rather than how much, people use social media can play a role in their offline social interactions.
... After some time, narcissistic individuals and their behavior is perceived and evaluated to be self-serving, antagonistic, risky, and financially and ethically questionable. However, some studies found no or even a negative narcissism-status link at the first meeting (e.g., [36,42]) Thus, the Dual Pathway Model has been proposed [1, 31**, 36]. According to the model, one-sided self-presentational situations lead to a positive narcissismstatus link because they (a) evoke or allow for differences in charming and self-assured behaviors, (b) make this behavior salient as an indicator of assertiveness, and (c) emphasize the value of assertiveness (Figure 1). ...
... After some time, narcissistic individuals and their behavior is perceived and evaluated to be self-serving, antagonistic, risky, and financially and ethically questionable. However, some studies found no or even a negative narcissism-status link at the first meeting (e.g., [36,42]) Thus, the Dual Pathway Model has been proposed [1, 31**, 36]. According to the model, one-sided self-presentational situations lead to a positive narcissismstatus link because they (a) evoke or allow for differences in charming and self-assured behaviors, (b) make this behavior salient as an indicator of assertiveness, and (c) emphasize the value of assertiveness (Figure 1). ...
Article
The current review summarizes recent advances in research on personality predictors of status attainment. In line with previous research, recent studies indicate that extraverted and narcissistic individuals tend to attain status in groups. Research on mediating processes includes a wide range of underlying motivational, behavioral, and interpersonal perception processes. Most generally speaking, those high in extraversion and narcissism attain status because they are more motivated to do so and thus display assertive behavior that makes them look competent. Situational contexts, group tasks, and cultural contexts can moderate the personality-status links by shaping these processes. For example, studies inspired by evolutionary psychology suggest that dominant individuals are more likely to attain status when dominance is instrumental to address a threatening environment.
... On the other hand, narcissists also show hostile behaviours (Bushman & Baumeister, 1998;Morf & Rhodewalt, 1993) leading others to see them as aggressive, less trustworthy, or bragging towards competitors Paulhus, 1998), which undermines their social relationships Campbell et al., 2002;Carlson & DesJardins, 2015;Leckelt, Küfner, Nestler, & Back, 2015;Paulhus, 1998). The paradox culminates in the finding that narcissism can simultaneously contribute to being popular and unpopular at zero acquaintance Küfner, Nestler, & Back, 2013). Back et al. (2013) and Leckelt et al. (2015) have recently developed the Narcissistic Admiration and Rivalry Concept (NARC) as a process model that accounts for these diverging behavioural and social outcomes. ...
... The current research offers converging empirical support for all stages of the dynamic of narcissists' motivations and social outcomes, as conceptualized in Back et al.'s (2013) NARC. Furthermore, it establishes envy as a potential emotional pathway connected to this dynamic and suggests that narcissists' cognitive appraisal patterns in social comparison situations contribute to it. ...
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It is widely assumed that narcissists are envious. Nevertheless, evidence supporting this claim has remained elusive. In five studies (combined N = 1225), we disentangle how grandiose narcissism predicts divergent envious inclinations. Specific facets of narcissism and forms of envy shared the same underlying motivational orientations (Study 1) and distinctively related to each other (Studies 1 to 5) via differences in emotional appraisal (Study 4). Moreover, envy was linked to opposing social consequences of different narcissism facets (Study 5). Specifically, hope for success related to narcissistic admiration, predicting benign envy, which entails the motivation to improve performance, translating into the ascription of social potency by the self and others. In contrast, fear of failure related to narcissistic rivalry, predicting malicious envy, which entails hostility, translating into the ascription of a proneness for social conflict by others. These results converged with envy measured as a trait (Studies 1 and 5) or state in recall tasks (Studies 2 and 4) and as response to an upward standard in the situation (Study 3). The findings provide important insights into narcissists’ emotional complexities, integrate prior isolated and conflicting evidence, and open up new avenues for research on narcissism and envy.
... Once others observe such tendencies and inequitable exchanges, they learn to withhold resources so as to restore equity. Similarly, Küfner, Nestler, and Back (2013) explored the decline of positive evaluations of narcissists by others over the course of their interactions. The authors suggested an initial reliance by narcissists on agentic behaviors such as exerting dominance and assertiveness, which then transitions to more antagonistic behaviors like aggression and arrogance. ...
... The authors suggested an initial reliance by narcissists on agentic behaviors such as exerting dominance and assertiveness, which then transitions to more antagonistic behaviors like aggression and arrogance. Leckelt, Küfner, Nestler, and Back (2015) offered empirical support of Küfner et al.'s (2013) theoretical proposal in a longitudinal study that tracked agentic and antagonistic behaviors among individuals (unacquainted) working in groups over the course of three weeks. ...
Article
Shifting from the much-studied five-factor model of personality, this paper focuses on dark personality (i.e. the “Dark Triad”: Machiavellianism, psychopathy, and narcissism) to advance understanding of team composition, processes, and performance. The research responds to a call to explore dark personality's manifestation within – and impact on – teams. Specifically, this paper will examine the impact of within-team heterogeneity in dark personality on team performance, with shared leadership as mediator of this relationship. Additionally, I propose two moderators of the relationship between within-team dark triad heterogeneity and shared leadership – team network centrality of the team member scoring highest on the Dark Triad, and team mean Dark Triad score. This research aims to make a uniquely valuable contribution to scholarship on leadership within teams through bridging literatures on social network analysis, teams, leadership, and the dark triad and should have implications for team selection and performance.
... Pregledom literature, ustanovili smo da se pretpostavljeno sedmofaktorsko rešenje vrlo retko ponavlja, i da su neki autori (Kubarych, 2004), smatrali da se radi o trofaktorskoj strukturi, odnosno da narcizam čine osobine moći, egzibicionizma i posebnosti. Različite provere instrumenta su dovele do saznanja da je sam konstrukt narcizma vrlo kompleksan, i da je poželjno istraživati njegove dimenzije posebnim instrumentima (upitnik za merenje grandioznog -vulnerabilnog narcizma ( Miller et al, 2011); asertivnog -antagonističkog narcizma (Barry & Wallace, 2010;Küfner, Nestler & Back 2013); patološkog i adaptibilnog narcizma (Barry, Frick, Adler, & Grafeman 2007;Barry & Kauten,2014). ...
... Dobijeni profil narcističke ličnosti kao i korelacije narcizma sa ostalim psihološkim osobinama, u velikoj meri odgovaraju profilu asertivnog narcisa. Naime, istraživanja (Back, Schmuckle & Egloff, 2010;Küfner et al, 2013) pokazuju da narcizam sačinjavaju dve dimenzije - asertivnost i antagonizam. Zahvaljujući prvoj dimeniziji, koja odreduje zdrav narcizam, narcisi ostavljaju utisak privlačnih, šarmantnih i sposobnih ljudi. ...
