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Everyday life as an intelligence test: Effects of intelligence and intelligence context

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Abstract

To show why the importance of intelligence is often misperceived, an analogy between single test items and single nontest actions in everyday life is drawn. Three requirements of good test items are restated, and the analogy is employed to account for underrecognition of the importance of general intelligence in everyday actions, which often fail to meet the requirements and thus fail as intelligence measures for reasons that have little to do with their dependence on intelligence. A new perspective on the role of intelligence in nontest actions is introduced by considering its operation at three levels: that of the individual, that of the near context of the individual, and that of entire populations. Social scientists have misunderstood the operation and impact of IQ in populations by confining attention to the individual level. A population-IQ-outcome model is explained that tests for the pooled effects of intelligence at all three levels on differences between two populations in prevalences of certain outcomes. When the model fits, the difference between two populations in the outcome measured is found commensurate with the difference in their IQ or general intelligence distributions. The model is tested on and found to fit prevalences of juvenile delinquency, adult crime, single parenthood, HIV infection, poverty, belief in conspiracy rumors, and key opinions from polls about the O.J. Simpson trial and the earlier Tawana Brawley case. A deviance principle is extracted from empirical findings to indicate kinds of outcome the model will not fit. Implications for theories of practical and multiple intelligences are discussed. To understand the full policy implications of intelligence, such a fundamentally new perspective as that presented here will be needed.

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... The horizontal dimension examines relationships between g and a range of personal, social, educational, occupational and health outcomes. Non-exhaustive examples of the horizontal line of inquiry include studies of the re- lationships between g and myriad indicators of psychological wellbeing (Lubinski & Benbow, 2000), physical health (Gordon, 1997;Gottfredson, 2004), religiosity (Razmyar & Reeve, 2013;Reeve, 2009), job performance (Gottfredson, 1997;Meisenberg, 2010), criminality and poverty (Gordon, 1997), and of most relevance to the current study, reproductive behavior (Reeve, Lyerly, & Peach, 2013;Lynn, 1999;Lynn & Harvey, 2008;Meisenberg, 2010;Peach, Lyerly, & Reeve, 2014;Retherford & Sewell, 1989). ...
... The horizontal dimension examines relationships between g and a range of personal, social, educational, occupational and health outcomes. Non-exhaustive examples of the horizontal line of inquiry include studies of the re- lationships between g and myriad indicators of psychological wellbeing (Lubinski & Benbow, 2000), physical health (Gordon, 1997;Gottfredson, 2004), religiosity (Razmyar & Reeve, 2013;Reeve, 2009), job performance (Gottfredson, 1997;Meisenberg, 2010), criminality and poverty (Gordon, 1997), and of most relevance to the current study, reproductive behavior (Reeve, Lyerly, & Peach, 2013;Lynn, 1999;Lynn & Harvey, 2008;Meisenberg, 2010;Peach, Lyerly, & Reeve, 2014;Retherford & Sewell, 1989). ...
... According to evolutionary theory, g originally evolved as an adap- tation to confer a survival advantage via the enhanced ability to adapt and survive in evolutionarily novel situations (Chiappe & MacDonald, 2005;Gordon, 1997;Jensen, 1998;Kanazawa, 2004). The advent and rise of civilization and technology lead to a modern environment which is radically different to our ancestral environment, particularly with respect to the degree of "evolutionary novelty" we encounter. ...
Article
The purpose of this study is to conduct a systematic review of the literature on the relationship between general cognitive ability and fertility among modern humans. Our goals were to (a) evaluate the state of the extant literature, and (b) provide a quantitative summary of effect sizes to the extent possible (given the limitations of the literature). A thorough search identified 17 unique datasets that passed the inclusion criteria. Using a Random Effects Model to evaluate the data, the overall weighted effect was r = −0.11, although the data also indicated a sex effect (stronger correlations among females than males), and a race effect (stronger correlations among Black and Hispanic populations compared to Whites). Importantly, the data suggest the correlation has been increasing in strength throughout the 20th century (and early 21st). Finally, we discovered several notable limitations of the extant literature; limitations that currently prohibit a psychometric meta-analysis. We discuss these issues with emphasis on improving future primary studies to allow for more effective meta-analytic investigations.
... Not meeting these goals represents failure, for example in terms of less paid and physically demanding occupations, poor school performance, crime, divorce, and welfare dependence. (Gordon, 1997;Herrnstein and Murray, 1994;Gottfredson, 2003Gottfredson, , 2004a People with low IQ commit the highest number of mistakes: 'life in some ways resembles a test of general intelligence.' (Gordon, 1997, p. 203;Gottfredson, 1997) People with the highest IQ are the most successful and success manifests in occupations such as lawyer, surgeon, and executive (Gottfredson, 1998; that 'are often high pressure, emotionally draining, and socially demanding, but these jobs are prestigious and generally pay well.' (Gottfredson, 1997, p. 120) Intelligent people commit mistakes, but have the ability to rise back quickly when encountering problems 'such as divorce, illness, and occasional unemployment' (ibid.), and 'rarely become trapped in poverty or social pathology'. ...
... (Wainer et al., 2009, p. 414) Since intelligence is heritable, the children of smart people are also smart, and this is why they tend to have a social position similar to the one held by their parents. (Gordon, 1997;Gottfredson, 2003) 'Parents from higher social classes are brighter on average than parents from lower social classes and their children are advantaged both genetically and environmentally…. Low IQ people have the odds stacked against them virtually everywhere they turn.' (Gottfredson, 1996, p. 28) This is a matter of fact determined by nature; g-theory saw this all along and its validity rests in science. ...
... This positive evaluation is enhanced by the sarcasm and deprecation prompted by the lack of mental horsepower. For instance, Gordon (1997), to whom Gottfredson refers extensively, uses two dumb robbers and their clumsy mistakes as the typical example of low IQ and presents them in a parody-like fashion. Their lack of lookahead, which translates in the inability to control and foresee how their robbery will play out, is met with derision and contempt. ...
Thesis
This thesis investigates the role of conceptual schemes in shaping how we make sense of experience in human affairs. Conceptual schemes involve values and beliefs, assumptions and presuppositions that originate in past experience and, projected onto new observations, guide what is seen, what is considered salient, and what is overlooked or dismissed. Paradigms (in the sense of exemplars) and loaded concepts play a decisive role in these dynamics, which I explore through cases, each showing how an opposing pair of conceptual schemes leads to contrasting descriptions of what is apparently the same problem. Disagreement in the study and measurement of intelligence rests on contrasting conceptions of success, science, and education. Different characterisations of identity, power, and religion lead to seeing aspects of international relations and terrorism that involve different explanations. Finally, divergent approaches to criminal justice rest on contrasting conceptions of the human being that involve different views of responsibility, motivation, and rehabilitation. All approaches present their positions as matters of fact: intelligence does predict success; identity is defined by antagonism, or not; criminals do lack self-control. However, descriptive statements are often loaded with value. I propose disentangling descriptive and evaluative elements to reveal the specific features that are endorsed, or deprecated, when we use certain expressions. Disentangling increases awareness of what we do when we talk about a phenomenon in a certain manner; it shows what is presupposed and allows the critical examination of elements that have become tacit. Contrast with other conceptual schemes, and focus on difference, shows us where to look for disentangling and opens a venue to unusual ways of seeing. Uncomfortable as it may seem, engaging across different schemes, rather than seeking to transcend them, is thus proposed as a way to expand possibilities for understanding, and action.
... To avoid confusion, it should be noted that no one item on the NALS, or any other mental test, is by itself a good measure of any ability. As is well known in psychometrics (see also Gordon, 1997), the fact that an individual passes or fails any single test item says little about that person's general intelligence level. What is crucial is the level of proficiency at which a person routinely functions on a wide variety of tasks. ...
... favoring the house in roulette at Monte Carlo (Gordon, Lewis, & Quigley, 1988, p. 430)-it yields enormous gains over the long run. Similarly, all of us make stupid mistakes from time to time, but higher intelligence helps protect us from accumulating a long, debilitating record of them (Gordon, 1997). ...
... Indeed, as we saw, g is quite important by this measure (cf. Gordon, 1997). ...