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Dosadašnja istraživanja kriminala, uglavnom su ispitivala etiopatološke činioce ličnosti prestupnika. Međutim, nas je interesovalo da li se subklinički sklop ličnosti ljudi koji nisu presuđeni, može dovesti u vezu sa maladaptivnim ponašanjem, koje (paradoksalno) okolina procenjuje kao uspešno. Pretpostavka je da se u osnovi ovih malignih fenomena nalazi narcistička struktura, koja je grandiozna, sujetna, manipulativna, smatra da je posebna i afektivno je isključena, i kao takva, nosi visok stepen kriminogenog rizika. Takođe, želeli smo da utvrdimo stepen izraženosti narcističkih osobina, kao i opravdanost primene Upitnika za merenje narcizma NPI-40, koji je preveden sa engleskog i modifikovan u petostepenu skalu Likertovog tipa. Testirano je 2243 srednjoškolaca i studenata iz Srbije. Utvrđeno je da Upitnik NPI-40 ima visoku pouzdanost, sa faktorskom strukturom različitom od pretpostavljene, a koja mlade kvalifikuje kao asertivne narcise. Narcizam pozitivno korelira sa makijavelizmom, subkliničkom psihopatijom, željom za slavom, materijalizmom, samopoštovanjem, manipulativnim ljubavnim strategijama, dok sa kognitivnim sposobnostima nema povezanosti. Narcizam negativno korelira sa empatijom i konformizmom, kao i osobinama neurotičnosti. U društvenim odnosima narcizam predviđa emocionalnu distancu, koristoljublje i isključuje prosocijalne obrasce, što čini suštinu maladaptivnih ponašanja. Izraženost narcizma je moguća adaptacija na javno promovisane vrednosti, što ukazuje na pravac institucionalnog delovanja u prevenciji maladaptivnog i kriminalnog ponašanja.
... These two forms of narcissism represent quite different -but not mutually exclusive -social strategies for maintaining grandiose self-views (i.e., an agentic strategy vs. an antagonistic strategy). The NARC model has provided insights into some of the seemingly paradoxical interpersonal behaviors that are associated with narcissism including the tendency to be self-assured and charming (which is consistent with narcissistic admiration; e.g., Campbell & Campbell, 2009;Carlson, Vazire, & Oltmanns, 2011;Küfner, Nestler, & Back, 2013;Raskin & Terry, 1988) as well as defensive, insensitive, and aggressive when threatened (which is consistent with narcissistic rivalry; e.g., Bushman & Baumeister, 1998;Campbell, Bush, Brunell, & Shelton, 2005;Kernis & Sun, 1994;Küfner et al., 2013;Morf & Rhodewalt, 1993;Twenge & Campbell, 2003). Although research concerning the NARC model is still in its earliest stages, narcissistic admiration and narcissistic rivalry have been found to have opposing associations with a wide variety of outcomes such that narcissistic admiration tends to be linked with relatively positive outcomes (e.g., high self-esteem, assertiveness, the benign form of envy, romantic appeal), whereas narcissistic rivalry is often associated with relatively negative outcomes (e.g., unstable self-esteem, arrogance, the malicious form of envy, romantic problems; Back et al., 2013;Geukes et al., 2017;Lange, Crusius, & Hagemeyer, 2016;Leckelt, Küfner, Nestler, & Back, 2015;Wurst et al., 2017;Zeigler-Hill & Trombly, 2018). ...
... These two forms of narcissism represent quite different -but not mutually exclusive -social strategies for maintaining grandiose self-views (i.e., an agentic strategy vs. an antagonistic strategy). The NARC model has provided insights into some of the seemingly paradoxical interpersonal behaviors that are associated with narcissism including the tendency to be self-assured and charming (which is consistent with narcissistic admiration; e.g., Campbell & Campbell, 2009;Carlson, Vazire, & Oltmanns, 2011;Küfner, Nestler, & Back, 2013;Raskin & Terry, 1988) as well as defensive, insensitive, and aggressive when threatened (which is consistent with narcissistic rivalry; e.g., Bushman & Baumeister, 1998;Campbell, Bush, Brunell, & Shelton, 2005;Kernis & Sun, 1994;Küfner et al., 2013;Morf & Rhodewalt, 1993;Twenge & Campbell, 2003). Although research concerning the NARC model is still in its earliest stages, narcissistic admiration and narcissistic rivalry have been found to have opposing associations with a wide variety of outcomes such that narcissistic admiration tends to be linked with relatively positive outcomes (e.g., high self-esteem, assertiveness, the benign form of envy, romantic appeal), whereas narcissistic rivalry is often associated with relatively negative outcomes (e.g., unstable self-esteem, arrogance, the malicious form of envy, romantic problems; Back et al., 2013;Geukes et al., 2017;Lange, Crusius, & Hagemeyer, 2016;Leckelt, Küfner, Nestler, & Back, 2015;Wurst et al., 2017;Zeigler-Hill & Trombly, 2018). ...
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Objective: The purpose of the present studies was to examine the connections that narcissistic admiration and narcissistic rivalry had with various aspects of status. Method: Study 1 examined the associations that narcissism had with the motivation to seek status in a sample of 1,219 community members. Study 2 examined whether narcissism interacted with the status seeking motive to predict how individuals pursued status in a sample of 760 community members and college students. Study 3 used a daily diary approach to examine whether narcissism moderated the associations that daily perceptions of status and affiliation had with state self-esteem in 356 college students. Results: Our results revealed that narcissistic admiration and narcissistic rivalry were somewhat similar in their desire for status but had divergent associations with other aspects of status (e.g., strategies employed to attain status, perceptions of status, reactions to perceived status). Conclusion: The results of the present studies suggest that narcissistic admiration is associated with an agentic orientation to the pursuit of status, whereas narcissistic rivalry is associated with an antagonistic orientation to the pursuit of status. Discussion focuses on the implications of these results for our understanding of the connections between narcissism and status. This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved.
... Interestingly, in a longitudinal study, Ong et al. (2016) found that narcissists initially emerged as leaders within unacquainted groups, but this initial favorability was followed by a decline in peer-rated leadership over time. Küfner et al. (2013) provided a theoretical frame for understanding how narcissistic individuals gain initial favor (due to peer perceptions of confidence and social dominance), but such positive valuations decline over time as the interactions with the leader become more antagonistic and hostile. ...
... However, to date there has been limited empirical research on the impact of DT traits within team contexts. Küfner et al. (2013) proposed a dual-pathway approach for understanding why narcissists are initially held in high regard but their positive evaluations decline with more interactions. They suggest that narcissistic individuals utilize agentic behaviors (e.g., dominance and assertiveness) initially and transition to more antagonistic behaviors (e.g., aggression and arrogance) as interpersonal relationships develop. ...
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Over the last 15 years, there has been growing fascination among scholars in studying “dark behaviors” and “dark traits,” especially as they are expressed in organizational contexts. One taxonomy of dark traits that has garnered special interest is the dark triad (DT), which is comprised of three toxic and malevolent traits: psychopathy, narcissism, and Machiavellianism. This chapter offers a review of DT research, with a particular focus on research relevant to the organizational sciences.Webegin with a definition of personality in general and the traits of the DT in particular, including a discussion of the clinical and subclinical variants of these traits. We then review literature linking the DT traits to an array of organizational outcomes, discuss how the DT traits may be assessed, and conclude with recommendations for future work. Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Organizational Psychology and Organizational Behavior Volume 5 is January 21, 2018. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates for revised estimates.
... All 364 participants (215 women) of the final sample provided complete self-reported personality traits and attended the online Zoom meeting. This sample is larger than usual samples of similar studies investigating group interactions by computing mediation models between personality traits, behavioral measures, and social consequences (e.g., Cheng et al., 2013;Härtel et al., 2021;Küfner et al., 2013;Leckelt et al., 2015;Witkower et al., 2020). ...
Article
This study uses process models of personality to examine the behavioral pathways that explain personality traits’ divergent relation to leadership outcomes in social groups. We applied data from an online group interaction study (N = 364) alternately assigning participants as leaders conducting brief group tasks. We used four types of variables to build the behavioral pathways in multiple mediator models: (a) Self-reported personality traits (extraversion, agreeableness, emotional stability), (b) video and audio recordings of expressed behaviors coded by 6 trained raters (task-focus, member-focus, resilient), (c) mutual interpersonal impressions (assertive, trustworthy, calm), and (d) mutual evaluations of leadership emergence and leadership effectiveness. We find that the examined personality traits differently relate to the two leadership outcomes via the behavioral pathways: Extraversion was more important to leadership emergence due to impressions of assertiveness evoked by task-focused behavior being stronger valued. Agreeableness/emotional stability were more important to leadership effectiveness due to impressions of trustworthiness/calmness evoked by member-focused/resilient behavior being stronger valued. The findings highlight the benefits of a behavioral pathway approach to comprehend the effects of personality traits on distinct leadership outcomes so that leaders are not selected based on who takes the lead, but who leads effectively.
... 从进化的角度来看,人类已经进化出了一种能够最大限度地生存和繁衍的机制,这通常是通过与他 人的互动来实现的 (Leary et al., 2015)。个体往往借助内心的手段以服务于在人际关系中所要达到的目的, 树立一个伟大的自我形象有助于个体通过说服他人相信其高超的能力从而积累社会财富 (Anderson et al., 2012;Dufner et al., 2019;Küfner et al., 2013)。《朱子家训》云:"善欲人见,不是真善"。个体采取善行 并非总是出于纯粹善良的利他动机,也可能是利用可见的善行以提升自我形象,从而服务于自我导向的 动机。 1.1. 炫耀性亲社会行为 亲社会行为指一系列旨在造福他人的行为,它包括广泛的行为,如合作、分享、给予、帮助和安慰 他人 (Batson & Powell, 2003),炫耀性亲社会行为是指有助于提高个体在他人眼中形象的能够向他人公开 展示的亲社会行为 (Johnson et al., 2018; 姚琦等,2020)。研究者们从行为具有的信号属性出发,开始关注 亲社会行为具备的炫耀性特征,譬如:公益捐赠的公开承认、环保产品的炫耀性标识以及炫耀性善行的 可见性 (Grace & Griffin, 2009;Griskevicius et al., 2007; 姚琦等,2020)。 炫耀性特征的关键在于可视性以及被公众感知到 (Grace & Griffin, 2006) (Atlas & Them, 2008;Foster & Trimm, 2008;Miller et al., 2011;Wink, 1991 (Pincus et al., 2009),本研究采用 5 点计分,"1"表示"完全不赞同","5"表示"完全赞同",得分 越高表示自恋倾向越高。在本研究中,该量表的克隆巴赫系数为 0. & Them, 2008;Foster & Trimm, 2008;Miller et al., 2011;Wink, 1991 ...
... Yet, on the other hand, grandiosely narcissistic individuals are arrogant, entitled, and aggressive (Krizan & Herlache, 2018;Miller et al., 2011;Vazire & Funder, 2006). Their popularity with others tends to decline over time, with their relationships being riddled with conflict and exploitative behaviors (Grijalva & Newman, 2015;Küfner et al., 2013;Leckelt et al., 2020;Paulhus, 1998). ...
Article
Little is known about how individuals high in grandiose narcissism think about what could have been. Across four studies (three online surveys and one online experiment; N = 801), we addressed this gap by examining the relationship between grandiose narcissism, its admiration and rivalry dimensions, and counterfactual thinking and regret. Unlike anticipated, high rivalry was associated with more rather than fewer upward counterfactuals in Study 1. Yet, high rivalry predicted an increased likelihood of generating a downward (vs. upward) counterfactual in a feedback situation (Study 3). Moreover, grandiose narcissism (preliminary study) and admiration (Study 2) negatively correlated with regret. Collectively, our findings stress the importance of considering grandiose narcissism’s dimensions separately and highlight a novel dispositional moderator of counterfactual thinking.
... For example, workplaces can incentivize collaboration over competition, make power-related cues less salient (e.g., highlight collective rather than individual achievements), encourage employees to interpret feedback as opportunities for growth rather than a threat to their power, and offer employees the means to pursue power in socially adaptive ways (e.g., by assigning them a leadership position to facilitative withingroup collaboration in the service of between-group competition). More broadly, interventions can inform narcissists about the potentially undesirable interpersonal consequences of the unmitigated pursuit of power (e.g., decrease in status and likeability and a reputation of low affiliation; Carlson & DesJardins, 2015;Imhoff & Koch, 2017;Küfner et al., 2013;Leckelt et al., 2015;Scopelliti et al., 2015). Of course, these are not ready-to-implement interventions. ...
Article
Several theories propose that narcissism is rooted in affective contingencies. Given narcissists' focus on power, these contingencies should be strong in the power domain but not in the affiliation domain. We systematically investigated narcissists' contingencies and explored whether these contingencies might link narcissism to social behavior. In a multimethod longitudinal study, we assessed unidimensional narcissism levels as well as two main narcissistic strategies: Admiration and rivalry. We measured 209 participants' affective contingencies (i.e., affective responses to satisfying and frustrating experiences of power and affiliation) via self-reports (n = 207) and facial electromyography (fEMG, n = 201). In a 1-year follow-up, we observed participants' power- and affiliation-related behaviors in the laboratory (valid n = 123). Results indicated that narcissism was linked to increased affective reactivity to power, and this pattern was present for both admiration and rivalry. Narcissism was unrelated to affective reactivity to affiliation, with an important exception: Individuals with higher levels of narcissistic rivalry exhibited decreased reactivity toward satisfactions and increased reactivity toward frustrations of affiliation. Results were more robust for self-reported than for fEMG-indexed reactivity. Although overall narcissism and narcissistic admiration were related to power-related behaviors 1 year later, affective contingencies did not generally account for these links. These findings inform why narcissists have a relatively strong power motive and why some narcissists high in rivalry have a relatively weak affiliation motive. More broadly, these findings provide insight into the affective contingencies underlying personality traits and call for research on the contexts in which these contingencies guide behavior. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).
... Narcissistic characteristics such as assertiveness, dominance, and power (Bradlee & Emmons, 1992;Küfner et al., 2013) might allow narcissistic leaders to wield significant control over resources or decisions (Chatterjee & Hambrick, 2007;Nevicka et al., 2011). These dominant characteristics might offer a route for narcissists to be perceived as emergent leaders. ...
Article
Objective: Narcissistic leaders’ engagement in strategies of dominance and/or prestige at different times across their leadership tenure could explain why they are perceived favorably as leaders early on, and unfavorably later on. Method: Over a 12-week period, we found that narcissism was positively associated with peer-rated leadership during initial group formation, but not later. Results: Dominance and prestige mediated these initial positive perceptions of narcissists as leaders. However, neither dominance nor prestige mediated the relationship between narcissism and leadership later on. Conclusions: The findings highlight a mechanistic role for dominance and prestige in explaining the rise and fall of narcissistic leaders over time.