Article
Personnel selection research provides much evidence that intelligence (g) is an important predictor of performance in training and on the job, especially in higher level work. This article provides evidence that g has pervasive utility in work settings because it is essentially the ability to deal with cognitive complexity, in particular, with complex information processing. The more complex a work task, the greater the advantages that higher g confers in performing it well. Everyday tasks, like job duties, also differ in their level of complexity. The importance of intelligence therefore differs systematically across different arenas of social life as well as economic endeavor. Data from the National Adult Literacy Survey are used to show how higher levels of cognitive ability systematically improve individual's odds of dealing successfully with the ordinary demands of modern life (such as banking, using maps and transportation schedules, reading and understanding forms, interpreting news articles). These and other data are summarized to illustrate how the advantages of higher g, even when they are small, cumulate to affect the overall life chances of individuals at different ranges of the IQ bell curve. The article concludes by suggesting ways to reduce the risks for low-IQ individuals of being left behind by an increasingly complex postindustrial economy.
... Ces résultats ne sont guère surprenants dans la mesure où, sans nier l'importance de nombreuses autres variables, on peut constater que tant les tâches de la vie quotidienne (famille, loisirs, etc.) que celles reliées au travail sont en quelque sorte assimilables à un test d'intelligence (Gordon, 1997;Gottfredson, 1997). Plus une tâche est complexe, plus le recours à l'intelligence générale (g) est nécessaire. ...
... En fait, si de bonnes capacités intellectuelles augmentent la probabilité de la réussite scolaire et professionnelle, elles n'en constituent pas une garantie. Des individus dont le QI est élevé peuvent manquer de motivation ou de chance; leurs succès scolaire et professionnel demeurent néanmoins entre leurs mains dans la mesure où un QI élevé constitue souvent un facteur de protection contre l'accumulation des erreurs (Gordon, 1997). De faibles habiletés intellectuelles peuvent par ailleurs être compensées par divers avantages : une atmosphère familiale harmonieuse, une bonne capacité à gérer le stress, de bonnes relations interpersonnelles, etc., autant de facteurs modérateurs susceptibles d'amoindrir, à défaut de l'éliminer, l'impact d'un faible QI. ...
... This study also examines whether the findings from Wai (2013) do or do not replicate in samples that span 1996 to 2014. Finally, this research situates the cognitive ability of Fortune 500 CEOs in the context of a wider range of U.S. elite groups to assess whether occupations in the extreme right tail of achievement might be difficult mental tests (Gordon, 1997;Gottfredson, 2003). Whether or not these findings align with different time points provides important information about the education levels, cognitive abilities, as well as the CEO (and more broadly) business occupational structure in the U.S. across the last 19 years. ...
... Therefore, in comparison to the highly select groups examined, the path to becoming a Fortune 500 CEO is a relatively lower g-loaded mental test battery (Gordon, 1997;Gottfredson, 2003). Gottfredson (2003), Fig. 15.1, p. 299) illustrated the wide range of cognitive ability across Note: "UG" and 'G" are shorthand for undergraduate and graduate school, respectively. ...
Article
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The path to becoming a CEO (and performance on the job) can be viewed as a difficult cognitive challenge. One way to examine this idea is to see how highly selected CEOs are in terms of education and cognitive ability. The extent to which Fortune 500 CEOs were selected on education and cognitive ability at an earlier age was retrospectively assessed at four time points that spanned 1996 to 2014 (Total N = 1991). Across the last 19 years, between 37.5% and 41.0% of these CEOs were found to attend an elite school which likely placed them in the top 1% of cognitive ability. People in the top 1% of ability, therefore, were likely overrepresented among these CEOs, at about 37 to 41 times the base rate. Even within each of the four samples, higher CEO education and cognitive ability was associated with higher gross revenue of the CEO's company. Although Fortune 500 CEOs were highly selected on education and cognitive ability, when placed in the context of a broader array of occupations in the extreme right tail of achievement (e.g., politicians, judges, billionaires, journalists, academics, powerful people, and other business elites), CEOs were not at the top. This showed the wide cognitive ability range (and mental test difficulty) across various occupations that compose the U.S. elite. That Fortune 500 CEOs had similar education and cognitive ability selectivity over time shows that the CEO (and perhaps business) occupational and filtering structure has remained relatively unchanged across the last two decades.
... When faced with complex tasks, those with less general intelligence tend to fall back on intuition, which is dominated by biases. The present section defends a somewhat stronger claim: many of the problems that people must solve to advance their own interests have the form of IQ questions (Gordon, 1997). It is not merely that higher-IQ individuals are less susceptible to cognitive biases. ...
... NALS questions are essentially IQ questions, but presented in the form of problems that are encountered in everyday modern life (Gottfredson, 1997(Gottfredson, , pp. 109-115, 2004a; see also Gordon, 1997). High-IQ individuals who easily solve NALS level 4 and 5 problems may find it difficult to relate to low-IQ individuals for whom such problems pose onerous obstacles in real life (Gottfredson, 2005, p. 177). ...
Article
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Thaler and Sunstein advocate ‘libertarian paternalism’. A libertarian paternalist changes the conditions under which people act so that their cognitive biases lead them to choose what is best for themselves. Although libertarian paternalism manipulates people, Thaler and Sunstein say that it respects their autonomy by preserving the possibility of choice. Conly argues that libertarian paternalism does not go far enough, since there is no compelling reason why we should allow people the opportunity to choose to bring disaster upon themselves if sometimes they will make the wrong decision. She defends ‘coercive paternalism’. The present paper argues that errors in reasoning are not due only to cognitive biases. People also make errors because they have an insufficient level of general intelligence. Intelligence is distributed on a continuum. Those who fall on higher levels of the continuum have greater abilities, in certain contexts, to reason about both their own and others’ interests. Coercive paternalism may sometimes be appropriate to prevent less intelligent people from engaging in self-destructive behavior due to errors of reasoning.
... A meta-analytic review by Roth, Bevier, Bobko, Switzer, and Tyler (2001) showed it also holds for college and university application tests such as the Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT; N ϭ 2.4 million) and the Graduate Record Examination (GRE; N ϭ 2.3 million), as well as for tests for job applicants in corporate settings (N ϭ 0.5 million) and in the military (N ϭ 0.4 million). Because test scores are the best predictor of economic success in Western society (Schmidt & Hunter, 1998), these group differences have important societal outcomes (R. A. Gordon, 1997;Gottfredson, 1997). ...
... For example, IQ is a significant predictor of such socially disadvantageous outcomes as dropping out of high school, being unemployed, being divorced within 5 years of marriage, having an illegitimate child, living in poverty, being on welfare, and incarceration. In today's technological society, everyday life itself is a type of IQ test (see R. A. Gordon, 1997;Gottfredson, 1997;Herrnstein & Murray, 1994). On all of the above measures, the group means favor Whites over Blacks. ...
Data
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... It is also possible that lead may have highly systemic effects on cognition in development, damaging neuroanatomical systems and structures that subserve both general and specific manifestations of intelligence. A second possible explanation is that in many of these studies the 'control' and exposure groups are not precisely matched in terms of level of g, with the former possibly exhibiting higher g due to the negative association between g and poorer life outcomes (including environmental and occupational exposure to neurotoxins) (Gordon, 1997;Gottfredson, 1997). Thus, the unique effects of neurotoxins on IQ may primarily be at the level of test specificities, however, the underlying difference in g between the 'control' and exposure groups may be acting in the opposing direction. ...
... For individuals, low g is a risk factor for a variety of poorer life outcomes, including poorer quality diets, excessive consumption of alcohol and also living in poorer quality environments (i.e. living near to factories, power plants and other sources of pollution, or working in jobs in which neurotoxin exposure is an occupational hazard) (Gordon, 1997;Gottfredson, 1997). This does not mean that all low-g individuals will have poor life outcomes, but that on average they will have poorer life outcomes than high-g individuals. ...
Article
Does lead reduce IQ at the level of g, test specificities, or both? A bare-bones psychometric meta-analysis uti- lizing the Method of Correlated Vectors was performed on a sample of 16 studies for which subtest-level data could be obtained satisfying stringent inclusion rules. The aggregate correlation across samples between subtest- level estimates of both g loading (g) and the deleterious impact of lead exposure (d) was 0.10 (K = 16, total N = 1935, 80% CI after correction for sampling error = 0.10 to 0.10). So, lead exposure is associated with a slightly positive vector correlation, which is consistent with the results of other studies examining the effects of other neurotoxins on IQ using MCV; this outcome is consistent with two scenarios. The first is that lead exposure may have effects on both g and test specificities owing to systemic effects on many different brain regions. The second is that two antagonistic factors are at work. It might be that the ‘control’ and exposure groups used in these kinds of studies are confounded with pre-existing differences in g – lower g being a risk factor for poorer life outcomes (including lower socioeconomic status and concomitantly heightened risk of lead exposure), whereas lead has it's primary effect on the test specificities, with both effects opposing one another, as reflected in the small magnitude vector correlation value. Strategies for distinguishing between these scenarios are discussed.