... Lastly, we contend that exaggerated self-enhancement will be negatively related to coworker trust. Over the course of a relatively long-term relationship, coworkers may become aware of the dishonesty and baselessness of overstated claims (Jones & Pittman, 1982) and dislike and reject people engaging in exaggerated self-enhancement on the basis of arrogance (Küfner, Nestler, & Back, 2013), thereby eroding the perceptions of integrity that are critical for building trust (Li, 2007;Mayer & Gavin, 2005). Supporting this idea, several studies note that observers may view exaggerated self-enhancement as conceited and immodest (Turnley & Bolino, 2001) and label employees using this form of self-presentation as self-centered braggarts (Giacalone & Rosenfeld, 1986) who are unlikeable and lack integrity (Van Tongeren et al., 2014). ...
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We theorized and tested an integrated model that examines the simultaneous effects of authentic self-expression and self-enhancement (including authentic and exaggerated self enhancement) on employee outcomes. Using a multi-source, two-wave survey design and a sample of 143 working groups from 566 employees, we tested the indirect effects of self-presentation on job performance through (a) trust from coworkers and (b) felt trust from coworkers. We found that through trust from coworkers, authentic self-expression had a positive indirect effect on job performance, whereas authentic and exaggerated self-enhancement had negative indirect effects. Via felt trust from coworkers, authentic self-enhancement had a positive indirect effect on job performance, whereas exaggerated self-enhancement had a negative indirect effect. In addition, we identified a boundary condition of these relationships. The positive relationship between authentic self-expression and trust from coworkers and the negative relationship between exaggerated self-enhancement and trust from coworkers were stronger when working for highly authentic leaders. Contrary to expectations, the relationship between authentic self-enhancement and trust from coworkers was negative and significant when working for less authentic leaders.
... This creation of a harmless workplace persona indicates that coworkers and supervisors should come to believe that a high-low individual is essentially no different than a low-low individual when it comes to their behaviors and interplay with others. Although the long-term trend indicates that an ability to maintain this harmless persona is not sustainable, there are instances in which these strategies work-at least temporarily (e.g., Kufner et al., 2012). ...
Article
Previous research examining the Dark Triad (DT) of personality (i.e., Machiavellianism, narcissism and psychopathy) in the workplace has theorized and assessed the DT almost exclusively from a “self” view perspective (e.g., self‐ratings). In this paper, we extend what is known about dark personality by drawing from socioanalytic theory to make the case that the identity (i.e., “self” view) and reputation (i.e., “other” view) elements of the DT are distinct and complimentary concepts that must be examined in concert. Specifically, we hypothesize and demonstrate that understanding the interaction of identity‐based DT and reputation‐based DT enhances our ability to predict supervisor‐rated organizational citizenship behavior (OCB). Utilizing response surface techniques to test our hypotheses, we demonstrate that significant differences exist between different combinations of identity‐ and reputation‐based assessments of the DT and their relationship with OCB. More specifically, we find that supervisor‐rated citizenship decreases at an accelerating rate when both self‐views and coworker‐views of the DT are considered. As such, accounting for DT identity and reputation simultaneously provides a more comprehensive understanding of how the DT relates to OCB. Therefore, we show that reputation‐based aspects of the DT, in concert with identity‐based DT, enhance our knowledge about how dark personality impacts OCB.
... Research (Furnham & Crump, 2014) showed that bold individuals have moderately high scores on assertiveness, competence and achievement striving. Research also showed that narcissists behave more dominantly and expressively and are judged as assertive, which leads to positive perceptions and popularity (Küfner, Nestler, & Back, 2013). ...
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Disturbances in emotion are associated with the most of the diagnostic criteria of the personality disorders, though the role of emotional intelligence in the diagnosis of personality disorders has been the subject of limited research. The present study was designed to investigate the relationships between trait emotional intelligence (trait EI) and personality disorder symptomatology in an undergraduate student sample. One hundred and twenty university students (28.3% male and 71.7 % female; M of age = 19.23, SD=2.45) were administered with (1) Trait Emotional Intelligence Questionnaire (TEIQue) (Petrides, 2009), along with (2) The Personality Disorder Questionnaire-4 (PDQ-4) (Hyler E. Steven, 1994). A multivariate analysis of variance revealed a significant main effect for group with individuals without any personality disorder symptomatology scoring significantly higher than individuals with some personality accentuations on most TEIQue facets. The results suggest that different components of emotional intelligence contribute to the development of different personality disorder symptomatology, but more research is required to replicate the results with the clinical population. Key words: emotional intelligence, personality disorders.
... In a rebuttal to Taylor and Brown's (1988) observation that self-enhancement is universal and beneficial, Colvin, Block, & Funder (1995) argue that overly positive self-evaluations link with undesirable personality variables, including narcissism and antisocial traits. Moreover, narcissisman excess of self-enhancement marked by self-aggrandizement and egocentrism -presents as a manipulative interpersonal style (Morf, Horvath, & Torchetti, 2011;Paulhus, Westlake, Calvez, & Harms, 2013), related to reduced empathy (Hepper, Hart, & Sedikides, 2014), and increased antagonism (Küfner, Nestler, & Back, 2013) and aggression (Bushman & Baumeister, 1998). As Paulhus observes (1998), it is likely that self-enhancement in moderation is protective of mental health; however, more extreme and chronic self-enhancers may experience worse psychological well-being through increased interpersonal problems. ...
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Some research suggests that self-enhancement is widespread and may exacerbate ingroup favoritism. What if, rather than engaging in self-enhancement, individuals focused on enhancing others? Could enhancing others produce less prejudice than self-enhancement? Three studies tested the effect of self-enhancement versus ‘other-enhancement’ on prejudice. In Study 1 (N=95), a repeated measures design showed that participants demonstrated less negative affect and less implicit bias after reflecting on another person’s positive traits relative to their own. In Study 2 (N=169), we extended this effect to outgroup enhancement. Participants who reflected on an outgroup strength showed less negative affect and less racism than those who reflected on an ingroup strength and those in a comparison condition. Study 3 (N=380) validated these experimental effects by showing that other-enhancement is negatively associated with racism and sexism, whereas self-enhancement is not. Study 3 also examined a theorized antecedent of other-enhancement – humility. We discuss the importance of enhancing others in reducing prejudice.
... For example, future studies might attempt more often to analyze and compare accuracy levels and underlying cue processes across different trait-expression contexts and information channels (see e.g., Hirschmüller et al., 2015;Kaurin, Heil, Wessa, Egloff, & Hirschmüller, 2018). We suggest that future research also places more emphasis on the identification of robust cues involved in personality expression and impression formation separately for traits as well as the replication of the identified trait-related cues across target samples and situations (e.g., see Küfner, Nestler, & Back, 2013) and their eventual meta-analytic integration (cf. Ch. 13 by Breil et al. in this handbook). ...