... Die praktisch-gesellschaftliche Relevanz der allgemeinen Intelligenz "g" konnte in langjährigen Forschungsbemühungen vielfach repliziert werden: Je höher Intelligenztests mit "g" geladen sind, desto höher korrelieren sie positiv mit zahlreichen externen Kriterien -nicht nur mit Noten und Erfolg in Grund-, Ober-sowie Hochschulen und Universitäten und ganz allgemein mit der Lernfähigkeit, sondern auch mit beruflichem Lernen, beruflicher Ausbildung und Berufserfolg in unterschiedlichen Sparten, mit Ansehen und Sozialprestige, sozialem Aufstieg und Sozialstatus, Einkommen und gesellschaftlich bedeutsamen schöpferischen Leistungen, und negativ mit sozialgesellschaftlich unerwünschtem Verhalten, mit Kriminalität und depressiven sowie antisozialen Verhaltensweisen, um nur einige der immer wieder objektivierten Validitäten anzuführen (vgl. dazu Hitpass 1963;Gebauer 1965;Lavin 1965;Wing & Wallach, 1971;Crano, Kenny & Campbell 1972;Jencks et al. 1972;Matarazzo 1972;Touhey 1972;Tyler 1974;Löschenkohl 1975;Hirschi & Hindelang 1977;McCall 1977;Eysenck 1979;Moffitt, Gabrielli, Mednick & Schulsinger 1981;Siegler & Richards 1982;White 1982;Hunter & Hunter 1984;Brody 1985;Wilson & Herrnstein 1985;Gottfredson 1986;Hawk 1986;Hunter 1986;Brand 1987 -Bowers 1996;Brand 1996a;Gordon 1997;Gottfredson 1997b;Levine 1997;Lubinsky & Humphreys 1997;Schmidt & Hunter 1998a,b;Weiss 2000). 17 Obwohl die große Mehrheit der Intelligenzforscher dies, wie Gottfredson (1999, 24) betont, als hervorragend belegt ansieht, 18 werden diese Fakten in der Presse und Öffentlichkeit "typischerweise abgetan, heruntergespielt oder ignoriert". ...
... so sieht es Scarr (1989, 75), "hat bislang kein Konzept einen so großen Einfluß auf das Alltagsleben in der westlichen Welt gehabt -und keines hat es gegenwärtig -wie das Konzept der allgemeinen Intelligenz" (vgl. dazu auch Gordon 1997). Manche Pädagogen wollen das nicht wahrhaben, es paßt nicht in ihr Weltbild: "Die Ironie besteht darin, daß die Schule vielleicht die einzige größere soziale Institution [in den Vereinigten Staaten] ist, die die Rolle der allgemeinen Intelligenz für den Erfolg leugnet" (Braden 1997, 246). ...
Cover Page
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Rost, D.H. (hrsg.). (2009). Hochbegabte und hochleistende Jugendliche. Befunde aus dem Marburger Hochbegabtenprojekt (2., erweiterte Auflage). Münster: Waxmann. Zusätzlich zum Cover: Vorworte, Inhaltsverzeichnis, Kapitel 1.
... Die praktisch-gesellschaftliche Relevanz der allgemeinen Intelligenz "g" konnte in langjährigen Forschungsbemühungen vielfach repliziert werden: Je höher Intelligenztests mit "g" geladen sind, desto höher korrelieren sie positiv mit zahlreichen externen Kriterien -nicht nur mit Noten und Erfolg in Grund-, Ober-sowie Hochschulen und Universitäten und ganz allgemein mit der Lernfähigkeit, sondern auch mit beruflichem Lernen, beruflicher Ausbildung und Berufserfolg in unterschiedlichen Sparten, mit Ansehen und Sozialprestige, sozialem Aufstieg und Sozialstatus, Einkommen und gesellschaftlich bedeutsamen schöpferischen Leistungen, und negativ mit sozialgesellschaftlich unerwünschtem Verhalten, mit Kriminalität und depressiven sowie antisozialen Verhaltensweisen, um nur einige der immer wieder objektivierten Validitäten anzuführen (vgl. dazu Hitpass 1963;Gebauer 1965;Lavin 1965;Wing & Wallach, 1971;Crano, Kenny & Campbell 1972;Jencks et al. 1972;Matarazzo 1972;Touhey 1972;Tyler 1974;Löschenkohl 1975;Hirschi & Hindelang 1977;McCall 1977;Eysenck 1979;Moffitt, Gabrielli, Mednick & Schulsinger 1981;Siegler & Richards 1982;White 1982;Hunter & Hunter 1984;Brody 1985;Wilson & Herrnstein 1985;Gottfredson 1986;Hawk 1986;Hunter 1986;Brand 1987 -Bowers 1996;Brand 1996a;Gordon 1997;Gottfredson 1997b;Levine 1997;Lubinsky & Humphreys 1997;Schmidt & Hunter 1998a,b;Weiss 2000). 17 Obwohl die große Mehrheit der Intelligenzforscher dies, wie Gottfredson (1999, 24) betont, als hervorragend belegt ansieht, 18 werden diese Fakten in der Presse und Öffentlichkeit "typischerweise abgetan, heruntergespielt oder ignoriert". ...
... so sieht es Scarr (1989, 75), "hat bislang kein Konzept einen so großen Einfluß auf das Alltagsleben in der westlichen Welt gehabt -und keines hat es gegenwärtig -wie das Konzept der allgemeinen Intelligenz" (vgl. dazu auch Gordon 1997). Manche Pädagogen wollen das nicht wahrhaben, es paßt nicht in ihr Weltbild: "Die Ironie besteht darin, daß die Schule vielleicht die einzige größere soziale Institution [in den Vereinigten Staaten] ist, die die Rolle der allgemeinen Intelligenz für den Erfolg leugnet" (Braden 1997, 246). ...
Chapter
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Dieses Kapitel erläutert die psychologischen und forschungsmethodischen Grundlagen des Marburger Hochbegabtenprojekts sowie seine Fragestellungen -------------------- [This chapter describes and discusses the fundamentals, research questions, and methodological features of the Marburg Giftedness Study]
... Because of its profound social consequences, intelligence can be an important determinant of the kind of experiences people make (Gordon, 1997). One of the principal reasons for this lies in the educational and vocational segregation according to intelligence. ...
Thesis
Die vorliegende Dissertation geht der Frage nach, welchen Einfluss kognitiv geprägte Persönlichkeitsmerkmale auf das gegenseitige Verständnis zwischen Gesprächspartnern haben. Intelligenz und Bewertungsdispositionen werden als Haupteffekte untersucht. Zudem wird dem Einfluss von dyadischen Persönlichkeitsunterschieden auf das zwischenmenschliche Verständnis sowie der Frage, ob sich Hochbegabte in ihrer sozialen Anpassung von einer Vergleichsgruppe von Universitätsabsolventen unterscheiden, nachgegangen. Es konnte gezeigt werden, dass Personen einen Zusammenhang zwischen der Intelligenz ihrer Interaktionspartner und der Qualität der jeweiligen Beziehungen wahrnehmen. Dieser Effekt lässt sich jedoch (mit Ausnahme des Wortschatzes) nicht durch psychometrische Intelligenzmessungen bestätigen. Zweitens liefern die Ergebnisse der Studie keine belege für die Behauptung, dass zwischenmenschliche Persönlichkeitsunterschiede die Qualität der Kommunikation beeinträchtigen. Drittens stellt sich die Stichprobe von Hochbegabten als weniger sozial angepasst dar als die Stichprobe von Hochschulabsolventen. Es gibt jedoch Hinweise darauf, dass dies nicht durch ihre extrem hohe Intelligenz, sondern durch eine Stichprobenverzerrung hin zu Anpassungsproblemen verursacht wird. Insgesamt zeigen die Ergebnisse, dass das zwischenmenschliche Verständnis einen bedeutsamen Faktor für die Entwicklung enger Beziehungen darstellt. Allerdings legt der geringe Einfluss von Intelligenz und Bewertungsdispositionen auf die Qualität dyadischer Interaktionen den Schluss nahe, dass die meisten Menschen die Anforderungen zwischenmenschlicher Interaktionen auch meistern können, ohne über eine hohe Intelligenz zu verfügen. Darüber hinaus scheint es den meisten Gesprächspartnern zu gelingen, einander trotz dyadischer Unterschiede in ihrer Persönlichkeit zu verstehen.
... Seventh, individuals typically rank-order themselves over their lifetime in accordance with their IQ (Gottfredson, 2003), because daily life is an accumulative IQ test (Gordon, 1997)even if not well standardized. In general, at one extreme, individuals with IQs below 90 tend to end up unemployed or in unskilled jobs, and individuals with IQs above 125 have 50-80% innate potential to become scientists, senior manager, or high-ranking executives. ...
Article
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Jensen (1971) found that black girls score 3 IQ points higher than black boys, and white boys 1.5 IQ points higher than white girls. He, nevertheless, concluded that this did not support his Race. × Sex × Ability interaction theory. Jensen (1998) further analyzed data, some from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY79), and suggested that there is no sex difference in general intelligence, g. Other studies have questioned Jensen's null sex difference theory. The present study tested both theories with data from the ensuring NLSY97 survey, which represents the 15. + million 12-17. year old adolescents living in the US in 1997.Total sample analyses confirmed the existence of significant inverse white-black IQ sex differences, and disconfirmed the null sex difference theory.Separate race-age analyses demonstrated, however, that robust IQ sex differences materialize only after age 16, with no white-black interaction. At age 17, female IQ trails male by 3.6-7.03 points in three races, respectively.Classical IQ probability curves foretell that more males than females will enter the highest echelons of society, irrespective of race, and white Male/Female ratios at IQ 145 successfully predicted real-life sex differences in educational and occupational achievement. White males with IQ 55 can be expected to run a very high risk of encountering severe achievement problems, a risk shared to some extent with Hispanic male, but black females with this low IQ can be expected to perform worse than black males.The paper finally proposed models to account for the origin of sex and race differences in IQ and related educational and occupational differences, involving gene copy numbers, brain size, and steroid hormones. It was suggested that the evolutionary background and physiological nature of sex and race differences explain why social engineering fails to eradicate them.
... Spearman [67, pp. 197-198] called this phenomenon the "indifference of the indicator," and it has led some experts to argue that every task in life that requires cognitive work is its own intelligence test, which would explain why IQ scores correlate with so many life outcomes [68][69][70]. ...
Article
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Psychologists have investigated creativity for 70 years, and it is now seen as being an important construct, both scientifically and because of its practical value to society. However, several fundamental unresolved problems persist, including a suitable definition of creativity and the ability of psychometric tests to measure divergent thinking—an important component of creativity—in a way that aligns with theory. It is this latter point that this registered report is designed to address. We propose to administer two divergent thinking tests (the verbal and figural versions of the Torrance Tests of Creative Thinking; TTCT) with an intelligence test (the International Cognitive Ability Resource test; ICAR). We will then subject the subscores from these tests to confirmatory factor analysis to test which of nine theoretically plausible models best fits the data. When this study is completed, we hope to better understand whether the degree to which the TTCT and ICAR measure distinct constructs. This study will be conducted in accordance with all open science practices, including pre-registration, open data and syntax, and open materials (with the exception of copyrighted and confidential test stimuli).
... Though biodata do not provide information on the upper bounds for performance, Mumford and Stokes (1992) speculate that they may be tapping into the same variance that measures of practical intelligence (Sternberg, 1985;Wagner & Sternberg, 1985) do. In fact, properly constructed biodata may be the best way to assess the types of intelligence that are actually better predictors of real world outcomes (Gordon, 1997), such as job and life success. ...
... Simulating this is a bit complicated but we can approximate it reasonably by using a simple cut-off value, such that everybody above gets in, everybody below does not, see Gordon (1997) for a similar case with belief in conspiracy theories. ...
Article
Full-text available
It has been found that workers who hail from higher socioeconomic classes have higher earnings even in the same profession. An environmental cause was offered as an explanation of this. I show that this effect is expected solely for statistical reasons.
... Por um lado, um fator cognitivo geral subjaz a todas as habilidades cognitivas específicas e trata-se do fator g (Carroll, 1993(Carroll, , 1997Spearman, 1904). Por outro lado, reconhece que a inteligência é essencialmente importante em todos os aspectos da vida (Brand, 1996b;Brody, 1996;Gordon, 1997;Gottfredson, 1997b;Herrnstein & Murray, 1994;. ...
... (p. 398) 7 Gordon (1997) quotes a distinguished physicist who, when asked how he came to outshine much brighter friends, replied, " It's true. Back in school, they could do whatever I did in half the time. ...
Article
In order to create fair and valid assessments, it is necessary to be clear about what is to be measured and how the resulting data should be interpreted. For a number of historical and practical reasons described in this paper, adequately detailed statements with both a theoretical and empirical base do not currently exist for the construct of quantitative reasoning for use in assessments. There is also no adequate explanation of the important differences between assessments that measure quantitative reasoning constructs and those that are intended to measure achievement in related mathematical content areas. The literature in psychology, psychometrics, philosophy, and education, while containing much that is relevant to the construct of quantitative reasoning, unfortunately does not provide materials that can be used in research and development to address such practical issues or to explain the basic nature of quantitative reasoning assessments. This paper briefly discusses the importance and use of constructs and the quantitative reasoning and standards literature. It then presents a statement about the construct of quantitative reasoning for assessment purposes within a construct validity framework that includes both a definition of the construct and threats to valid score interpretation. These threats are based on related but distinguishable constructs and other types of construct-irrelevant variance in the assessments.
... This, though, does not imply that some of the known large cultural, national, and regional differences are not explainable in terms of them. It has been shown that in theory small individual level behavioral differences can amplify such to produce large population level ones (Dickens and Flynn, 2001); more specifically, population level differences involve not just the direct effects of individual level ones but they also involve the indirect effects of these, thus allowing for a population level amplification (Gordon, 1997). As such, there is no inconsistency between small individual level differences and large population level ones. ...
... Even then, "in open societies with high degrees of occupational mobility, individuals with high IQs migrate, relative to their parents, to occupations of higher SES, and individuals with lower IQs migrate to occupations of lower SES" (Bouchard & Segal, 1985, p. 408). There is a strong consensus on this within the vocational literature (Gottfredson, 1986(Gottfredson, , 1997Gordon, 1997) and a moderate one among the American Psychological Association's (APA) task force on intelligence (Neisser, et al., 1995). However, my purpose is not to debate the substance of SES, crime, or IQ, but rather to show that a lower level variable (IQ) is superior to a higher level variable (SES) in explaining criminal behavior. ...
Article
This paper argues against the false dichotomy between reductionism and holism in the social sciences. I make the points that reductionism is the mark of a mature science, that the social sciences will never progress until they drop their opposition to reductionism, that higher-level explanations, even when more appropriate and coherent than reductionist explanations, must not violate principles established at lower levels of explanation, and that reductionist explanations almost always absorb the explanatory efficiency of broad social categorizations and add incremental validity to them. I demonstrate the validity of these points by exploring them in the context of the four most frequently used variables in social science (gender, race, age, and social class). In each case it is demonstrated that such categories fail to capture the causes of the phenomena social scientists explore, and that by failing to consider more elemental explanations lead to reliance on hypothetical "social facts" which are at best incomplete, and are often demonstrably wrong. The history of science reveals that all disciplines at one time or another have resisted the incursions of the more fundamental sciences, then showed a grudging acceptance of them, and finally became fully integrated with them. The social sciences must do the same with regard to integration with the relevant biological sciences.
... Individual differences in the experiential system-There are excellent intelligence tests that measure the intelligence of the rational system. Such tests are fairly good predictors of academic performance and, to a somewhat lesser extent, of performance in the real world, including workplace performance, particularly in situations that require complex operations (see Gordon, 1997;Gottfredson, 1997;Hunter, 1983). However, as there was no test that measured experiential intelligence we constructed one, which we named the Constructive Thinking Inventory (CTI; Epstein, 2001). ...