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In this chapter, we present variants of Brunswik’s lens model aimed to understand whether, when, and why trait judgments are more or less accurate. After outlining the basic concepts of lens models, we describe exemplary studies which have applied the lens model to unravel personality expression and impression formation processes that lead to more or less accurate judgments. Next, we give an overview on factors that can influence the accuracy of trait judgments and explain these accuracy moderators within the lens model framework. We then describe an extension of the lens model, the dual lens model, that differentiates more controlled versus more automatic aspects on all levels of the lens model (i.e., personality self-concept, cues, personality judgments). We also briefly summarize further extensions and highlight the lens model as a flexible tool to study cue processes underlying accuracy and related interpersonal perception phenomena. Finally, we conclude the chapter by outlining suggestions for future lens model applications in accuracy research.
... Self-presentational, and short-term acquaintance contexts, for example, foster positive effects of narcissism on peer popularity via an agentic pathway (behaving self-assured and being perceived as assertive). In PERSONALITY AND SOCIAL INTERACTION 34 contrast, more intimate, intense, and longer-term acquaintance contexts foster negative effects of narcissism on peer popularity via an antagonistic pathway (behaving combative and being perceived as aggressive/uncommunal) Küfner et al., 2013;Leckelt et al., 2015;Leckelt et al., in press). Generally speaking, the more outcomes belong to the "getting ahead" domain (e.g., status, leadership emergence; evaluations in more superficial and selfpresentational short-term acquaintance contexts), the stronger are effects of agentic traits such as interpersonal dominance and extraversion. ...
Chapter
Social interactions are one of the most relevant contexts of our lives and they are intimately connected to the conceptualization, dynamics, development, and consequences of personality. In this chapter, I will first analyze the way social interactions unfold via interaction states of all interaction partners and describe how people differ in social interaction processes. Following the PERSOC model, I will argue that these individual differences are a key window to understanding the nature of some of the most popular personality traits (e.g., extraversion, dominance, shyness, agreeableness, narcissism), as well as their effects on and development in social relationships. Empirical research on individual differences in interaction state levels, contingencies, and fluctuations is summarized. In closing, I describe a couple of current limitations, and outline perspectives for understanding and assessing personality traits as dynamic social interaction systems.
... This process can be traced back to the dimensions of narcissism proposed in the NARC: Narcissistic admiration is responsible for the initial positive effects of narcissism in interpersonal relationships, explained by dominant, expressive behavior and being perceived as assertive. By contrast, the negative long-term effects hail from narcissistic rivalry, manifested in exploitative, arrogant behavior and being perceived as aggressive Küfner et al. 2013;Wurst et al. 2017). Whereas the positive effects of narcissistic admiration decrease with time, the negative effects of narcissistic rivalry increase (Leckelt et al. 2015). ...
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Individuals with high levels of narcissism often ascend to leadership positions. Whereas there is evidence that narcissism is linked to unethical behavior and negative social outcomes, the effects of leader narcissism on an organization’s most important resource—its employees—have not yet been studied thoroughly. Using theoretical assumptions of the Narcissistic Admiration and Rivalry Concept (NARC) and social exchange theories, we examined how leaders’ narcissistic rivalry was related to follower outcomes in a sample of matched leaders and followers. Followers of leaders high in narcissistic rivalry reported less perceived supervisor support, lower quality leader-member relationships, lower performance-based self-esteem, and lower job engagement. These effects were only found when follower-rated leaders’ narcissistic rivalry was used in the model but not when self-rated leaders’ narcissistic rivalry was used as a predictor. This implies that the negative effects of leaders’ narcissistic rivalry on followers are driven by the expression of narcissistic tendencies (i.e., destructive leader behavior). Leader development should thus focus on changing destructive leader behavior. We propose that leaders high in narcissistic rivalry can be motivated to make such changes by showing them that by hurting their followers, they will eventually undermine their own reputation and status. Furthermore, selection and promotion practices should incorporate objective measures to weaken the effects of narcissists’ self-promotional tactics in these contexts and thus prevent people high in narcissistic rivalry from rising to leadership positions.
... Self-presentational, and short-term acquaintance contexts, for example, foster positive effects of narcissism on peer popularity via an agentic pathway (behaving self-assured and being perceived as assertive). In PERSONALITY AND SOCIAL INTERACTION 34 contrast, more intimate, intense, and longer-term acquaintance contexts foster negative effects of narcissism on peer popularity via an antagonistic pathway (behaving combative and being perceived as aggressive/uncommunal) Küfner et al., 2013;Leckelt et al., 2015;Leckelt et al., in press). Generally speaking, the more outcomes belong to the "getting ahead" domain (e.g., status, leadership emergence; evaluations in more superficial and selfpresentational short-term acquaintance contexts), the stronger are effects of agentic traits such as interpersonal dominance and extraversion. ...
Preprint
Social interactions are one of the most relevant contexts of our lives and they are intimately connected to the conceptualization, dynamics, development, and consequences of personality. In this chapter, I will first analyze the way social interactions unfold via interaction states of all interaction partners and describe how people differ in social interaction processes. Following the PERSOC model, I will argue that these individual differences are a key window to understanding the nature of some of the most popular personality traits (e.g., extraversion, dominance, shyness, agreeableness, narcissism), as well as their effects on and development in social relationships. Empirical research on individual differences in interaction state levels, contingencies, and fluctuations is summarized. In closing, I describe a couple of current limitations, and outline perspectives for understanding and assessing personality traits as dynamic social interaction systems.
... Studies focusing on the formation of affiliative bonds among previously unacquainted individuals found that, at early stages of acquaintance, narcissists were more likely to increase in status and likability. However, as interactions grew more intimate, narcissists were more likely to lose their initially high status and to become less trusted and liked over time, especially because of their antagonistic behaviors (Carlson & Lawless DesJardins, 2015;Küfner, Nestler, & Back, 2013;Leckelt et al., 2015;Paulhus, 1998). Therefore, narcissistic status strivings in affiliative settings might be less successful in garnering a long-term advantage in social status, while often damaging interpersonal bonds. ...
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We propose a self-regulation model of grandiose narcissism. This model illustrates an interconnected set of processes through which narcissists (i.e., individuals with relatively high levels of grandiose narcissism) pursue social status in their moment-by-moment transactions with their environments. The model shows that narcissists select situations that afford status. Narcissists vigilantly attend to cues related to the status they and others have in these situations and, on the basis of these perceived cues, appraise whether they can elevate their status or reduce the status of others. Narcissists engage in self-promotion (admiration pathway) or other-derogation (rivalry pathway) in accordance with these appraisals. Each pathway has unique consequences for how narcissists are perceived by others, thus shaping their social status over time. The model demonstrates how narcissism manifests itself as a stable and consistent cluster of behaviors in pursuit of social status and how it develops and maintains itself over time. More broadly, the model might offer useful insights for future process models of other personality traits.
... Keeping in mind that individuals high in grandiose narcissism often are successful in social circles and climb to leadership positions easily (Brunell et al. 2008;Küfner et al. 2013), the results of this study help us to understand who grandiose narcissists might favor and what motivates their decisions. Grandiose narcissism was positively correlated with deciding to distribute more money to similar others because they liked them and less to others exemplifying vulnerable narcissistic traits because they disliked them. ...