Article
A dual-process personality theory and supporting research are presented. The dual processes comprise an experiential system and a rational system. The experiential system is an adaptive, associative learning system that humans share with other higher-order animals. The rational system is a uniquely human, primarily verbal, reasoning system. It is assumed that when humans developed language they did not abandon their previous ways of adapting, they simply added language to their experiential system. The 2 systems are assumed to operate in parallel and are bidirectionally interactive. The validity of these assumptions is supported by extensive research. Of particular relevance for psychotherapy, the experiential system, which is compatible with evolutionary theory, replaces the Freudian maladaptive unconscious system that is indefensible from an evolutionary perspective, as subhuman animals would then have only a single system that is maladaptive. The aim of psychotherapy is to produce constructive changes in the experiential system. Changes in the rational system are useful only to the extent that they contribute to constructive changes in the experiential system. (PsycINFO Database Record
... Trouwens, voor alle cognitieve prestaties, ook die in het dagelijks leven, zoals het kunnen lezen van een medicijnenetiket (zie bijv. Gottfredson, 1997;Gottfredson & Deary, 2003;Gordon, 1997 ( Carrol, 1993). Er zijn inmiddels verschillende overzichtsstudies gepubliceerd wat betreft de effecten van coaching op de SAT en de GRE en aptitude en achievement tests in het algemeen (Bangert-Drowns, Kulik & Kulik, 1983;Kulik, Bangert-Drowns, & Kulik, 1984;; Salomon, 1985;Powers, 1986;Sackett, Burris & Ryan, 1989;Ryan, Ployhart, Greguras & Schmitt, 1998;Allalouf & Ben-Shakar, 1998;Powers & Rock, 1999;Hausknecht, Trevor & Farr, 2002;Lievens, Buyse & Sackett, 2005 Er werden in deze studie geen significante test-hertesteffecten gevonden, maar wel een duidelijk oefeningseffect (niets doen, boek lezen of training). ...
... The losses incurred from such crimes exceed by far the average acquisitive criminals' petty larceny and prosaic dishonesty (irritating though such offences are for the victim). In principle, any person can think through the options open to them, consider the consequences of a given action, and anticipate the losses that could be incurred as a consequence of the antisocial act (Gordon, 1997); in practice, persons lower in IQ are poorer at a variety of everyday problems (Gottfredson, 1997), and thoughtlessness underlies many criminal cognitions (Egan, McMurran, Richardson, & Blair, 2000). The economic independence which a higher intelligence normally secures typically involves a better wage (Murray, 1998), if not actual freedom from debt or taxation (Zagorsky, 2007). ...
Chapter
• individual differences and antisocial behavior; • misconduct in workplace - carrying weapons and violently assaulting someone who “disrespects” you; • “Antisocial” being not always “criminal,” and criminal law - at variance with what is seen as antisocial; • genetics, crime and antisocial behavior - intergenerational transmission, and continuity of antisocial behavior, via exposure to multiple social risk factors; • possible mechanisms for antisocial behavior - aggregated disfranchisement, leading to self-expression through criminal acts, helping perpetrators to obtain what other people appear to get apparently effortlessly; • modern cognitive neuroscience - converging lines of evidence in its thinking about antisocial behavior; • biopsychosocial processes - as life is lived, constant transaction between biological, psychological and social processes; • personality and antisocial behavior - and McCrae's five-factor model (FFM), called the “Big Five”; • personality disorders, psychiatric expression of extremes of normal personality - defined by clinical practitioners using either American Psychiatric Association's (APA) DSM–IV, or the World Health Organization's ICD–10; • intelligence, IQ and antisocial behavior - individual differences in antisocial behavior, starting with evidence for heritability of behavior, and putative mechanisms
... Spearman [68, pp. 197-198] called this phenomenon the "indifference of the indicator," and it has led some experts to argue that every task in life that requires cognitive work is its own intelligence test, which would explain why IQ scores correlate with so many life outcomes [69][70][71]. ...
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Psychologists have investigated creativity for 70 years, and it is now seen as being an important construct, both scientifically and because of its practical value to society. However, several fundamental unresolved problems persist, including a suitable definition of creativity and the ability of psychometric tests to measure divergent thinking—an important component of creativity—in a way that aligns with theory. It is this latter point that this registered report is designed to address. We administered two divergent thinking tests (the verbal and figural versions of the Torrance Tests of Creative Thinking; TTCT) with an intelligence test (the International Cognitive Ability Resource test; ICAR). We then subjected the subscores from these tests to confirmatory factor analysis to examine which of nine theoretically plausible models best fits the data. Results show that none of the pre-registered models fit the data well, an ambiguous result that leaves unanswered the question of whether intelligence and divergent thinking tests measure the same construct. Exploratory (i.e., not pre-registered) measurement models of each test separately shows that the TTCT-F may not measure a coherent, unitary construct—leading to model misspecification when TTCT-F subtests were included in larger models. This study was conducted in accordance with all open science practices, including pre-registration, open data and syntax, and open materials (with the exception of copyrighted and confidential test stimuli). Materials are available at https://osf.io/8rpfz/ .
... The proposed causal model for these findings is a combination of cognitive ability-based meritocracy and spatial transferability of psychological traits: when bright or dull people move, they mostly remain equally bright or dull at their new homes, including when these are in other countries. Because higher cognitive ability cause better socioeconomic outcomes such as higher education, income, occupational status and lower crime, group differences in cognitive ability -whether these are nationality-related or not -are reflected in social inequality between them (Gordon, 1997;Gottfredson, 1998;Herrnstein & Murray, 1994;Lynn & Vanhanen, 2012). ...
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The relationships between national IQs, Muslim% in origin countries and estimates of net fiscal contributions to public finances in Denmark (n=32) and Finland (n=11) were examined. The analyses showed that the fiscal estimates were near-perfectly correlated between countries (r = .89 [.56 to .98], n=9), and were well-predicted by national IQs (r’s .89 [.49 to .96] and .69 [.45 to .84]), and Muslim% (r’s -.75 [-.93 to -.27] and -.73 [-.86 to -.51]). Furthermore, general socioeconomic factor scores for Denmark were near-perfectly correlated with the fiscal estimates (r = .86 [.74 to .93]), especially when one outlier (Syria) was excluded (.90 [.80 to .95]). Finally, the monetary returns to higher country of origin IQs were estimated to be 917/470 Euros/person-year for a 1 IQ point increase, and -188/-86 for a 1% increase in Muslim%.
... In fact, this principle explains why intelligence, as assessed by standardized tests, predicts a heterogeneous set of behavioural differences across real life settings (Strenze, 2015). If life is (a) a very long intelligence test battery, as proposed by Gottfredson (1997) and Gordon (1997), (b) there are problems/items in life with smaller and greater levels of cognitive complexity, and (c) video games are now present in our lives, then it is reasonable to assume that intelligence might be properly assessed choosing and designing adequate video games, those aimed at tapping the cognitive processes key for recruiting intelligence regardless of their superficial appearance. ...
Article
Video games are among the most popular leisure activities in current Western societies. Psychology research has shown correlations, at the latent level, between intelligence and video games ranging from 0.60 to 0.93. Here we analyze whether video games genre can account for this range of correlations by testing one hundred and thirty-four participants playing ten video games of different genres for iPad® and WiiU® (Art of Balance®, Blek, Crazy Pool, EDGE®, Hook, Rail Maze, SkyJump, Space Invaders, Splatoon® and Unpossible) within a controlled playing environment. Gaming performance was correlated with standard measures of fluid reasoning, visuospatial ability, and processing speed. Results revealed a correlation value of 0.79 between latent factors representing general intelligence (g) and video games general performance (gVG). This finding leads to conclude that: (1) performance intelligence tests and video games is supported by shared cognitive processes and (2) brain-games are not the only genre able to produce performance measures comparable to intelligence standardized tests. From a theoretical perspective, the observed result supports the principle of the indifference of the indicator that has been addressed in intelligence research across decades.
... Gould oublie en outre que le concept d'intelligence (et sa mesure) est défini par différentes dimensions de l'habileté cognitive (Carroll, 1993). Qui plus est, en sciences humaines et sociales, aucun autre construit ne prédit (au sens statistique bien sûr) aussi bien autant de choses importantes pour l'adaptation à la vie quotidienne, ce que Gould ignore complètement (voir à ce sujet les travaux de Gordon, 1997;Gottfredson, 1997;Hunt, 1995;Lubinski et Humphreys, 1997). Malheureusement, le lecteur naïf de La mal-mesure de l'homme conclura que l'intelligence se traduit par un score unique qui n'a rien à voir avec la vraie vie (Schmidt, 1997). ...
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La mal-mesure de l'homme de S. J. Gould (198111996) a connu un immense succès. Les ajouts, au début et à la fin de la réédition de 1996, accentuent encore la classification des chercheurs dans le domaine de l'intelligence effectuée par Gould en « bons» (par exemple Binet) et en « méchants» (par exemple Goddard, Terman et les défenseurs du g de Spearman). Le retour aux textes originaux cités par Gould met toutefois en évidence que celui-ci défend une idéologie. On note en effet des citations et des omissions sélectives, des fausses accusations et certaines déformations historiques. Mots clés: intelligence, mesure de l'intelligence, histoire
... This, though, does not imply that some of the known large cultural, national, and regional differences are not explainable in terms of them. It has been shown that in theory small individual level behavioral differences can amplify such to produce large population level ones (Dickens and Flynn, 2001); more specifically, population level differences involve not just the direct effects of individual level ones but they also involve the indirect effects of these, thus allowing for a population level amplification (Gordon, 1997). As such, there is no inconsistency between small individual level differences and large population level ones. ...
... Moreover, the traditional (individual) IQ testing paradigm tends to require items to be psychometrically validated around various domains of mental ability, such as visual processing, reading and writing, and fluid reasoning (e.g., McGrew 2009). Additionally, a good IQ test will be mentally rather than physically exhaustive, offer a balanced range of mental tasks that adequately cover different dimensions of content, complexity, and mental operations, and be objectively verifiable rather than judgmental or probabilistic in nature (Gordon 1997;Jensen 1998). ...
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Collective intelligence (CI) is said to manifest in a group’s domain general mental ability. It can be measured across a battery of group IQ tests and statistically reduced to a latent factor called the “ c- factor.” Advocates have found the c- factor predicts group performance better than individual IQ. We test this claim by meta-analyzing correlations between the c- factor and nine group performance criterion tasks generated by eight independent samples ( N = 857 groups). Results indicated a moderate correlation, r , of .26 (95% CI .10, .40). All but four studies comprising five independent samples ( N = 366 groups) failed to control for the intelligence of individual members using individual IQ scores or their statistically reduced equivalent (i.e., the g- factor). A meta-analysis of this subset of studies found the average IQ of the groups’ members had little to no correlation with group performance ( r = .06, 95% CI −.08, .20). Around 80% of studies did not have enough statistical power to reliably detect correlations between the primary predictor variables and the criterion tasks. Though some of our findings are consistent with claims that a general factor of group performance may exist and relate positively to group performance, limitations suggest alternative explanations cannot be dismissed. We caution against prematurely embracing notions of the c- factor unless it can be independently and robustly replicated and demonstrated to be incrementally valid beyond the g- factor in group performance contexts.
... sakupljanje plodova) jer zahtijevaju od osobe odreĎene sposobnosti (npr. razumijevanje lanca uzroka i posljedica ili sagledavanje većeg broja koraka unaprijed (Gordon, 1997). Kompleksnost se takoĎer povećava novim uslovima zadataka ili konfiguracijama, a što dovodi do većeg kognitivnog opterećenja. ...
... This pattern of results is predicted by human capital models and meritocratic models of social inequality as summarized in the introduction. Specifically, a wide variety of evidence supports the causal importance of general intelligence in explaining and predicting social outcomes in general whether these relate to education, income, unemployment, crime, or health (Belsky et al., 2016(Belsky et al., , 2018Domingue et al., 2015;Gordon, 1997;Gottfredson, 1997Gottfredson, , 2002Hegelund et al., 2019;C. Murray, 2002). ...
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Immigrants to Western countries typically have worse social outcomes than natives, but country of origin immigrant groups differ widely. We studied school performance in Denmark for 116 immigrant groups measured by the grade point average (GPA) of the 9th grade exam at the end of compulsory schooling. General intelligence is a strong causal factor of school outcomes and life outcomes in general for individuals. We accordingly predicted that country of origin average intelligence (national IQ) will predict immigrant group outcomes. We furthermore included as covariates immigrant generation (first vs. second) as well as the Muslim percentage of country of origin. Results show that GPA in Denmark can be predicted by national IQ r = .47 (n = 81), Muslim percentage r = -.40 (n = 81), and educational selectivity of immigrants entering Denmark r = .35 (n = 71). Regression modeling indicated that each predictor is informative when combined. The final model explained 46.3% of the variance with first generation (binary) β = -0.65, βIQ = 0.29, βMuslim = -0.21, and β education selectivity index = 0.27 (all predictors p < .001, n = 97). Our results are in line with existing research on cognitive stratification and immigration.
... En efecto, la vida se puede concebir como un larguísimo test de inteligencia (Gordon, 1997). Y la covariación que identificaron Smith et al. ayudaría a explicar por qué las medidas estandarizadas de capacidad intelectual (los test) predicen un heterogéneo y extenso número de fenómenos de interés social (Colom, 2002). ...
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Inteligencia, memoria operativa y control ejecutivo
... In reality, academic performance has a positive linear relationship with IQ (Cucina et al., 2016;Guez et al., 2018;Zaboski et al., 2018). Likewise, a majority (59.5%) of teachers disagreed with the (empirically supported) statement that IQ tests are important measures of success in life outside of school (see Gordon, 1997;Gottfredson, 1997b;Lubinski, 2000; for explanations of the importance of intelligence in everyday life). It is not clear why teachers-who observe the effects of intelligence differences every day in their job-have such misunderstandings of some of the most fundamental manifestations of intelligence. ...
Article
Research in educational psychology consistently finds a relationship between intelligence and academic performance. However, in recent decades, educational fields, including gifted education, have resisted intelligence research, and there are some experts who argue that intelligence tests should not be used in identifying giftedness. Hoping to better understand this resistance to intelligence research, we created a survey of beliefs about intelligence and administered it online to a sample of the general public and a sample of teachers. We found that there are conflicts between currently accepted intelligence theory and beliefs from the American public and teachers, which has important consequences on gifted education, educational policy, and the effectiveness of interventions.
... One way of responding to these questions is that life is itself a mentally demanding game. A well-cited paper in psychology is entitled "Everyday Life as an Intelligence Test" (Gordon, 1997). Equally, one could entitle a paper "Everyday Life as a Repeated Prisoner's Dilemma." ...
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A central debate in bioethics is whether parents should try to influence the genetic basis of their children’s traits. We argue that the case for using mate selection, embryo selection, and other interventions to enhance heritable traits like intelligence is strengthened by the fact that they seem to have positive network effects. These network effects include increased cooperation in collective action problems, which contributes to social trust and prosperity. We begin with an overview of evidence for these claims, and then argue that if individual welfare is largely a function of group traits, parents should try to preserve or enhance cognitive traits that have positive network effects.
... Such sociologists will only be agents of authority. [8], [9] From the illustration presented by Ali Shari'ati, if it is associated with social control, it is very relevant and responsive, especially related to the duties and role of Prodi lecturers. PIPS in responding to the deviant behavior of its students. ...
... Since prevalence rates do not reflect an underlying phenotype, correlating them with genetic scores would not be useful. However, since there is a genetic correlation between GI and ADHD, and natural selection has stronger effects upon higher-order constructs with pervasive effects on life outcomes and survival, such as GI (Jensen, 1998;Gottfredson, 1997;Gordon, 1997;Gottfredson, 2004) we expect to find a correlation between population-level ADHD genetic scores and aggregate measures of cognitive capacity. ...
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ADHD and general intelligence are negatively correlated (within populations) and this correlation is driven by common genetic variants shared between the two phenotypes. This paper analyzes the population frequency patterns of alleles associated with ADHD and intelligence in two samples of 26 and 50 populations (1000 genomes and ALFRED). Factor analysis of allele frequencies was used to estimate the strength of natural selection on the two traits. The two factors, indicating selection for general intelligence and ADHD, show strong negative correlations in both 1000 Genomes and ALFRED samples (r= -0.93 and -0.90, respectively). Alleles with lower p-values would be less likely to be false positives, so the more significant ADHD GWAS hits are expected to be more strongly negatively correlated with the general intelligence SNP and the ADHD SNP factors, which were also found (r=-0.26 and 0.37, respectively). The ADHD factor predicted national IQs also after accounting for a measure of population structure (Fst). Results are interpreted in a framework based on evolutionary convergent selection pressure for higher general intelligence and lower ADHD.
... The sociologist Robert Gordon (1997) pictured life as a very long intelligence test spanning from birth to death. The post-industrial society in which we are living now requires the mental manipulation of symbols and the individual differences observed in this regard are of paramount relevance for the XXI Century. ...
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Human intelligence has long been investigated by scientists because it is a psychological factor of paramount relevance for understanding human behavior. This chapter addresses the nature of human intelligence: • Why intelligence is conceived as a very general mental ability for reasoning, planning, solving problems, thinking abstractly, comprehending complex ideas, and learning. • General intelligence (g) is the integrative factor underlying disparate psychological factors. • Why are some people smarter than others? • How the intelligence factor should be studied from different, albeit related, perspectives (psychometric, cognitive, biological). • Why psychological differences in general cannot be fully understood ignoring the core status of human intelligence.