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Purpose: This research investigates how individuals high in grandiose or vulnerable narcissism make decisions and what motivates them. This study asked 98 (67 female, ages 18-34) participants to decide how to distribute $200 amongst a fictitious set of group members, two of which exemplified vulnerable or grandiose narcissistic traits. The participants completed questionnaires measuring their levels of grandiose narcissism, vulnerable narcissism, and how much they liked and identified with each fictitious group member. Results: Individuals high in grandiose or vulnerable narcissism did not identify with any group member; however, individuals high in grandiose narcissism liked and decided to distribute more money to the group member with grandiose narcissistic traits. In addition, individuals high in grandiose or vulnerable narcissism strongly disliked and distributed less money to the group member with vulnerable narcissistic traits. Conclusions: Implications for the similarity-liking principle and narcissists’ decisionmaking processes are discussed.
... Studies focusing on the formation of affiliative bonds among previously unacquainted individuals found that, at early stages of acquaintance, narcissists were more likely to increase in status and likeability. However, as interactions grew more intimate, narcissists were more likely to lose their initially high status and to become less trusted and liked over time, especially because of their antagonistic behaviors (Carlson & Lawless DesJardins, 2015;Küfner, Nestler, & Back, 2013;Leckelt et al., 2015;Paulhus, 1998). ...
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We propose a self-regulation model of grandiose narcissism. This model illustrates an interconnected set of processes through which narcissists (i.e., individuals with relatively high levels of grandiose narcissism) pursue social status in their moment-by-moment transactions with their environments. According to the model, narcissists select situations that afford status. Narcissists vigilantly attend to cues related to the status they and others have in these situations. Based on these perceived cues, narcissists appraise whether they can elevate their status or reduce the status of others. In accordance with these appraisals, narcissists engage in self-promotion (admiration pathway) or other-derogation (rivalry pathway). Each pathway has unique consequences for how narcissists are perceived by others, thus shaping their social status over time. The model we offer helps understand how narcissism manifests itself as a stable and consistent cluster of behaviors in pursuit of social status and how it develops and maintains itself over time. More broadly, the model might offer useful insights for future process models of other personality traits.
... Second, agentic narcissists' lack of empathy results in an antagonistic interpersonal style Bushman & Baumeister, 1998;Raskin, Novacek, & Hogan, 1991). That style threatens others and, thus, renders agentic narcissists less likable (Küfner, Nestler, & Back, 2013;Leckelt et al., 2015;Paulhus, 1998). Those two explanations possess a notable communality. ...
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Among well-acquainted people, those high on agentic narcissism are less popular than those low on agentic narcissism. That popularity-difference figures prominently in the narcissism literature. But why are agentic narcissists less popular? We propose a novel answer―the tit-for-tat hypothesis. It states that agentic narcissists like other people less than non-narcissists do and that others reciprocate by liking agentic narcissists less in return. We also examine whether the tit-for-tat hypothesis generalizes to communal narcissism. A large round-robin study (N=474) assessed agentic and communal narcissism (wave 1) and included two round-robin waves (waves 2-3). The round-robin waves assessed participants’ liking for all round-robin group-members (2,488 informant-reports). The tit-for-tat hypothesis applied to agentic narcissists. It also applied to communal narcissists, albeit in a different way. Compared to non-narcissists, communal narcissists liked other people more and―in return―those others liked communal narcissists more. Our results elaborate on and qualify the thriving literature on narcissists’ popularity.
... Many factors contribute to narcissists' initial popularity. Narcissists display more dominance and self-assuredness than non-narcissists; the positive impressions they convey also depend on the extent to which they behave assertively rather than aggressively in interactions (e.g., Back et al., 2010;Küfner, Nestler, & Back, 2013;Leckelt, Küfner, Nestler, & Back, 2015). These findings help identify behaviors that af- fect impressions of narcissists, but people can perceive nar- cissism without observing any behavior, based on physical appearance alone. ...
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Objective We examine why people form positive first impressions of grandiose narcissists, even though they can identify others’ narcissism. We test whether this occurs because narcissists are perceived to have especially high self‐esteem, which is socially valued. Method Across four studies, undergraduate perceivers viewed photographs of targets (for whom narcissism and self‐esteem were known) and rated perceptions of their narcissism, self‐esteem, and how much they liked them. Results Perceivers rated more narcissistic targets to be higher in self‐esteem (even compared to targets with equally high self‐esteem) and liked them more. Perceptions of self‐esteem, moreover, mediated the effect of target narcissism on liking (Study 1). This effect disappeared when targets’ narcissism was made salient, suggesting that trait narcissism is not inherently attractive (Study 2). Finally, path models reveal a negative effect of perceptions of narcissism on liking that is suppressed by a positive effect of perceptions of self‐esteem on liking (Study 3a), even for ratings of people's online dating profiles (Study 3b). Conclusion Positive initial impressions of narcissists may be driven by inflated perceptions that they have high self‐esteem. This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved.
... As outlined above, narcissistic individuals make favorable impressions in the short run, but in the long run their aggressive, arrogant, and combative characteristics come into play (Küfner, Nestler, & Back, 2013;Leckelt, Küfner, Nestler, & Back, 2015). Consistent with this, a study examining the temporal relationship between narcissism and leadership qualities revealed that narcissists initially attain but later lose their attractiveness as a leader (Ong, Roberts, Arthur, Woodman, & Akehurst, 2016). ...
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Research on narcissism continues to develop at a rapid pace. Yet, researchers from different disciplines are still divided over whether narcissists are good versus bad leaders. On the one hand, narcissists' bright qualities (e.g., charisma) are associated with positive outcomes at different levels of analysis from subordinates, to peers, and the organization as a whole. On the other hand, however, narcissists' dark qualities (e.g., entitlement) are associated with a number of counterproductive work behaviors, causing organizations to falter. The present article adds to and extends the traditional good-versus-bad debate about narcissistic leadership and pursues three goals: (a) to critically review the literature on narcissistic leaders and their behaviors in the workplace, (b) to provide tangible recommendations for how to best assess, select, and develop narcissistic leaders, and (c) to highlight future directions and ongoing challenges ahead in the field of narcissistic leadership.
... Second, our methods for assessing narcissism and self-esteem were based on self-reports, which have limited value for assessing personality [98]. In future studies, negative behaviors associated with narcissism in real life situations should be compared between individuals raised in the former East and West Germany [99][100][101]. Third, we cannot determine whether our participants answered the online questionnaire honestly. This criticism also applies to offline questionnaires; therefore peer reports or naturalistic observation methods might represent a better approach towards investigating the interpersonal behavior of narcissists [102,103]. ...
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arcissism is a quality of the self that has significant implications for thinking, feeling, and behaving. Individuals with narcissistic personality possess highly inflated, unrealistically positive views of the self. Often- times, this includes strong self-focus, feelings of entitlement, and lack of regard for others. Narcissists focus on what benefits them personally, with less regard for how their actions may benefit (or harm) others. Most interesting from our perspective as self-researchers is the vast array of self-regulatory strategies used by narcissists (e.g., admiration-seeking, bragging, displaying material goods, socializing with important individuals, etc.). These strategies are both causes and consequences of narcissists' inflated self-beliefs. Our general orientation toward the narcissistic self is evident in the agency model of narcissism (Campbell, Brunell, & Finkel, 2006). As originally conceptualized, however, the agency model left out some important aspects of narcissistic self-regulation. In this chapter, we briefly review the literature on narcissism and more specifically narcissistic self-regulation. We then present an extended agency model that includes aspects of narcissistic self- regulation previously ignored by the original model. Finally, we discuss some of the current controversies surrounding narcissism in the literature.