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This chapter explores whether males and females differ in general intelligence, g. It argues that both, total summed IQ scores of intelligence in general, and the Principal Component or Principal Factor analytic g scores of general intelligence g might, under certain methodological circumstances, represent a slightly contaminated proxy for the latent variable g. Were that the case, methodological shortcomings would overshadow a potentially small sex difference in g. A six-point scale for evaluating sex difference studies in term of adequacy of methodology was therefore developed and applied to a number of selected studies-some of them reporting a sex difference, some not. Studies earning less than 5 points run, according to the chosen scale cut-off point an unacceptable high risk of committing either a type I or type II error. The literature review indicates that only two contemporary studies earn five or more points, and thus satisfy the quality demand. Both studies used the Schmid-Leiman hierarchical factor analytic approach, both factored in the relevant point-biserial correlations, and both studies found a significant male lead in general intelligence g. Finally, the chapter demonstrates that a simple tape measure of head circumference correlates significantly with g, and that brain size under-predicts the sex difference in g by about 1.1 IQ point.
Article
The purpose of this study is to replicate recent findings demonstrating that the dysgenic fertility trend is a Jensen effect. Data were drawn from Project TALENT. Present analyses included data from a total sample of 79,734 participants with complete data regarding number of biological children at the 11 year follow up, and analyses were further split by sex and race to examine possible differential trends among subgroups. Correlated vectors analyses revealed strong Jensen effects such that subtests with higher g-saturation were associated with larger dysgenic fertility gradients. This effect was evident in the total sample, and within all race/gender subgroups except for Asian males. Such findings yield further confirmation that g is in fact the principal factor by which the dysgenic fertility gradient operates.
Article
This study aimed to investigate the relationship between the performance in the Test RIn, which measures fluid intelligence (g factor), and the age variable. The test was administered to 1102 participants, with mean age of 18,99 years (SD=6,06), from the states of São Paulo and Minas Gerais. The first analysis of variance showed no correlation between the variables, so the participants were divided into two groups of age, one of them until the age of 22 and the other one 23 years old and up. The subsequent analysis showed that there was a positive correlation between the group of age until 22 years old and the scores of the test, which indicates that as increased the age, the scores also increased. In contrast, the age group from 23 years old and up negatively correlated with the scores of the test, suggesting that the fluid intelligence is ending its development and the beginning of a mild diminishing. Furthermore, it was found significant differences among five age groups scores,: ranging from 11 to 13, 14 to 16, 17 to 22, 23 to 32, 33 to 49 and lastly from 50 years old.
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This chapter drawn attention to the fact that tests and tasks differ systematically in general cognitive ability, g loading, that is, in the degree to which they call forth general intelligence g. This suggests a way to better understand the impact of differences in g in daily life-examine everyday tasks and broad life outcomes for their psychometric properties, including their g loadedness. That is, to address the ways in which life mimics or departs from a standardized intelligence test. The value of six specific questions is illustrated by applying them to the literature on job performance and occupational attainment-what is the distribution, by g loading, of the many subtests one takes in life's extensive mental test battery; to what extent do one takes common vs. different subtests in life; to what extent do the differences in g determine which subtests one takes. Applying the life-as-a-mental-test-battery analogy to the world of work yields predictions about where and why a higher g will be an advantage elsewhere in life. The analogy also explains why even big effects can be hard to discern in the psychometrically messy real world.
Article
The present study searched for evidence of validity between the R1- Teste não-verbal de inteligência and the Teste Conciso de Raciocínio, whose manuals indicate to measure the g factor, and both developed for people which intend to obtain their driver licenses. 65 volunteers, aged from 18 to 48 years (M=24.36), participating in the process for driver licenses were studied. The correlation coefficients make possible to infer that a substantial part of the variance of both the tests was common, indicating that they would measure a high amount of the same psychological mechanism. Thus, it was possible to consider that this relation was suggestive of an evidence of construct validity. Finally, it was evidenced that the R1 discriminated only for the range from 20 to 40 scores, and the TCR, however, provided a distribution in all its range.
Article
Psychologists using quantitative studies of the trait intelligence have established with much confidence that the impact of genes on intelligence increases with age, while the environmental effect of the family of origin declines. We examined the conjecture that a similar trend of increasing effect of genes/declining family environmental effect characterizes other status-related outcomes when arranged in typical age-graded sequence over adolescence and early adulthood. We used DeFries-Fulker (1985) (DF) analysis with longitudinal data on 1,576 pairs of variously-related young adult siblings (MZ twins; DZ twins; full siblings; half siblings; cousins; and nonrelated siblings; mean age 28) to estimate univariate quantitative genetic decompositions for fifteen status-related outcomes roughly ordered along the early life course: Verbal IQ, High school GPA, College plans, High school graduation, Some college, College graduation, Graduate school, Educational attainment, Occupational education, Occupational wages, Personal earnings, Household income, Household assets, Home ownership, and Subjective social status, with and without covariate controls for Age, Female gender, and Race/ethnicity (black, Hispanic, other; reference white). Results for successive outcomes did not support the conjecture of increasing heritability with maturity. Rather, the impacts of both the genes and the family environment tended to decline over the life course, resulting in a downward trend in family influences from all sources. There was some evidence of a recrudescence in relative influence of the family environment for outcomes related to the household that are often shared with a spouse, such as home ownership, suggesting a role of assortative mating in status reproduction. Other findings and limitations of the study are discussed.
Article
As a pioneering social psychologist, William McDougall (1871-1938) proposed a theory of human behavior that underscored the influence of group character. In The Group Mind, McDougall identified what he called "the principles of collective psychology" and explained how basic human drives, as natural inherited instincts, form the basis of human conduct. According to McDougall, the cohesive nature of various groups rests upon the intrinsic collective mentality of its individual members. Variation in human behavior stems from intrinsic differences in disposition, temperament, intelligence, and character which reflect distinct yet heterogeneous cultural, ethnic and national patterns. His work, though sporadically vague and subjective, recognized various distinctions among national cultures - traits and characteristics which transcend the level of the individual and create the collective identity and distinctive qualities of human groups. The following comparative analysis examines McDougall's notion of 'group character' and the underlying factors that establish the validity of McDougall's hypothesis.
Article
Even though it is well established that the involvement in physical activities will positively influence the psychological functioning of the individuals, little is known about the positive mental health aspects of competitive athletes-a group actively involved in physical activities. The present study aimed to examine four person factors namely gender, age, nonverbal intelligence and emotional intelligence as the potential predictors of athlete's mental health. The participants were 304 Indian athletes (161 male and 143 female) participating in different competitive sporting events. Positive mental health was assessed by Mental Health Status Scale while emotional intelligence and nonverbal intelligence were assessed by Emotional Intelligence Scale for sport persons and Advanced Progressive Matrices respectively. The results showed that age, gender and emotional intelligence were the significant predictors of athletes' positive mental health. Emotional intelligence explained 29% variance in positive mental health when age, gender and nonverbal intelligence were statistically controlled. The significance of the results is discussed along with study limitations.
Article
To further our understanding of the role interests play in the development of adult intellect, this study examines the relationship between intraindividual differences in interest and knowledge profiles. On the basis of a sample of 330,154 individuals, results show a moderate, positive average intraindividual correlation between interest and knowledge that increases as individuals age and is stronger for men than for women. Consistent with recent theories regarding the development of adult intelligence, expertise, and talent, these results demonstrate that noncognitive intraindividual differences can add to one's understanding of the acquisition of knowledge and skills. The current findings regarding the intraindividual convergence of interests and knowledge substantiate K. Murphy's (1998) call for renewed research on interests and point to the usefulness of an intraindividual perspective in applied psychology.
Article
Hans Eysenck was a highly analytical, objective, independent-minded experimentalist. He personified the biological perspective of the Galton–Spearman ‘London School of Psychology’, which he led for many decades. His first (1939) and last publications (1998) were on intelligence. Returning to the topic in the 1960s, he formulated, tested, and promulgated the theory that general intelligence (g) is a biological phenomenon with broad social consequences. I examine the status of Eysenck's theory, advances in the field, and social reactions to them during the 1960s–1970s, 1980s–1990s, and since 2000. My perspective is that of a sociologist who, in testing alternative theories of social inequality, was drawn inexorably into the intelligence literature, policy debates over fairness in employee selection, and first-hand observation of the sort of controversies he experienced. Eysenck's 1979 and 1998 textbooks on intelligence mark developments in his theory and supporting evidence during the first two periods. They exhibit considerable knowledge about the philosophy and history of science, and the nature of scientific controversy. Advances in intelligence since 2000, in particular, from neuroimaging and molecular genetics, vindicate his biological perspective. It was controversial during his lifetime because he was so far ahead of his time.