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This chapter describes self-esteem and provides an overview of existing perspectives on self-esteem. Self-esteem is a sociometer, essentially an internal monitor of the degree to which one is valued or devalued as a relational partner. The chapter evaluates a series of specific, testable hypotheses about self-esteem and examines laboratory and other findings in relevance to the sociometer theory and its specific hypotheses. This sociometer theory also reinterprets several interpersonal phenomena that have been explained previously in terms of the self-esteem motive. In specific, self-esteem refers to a person's appraisal of his or her value. Global self-esteem denotes a global value judgment about the self, whereas domain-specific self-esteem involves appraisals of one's value in a particular area. Self-esteem is an affectively laden self-evaluation. Self-evaluations are in turn assessments of one's behavior or attributes along evaluative dimensions. Some self-evaluations are dispassionate. whereas others are affectively laden. Self-esteem focuses primarily on individual differences in dispositional or trait self-esteem.
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In this article, we present TripleR, an R package for the calculation of social relations analyses (Kenny, 1994) based on round-robin designs. The scope of existing software solutions is ported to R and enhanced with previously unimplemented methods of significance testing in single groups (Lashley & Bond, 1997) and handling of missing values. The package requires only minimal knowledge of R, and results can be exported for subsequent analyses to other software packages. We demonstrate the use of TripleR with several didactic examples.
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Do narcissists have insight into the negative aspects of their personality and reputation? Using both clinical and subclinical measures of narcissism, the authors examined others' perceptions, self-perceptions, and meta-perceptions of narcissists across a wide range of traits for a new acquaintance and close other (Study 1), longitudinally with a group of new acquaintances (Study 2), and among coworkers (Study 3). Results bring 3 surprising conclusions about narcissists: (a) they understand that others see them less positively than they see themselves (i.e., their meta-perceptions are less biased than are their self-perceptions), (b) they have some insight into the fact that they make positive first impressions that deteriorate over time, and (c) they have insight into their narcissistic personality (e.g., they describe themselves as arrogant). These findings shed light on some of the psychological mechanisms underlying narcissism.
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The bulk of personality research has been built from self-report measures of personality. However, collecting personality ratings from other-raters, such as family, friends, and even strangers, is a dramatically underutilized method that allows better explanation and prediction of personality's role in many domains of psychology. Drawing hypotheses from D. C. Funder's (1995) realistic accuracy model about trait and information moderators of accuracy, we offer 3 meta-analyses to help researchers and applied psychologists understand and interpret both consistencies and unique insights afforded by other-ratings of personality. These meta-analyses integrate findings based on 44,178 target individuals rated across 263 independent samples. Each meta-analysis assessed the accuracy of observer ratings, as indexed by interrater consensus/reliability (Study 1), self-other correlations (Study 2), and predictions of behavior (Study 3). The results show that although increased frequency of interacting with targets does improve accuracy in rating personality, informants' interpersonal intimacy with the target is necessary for substantial increases in other-rating accuracy. Interpersonal intimacy improved accuracy especially for traits low in visibility (e.g., Emotional Stability) but only minimally for traits high in evaluativeness (e.g., Agreeableness). In addition, observer ratings were strong predictors of behaviors. When the criterion was academic achievement or job performance, other-ratings yielded predictive validities substantially greater than and incremental to self-ratings. These findings indicate that extraordinary value can gained by using other-reports to measure personality, and these findings provide guidelines toward enriching personality theory. Various subfields of psychology in which personality variables are systematically assessed and utilized in research and practice can benefit tremendously from use of others' ratings to measure personality variables.
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The Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI) is a widely used measure of narcissism. However, debates persist about its exact factor structure with researchers proposing solutions ranging from two to seven factors. The present research aimed to clarify the factor structure of the NPI and further illuminate its nomological network. Four studies provided support for a three-factor model consisting of the dimensions of Leadership/Authority, Grandiose Exhibitionism, and Entitlement/Exploitativeness. The Leadership/Authority dimension was generally linked to adaptive outcomes whereas the other two dimensions, particularly Entitlement/Exploitativeness, were generally linked to maladaptive outcomes. These results suggest that researchers interested in the psychological and behavioral outcomes associated with the NPI should examine correlates at the facet level. In light of the findings, we propose a hierarchical model for the structure of the NPI and provide researchers with a scoring scheme for this commonly used instrument.
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Several methods for testing mediation hypotheses with 2-level nested data have been proposed by researchers using a multilevel modeling (MLM) paradigm. However, these MLM approaches do not accommodate mediation pathways with Level-2 outcomes and may produce conflated estimates of between- and within-level components of indirect effects. Moreover, these methods have each appeared in isolation, so a unified framework that integrates the existing methods, as well as new multilevel mediation models, is lacking. Here we show that a multilevel structural equation modeling (MSEM) paradigm can overcome these 2 limitations of mediation analysis with MLM. We present an integrative 2-level MSEM mathematical framework that subsumes new and existing multilevel mediation approaches as special cases. We use several applied examples and accompanying software code to illustrate the flexibility of this framework and to show that different substantive conclusions can be drawn using MSEM versus MLM.
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The Pathological Narcissism Inventory (PNI) is a recently developed multidimensional inventory for the assessment of pathological narcissism. The authors describe and report the results of two studies that investigate the higher order factor structure and gender invariance of the PNI. The results of the first study indicate that the PNI has a higher order factor structure that conforms to the theoretical structure of pathological narcissism with one factor representing narcissistic grandiosity and the other capturing narcissistic vulnerability. These results uniquely place the PNI as the only measure to broadly assess the two phenotypic themes of pathological narcissism. In the second study, results from tests of measurement invariance indicate that the PNI performs similarly in large samples of men (n = 488) and women (n = 495). These results further establish the psychometric properties of the PNI and suggest that it is well suited for the assessment of pathological narcissism.
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It is widely accepted that narcissists become aggressive when they experience ego-threat. However, there is surprisingly little empirical research on the relationship between narcissism and aggression. Equivocal findings suggest that aggression in narcissists either occurs only in response to provocation, or regardless of provocation. One-hundred and thirty-seven collegiate men completed the Narcissistic Personality Inventory followed by a sham aggression paradigm, which afforded them the opportunity shock, or refrain entirely from shocking an ostensible opponent confederate. Participants were identified as "unprovoked aggressors," "retaliatory aggressors," or "nonaggressors" contingent on when and if they chose to administer electrical shocks to the confederate. Results indicated that participants who were high on narcissistic traits were more likely to be unprovoked aggressors than their low narcissism counterparts. Results are discussed in relation to threatened egotism theory and call for more research on narcissism, aggression, and the moderating effect of provocation.
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On the basis of a realistic behavioral approach, the authors showed that narcissists are popular at zero acquaintance and aimed to explain why this is the case. In Study 1, a group of psychology freshmen (N = 73) judged each other on the basis of brief self-introductions using a large round-robin design (2,628 dyads). Three main findings were revealed: First, narcissism leads to popularity at first sight. Second, the aspects of narcissism that are most maladaptive in the long run (exploitativeness/entitlement) proved to be most attractive at zero acquaintance. Third, an examination of observable verbal and nonverbal behaviors as well as aspects of physical appearance provided an explanation for why narcissists are more popular at first sight. Results were confirmed using judgments of uninvolved perceivers under 3 different conditions for which the amount of available information was varied systematically: (a) full information (video and sound, Study 2), (b) nonverbal information only (video only, Study 3), or (c) physical information only (still photograph of clothing, Study 4). These findings have important implications for understanding the inter- and intrapersonal dynamics of narcissism.
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The construct of narcissism is inconsistently defined across clinical theory, social-personality psychology, and psychiatric diagnosis. Two problems were identified that impede integration of research and clinical findings regarding narcissistic personality pathology: (a) ambiguity regarding the assessment of pathological narcissism vs. normal narcissism and (b) insufficient scope of existing narcissism measures. Four studies are presented documenting the initial derivation and validation of the Pathological Narcissism Inventory (PNI). The PNI is a 52-item self-report measure assessing 7 dimensions of pathological narcissism spanning problems with narcissistic grandiosity (Entitlement Rage, Exploitativeness, Grandiose Fantasy, Self-sacrificing Self-enhancement) and narcissistic vulnerability (Contingent Self-esteem, Hiding the Self, Devaluing). The PNI structure was validated via confirmatory factor analysis. The PNI correlated negatively with self-esteem and empathy, and positively with shame, interpersonal distress, aggression, and borderline personality organization. Grandiose PNI scales were associated with vindictive, domineering, intrusive, and overly-nurturant interpersonal problems, and vulnerable PNI scales were associated with cold, socially avoidant, and exploitable interpersonal problems. In a small clinical sample, PNI scales exhibited significant associations with parasuicidal behavior, suicide attempts, homicidal ideation, and several aspects of psychotherapy utilization.
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Advocates the use of operationalized structural models of personality in the interpretation of dimensions that underlie the interrelations among conceptions of personality disorders. An overview of empirical studies of the structure of personality disorders is presented and two major perspectives on the nature of these disorders are considered. An overview of dimensional approaches to personality and consider four theoretical perspectives on the five-factor model (FFM) of personality is provided. The relations between personality structure and the structure of personality disorders are considered in detail. The advantages of a combined five-factor and interpersonal circumplex model in the assessment of personality disorders are illustrated. Throughout the chapter, reanalyses of the authors' previously published data that illustrate the specific points of the discussion are presented. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
The goal of Social Groups in Action and Interaction is to review and analyze the human group as it operates to create both social good and, potentially, social harm. The book provides relatively equal emphasis on topics traditionally considered from an intra-group perspective (for instance, conformity, minority influence, group decision-making, leadership, and task performance) as well as topics derived from an inter-group perspective (e.g. social categorization, social identity, intergroup conflict, stereotyping, prejudice and discrimination). In addition, topics that are not unique to either of these two approaches, and yet which are important aspects of group relations, such as culture, crowd behavior, social representations, and negotiation are also covered.
Chapter
In this chapter we review the trait correlates of narcissistic personality disorder (NPD), grandiose narcissism, and vulnerable narcissism derived from comprehensive models of general personality such as the Five Factor Model. Both NPD and grandiose narcissism are marked by correlations with traits related to interpersonal antagonism; grandiose narcissism is also associated with higher levels of traits related to extraversion such as dominance and reward seeking. Alternatively, vulnerable narcissism is primarily related to increased negative emotionality and interpersonal distrust.
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Previous research has demonstrated that relational partners make decisions within the first few weeks of a relationship that determine the long-term nature of the relationship. The study reported here extends that research, predicting that such decisions and influences are apparent after brief first encounters. Students in several sections of a skills-oriented communication course reported reactions to a randomly assigned classmate after a brief conversation on the first day of class and the status of their relationship during week 9 of the term. Predicted Outcome Value Theory was employed to generate hypotheses. Results strongly support the theory, with perceptions formed during initial conversations influencing relationships in week 9.
Article
We used the Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI) to assess the degree of narcissism among celebrities. Results indicate that celebrities are significantly more narcissistic than MBA students and the general population. Contrary to findings in the population at large, in which men are more narcissistic than women, female celebrities were found to be significantly more narcissistic than their male counterparts. Reality television personalities had the highest overall scores on the NPI, followed by comedians, actors, and musicians. Further, our analyses fail to show any relationship between NPI scores and years of experience in the entertainment industry, suggesting that celebrities may have narcissistic tendencies prior to entering the industry.
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Seven basic research questions in interpersonal perception are posed concerning issues of consensus, assimilation, reciprocity, accuracy, congruence, assumed similarity and self—other agreement. All questions can be addressed at the individual level, and three at the dyadic level. It is shown how the Social Relations Model can be used to answer the questions.
Article
ABSTRACT Evidence has accrued to suggest that there are 2 distinct dimensions of narcissism, which are often labeled grandiose and vulnerable narcissism. Although individuals high on either of these dimensions interact with others in an antagonistic manner, they differ on other central constructs (e.g., Neuroticism, Extraversion). In the current study, we conducted an exploratory factor analysis of 3 prominent self-report measures of narcissism (N=858) to examine the convergent and discriminant validity of the resultant factors. A 2-factor structure was found, which supported the notion that these scales include content consistent with 2 relatively distinct constructs: grandiose and vulnerable narcissism. We then compared the similarity of the nomological networks of these dimensions in relation to indices of personality, interpersonal behavior, and psychopathology in a sample of undergraduates (n=238). Overall, the nomological networks of vulnerable and grandiose narcissism were unrelated. The current results support the need for a more explicit parsing of the narcissism construct at the level of conceptualization and assessment.
Article
Based on a new theoretical framework—the Social Relations Lens Model—this study examined the influence of personality on real-life attraction at zero acquaintance. A group of psychology freshmen (N = 73) was investigated upon encountering one another for the first time. Personality traits, attraction ratings and metaperceptions were assessed using a large round-robin design (2628 dyads). In line with our model, personality differentially predicted who was a liker and who expected to be liked (perceiver effects), who was popular and who was seen as a liker (target effects), as well as who liked whom and who expected to be liked by whom (relationship effects). Moreover, the influence of personality on attraction was mediated by observable physical, nonverbal and audible cues. Results allowed a closer look at first sight and underline the importance of combining componential and process approaches in understanding the interplay of personality and social phenomena. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Article
The social relations model (SRM) is an intriguing tool both to conceptualize and to analyze dyadic processes. We begin with explaining why interpersonal phenomena in everyday life are more complex than often considered. We then show how the SRM accounts for these complexities by decomposing interpersonal perceptions and behaviors into three independent components and describe the designs required to investigate these components. We then provide a step-by-step introduction into social relations analyses, thereby showing how the SRM can be used to investigate a multitude of exciting research questions. Finally, we summarize the existing software solutions for conducting social relations analyses. Resources for further information are suggested.
Article
Based on an integration of sociometer theory and information-processing models, the present study investigated the predictive validity of three self-esteem measures: self-report, an implicit association test, and an affective priming task. In a first session, self-esteem measures were obtained from 93 participants. After an interval of four weeks, interpersonal perception ratings were collected in small round-robin groups. Participants were requested to briefly introduce themselves to the group before evaluating one another and indicating how they expected to be evaluated by the others (metaperceptions). As hypothesized, all three self-esteem measures independently predicted the perception of being valued (PBV) in a real-life situation. In sum, the present study supports the idea that three independent faces of self-esteem can fruitfully be distinguished.