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Interpersonal needs of the individual are the facilitator in the choice of his career. Individual make such choices which gratifies his need. This paper focuses upon the management students and their choice of electives. The sample size for the study is 396 management students who are sub-grouped on the basis of gender, category and the choice of electives. The research proves that the interpersonal needs have impact on the choice of electives.
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The hypothesis that tests are biased against minority groups asserts that scores on psychological tests may be accurate estimates of the ability of majority white test-takers but they are poor estimates of the ability of minority persons. This hypothesis can be tested empirically with data from any domain. If tests are biased, then evidence of bias should be found in every domain in which tests are used. If the evidence in any domain shows ability tests to be unbiased, then the hypothesis of bias must be abandoned. Findings suggesting bias in another domain would have to be explained by some other hypothesis that is specific to that domain.
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In 1990 The Sentencing Project released a report that documented that almost one in four (23 percent) African American males in the age group twenty to twenty-nine years old was under some form of criminal justice supervision—in prison or jail, on probation or parole. That report received extensive national attention and helped to generate much dialogue and activity on the part of policymakers, community organizations, and criminal justice professionals.
Article
As racial tensions ravage America's inner cities, Byron M. Roth argues that the time has come to reassess our public policies on race and rethink the flawed theories that underlie them. In this pathbreaking book, Roth examines the sources of racial conflict and attempts to discover why advances in civil rights for blacks over the past thirty years have not been accompanied by greater harmony between blacks and whites. Roth's central thesis is that America's policies on race have failed because they have been based on social science theories unsupported by sound evidence. He contends that many of the policies initiated in the 1960s were founded on the premise that discrimination was the greatest barrier to black advancement. This premise, Roth argues, no longer reflects reality, as white attitudes toward blacks have unproved and the black middle class has grown. According to Roth, social scientists have failed to communicate to the policy-making community that policies aimed at diminishing white racism can have only a negligible effect on the massive problems of the black underclass. "Prescription for Failure "touches on a wide range of issues, including the role of the media in perpetuating common misunderstandings about race, the reluctance of social scientists to report on controversial findings that might be construed as insensitive or racist, and the trend on university campuses toward self-segregation among minority students. Written hi a style accessible to the general reader, Roth's book poses a serious challenge to the status quo. It will be of significant interest to political scientists, policymakers, sociologists, and scholars interested hi the study of race.
Chapter
Jensen (e.g., 1980a) has grouped the various criteria for detecting bias in ability tests under two broad headings: internal and external. Studies under the first heading concern themselves with relations among the components of a test; those under the second are concerned with predictive relations between the test as a whole and outside variables. Mercer organized her chapter in this book to parallel Jensen’s distinction, and my chapter parallels hers, but, because of space limitations, only the half of her chapter concerned with internal validity.
Article
Personnel selection research provides much evidence that intelligence (g) is an important predictor of performance in training and on the job, especially in higher level work. This article provides evidence that g has pervasive utility in work settings because it is essentially the ability to deal with cognitive complexity, in particular, with complex information processing. The more complex a work task, the greater the advantages that higher g confers in performing it well. Everyday tasks, like job duties, also differ in their level of complexity. The importance of intelligence therefore differs systematically across different arenas of social life as well as economic endeavor. Data from the National Adult Literacy Survey are used to show how higher levels of cognitive ability systematically improve individual's odds of dealing successfully with the ordinary demands of modern life (such as banking, using maps and transportation schedules, reading and understanding forms, interpreting news articles). These and other data are summarized to illustrate how the advantages of higher g, even when they are small, cumulate to affect the overall life chances of individuals at different ranges of the IQ bell curve. The article concludes by suggesting ways to reduce the risks for low-IQ individuals of being left behind by an increasingly complex postindustrial economy.
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Public Law 94-142 (Section 612[5] [C] of the Education of the Handicapped Act) mandated, for the first time, racially and culturally nondiscriminatory assessment procedures in the identification of “handicapped” children to be served by federally funded programs. Each state is to establish procedures to assure that testing and evaluation materials and procedures utilized for the purposes of evaluation and placement of handicapped children will be selected and administered so as not to be racially or culturally discriminatory. Such materials or procedures shall be provided and administered in the child’s native language or mode of communication, unless it clearly is not feasible to do so, and no single procedure shall be the sole criterion for determining an appropriate educational program for a child.
Article
Interaction in primary groups performs an essential function in the formation of public opinion. Research on small groups shows their significance for the generation and maintenance of opinions. Panel studies of elections show the importance of personal influence in opinion change. Opinion leadership in the community can be distinguished from opinion initiation in primary relations. In a public, as distinct from a mass, there is a disjunction between personal interests and group expectations. Types of adaptation to these two determinants of public opinion are pro, con, ambivalent, undecided, and uninformed. The typical history of a public passes through stages characterized by mass behavior, public controversy between organized factions, and institutionalized decision-making. In each stage primary groups perform generative and relay functions within larger structures. The consequence of continued interaction is sharpening, crystallizing, and polarizing of opinions. Persons who are ambivalent, undecided, and uninformed change in the direction of conformance to primary group expectations. Interests are redefined to accord with expectations.
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Education’s traditional value of enhancing the quality of life for the individual need not be eclipsed by the growing recognition of its importance to the national welfare. A well-educated population is now deemed crucial in this technological era. The cultivation of excellence in the kinds of achievement that depend on an educated work force is an undisputed goal in all industrial societies. Regardless of differences in coutries’ political and economic systems, we see implicit agreement with Adam Smith’s dictum that the wealth of nations depends on the abilities of their people. Virtually every head of state appoints a minister of education. The government of Venezuela, in addition, even appointed a “Minister for the Development of Intelligence.” Obviously, the modern world perceives the supply of educated intelligence as vitally related to the general welfare.
Book
"The Truly Disadvantagedshould spur critical thinking in many quarters about the causes and possible remedies for inner city poverty. As policy makers grapple with the problems of an enlarged underclass they—as well as community leaders and all concerned Americans of all races—would be advised to examine Mr. Wilson's incisive analysis."—Robert Greenstein,New York Times Book Review "'Must reading' for civil-rights leaders, leaders of advocacy organizations for the poor, and for elected officials in our major urban centers."—Bernard C. Watson,Journal of Negro Education "Required reading for anyone, presidential candidate or private citizen, who really wants to address the growing plight of the black urban underclass."—David J. Garrow,Washington Post Book World Selected by the editors of theNew York Times Book Reviewas one of the sixteen best books of 1987. Winner of the 1988 C. Wright Mills Award of the Society for the Study of Social Problems.
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The Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children - Revised (WISC-R) was factor analyzed at ages 6.5 to 16.5 (n = 200 per age group). The factor structure was remarkably consistent across the age range, with 3 factors emerging for each group: Verbal Comprehension, Perceptual Organization, and Freedom from Distractibility. These factors resemble the factors identified for the 1949 WISC, although the WISC-R structure was more stable and in closer agreement with Wechsler's Verbal Performance dichotomy than was the structure of its predecessor. The results of the study are discussed in terms of their clinical applications, particularly interpretation of WISC-R profiles.
Article
Two studies, one with 2- to 3-month-olds and one with 6- to 8-month-olds, were conducted to examine infant preferences for attractive faces. A standard visual preference technique was used in which infants were shown pairs of color slides of the faces of adult women previously rated by other adults for attractiveness. The results showed that both the older and younger infants looked longer at attractive faces when the faces were presented in contrasting pairs of attractiveness (attractive/unattractive). When the faces were presented in pairs of similar levels of attractiveness (attractive/attractive vs. unattractive/unattractive) the older but not the younger infants looked longer at attractive faces. The results challenge the commonly held assumption that standards of attractiveness are learned through gradual exposure to the current cultural standard of beauty and are merely "in the eye of the beholder.".
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This issues' paper by Guterman shows that IQ predicts important criterion variables equally well across social class in a predominantly white sample, leading to the conclusion that IQ tests are not socioeconomically biased. The present paper places Guterman's finding in the context of more general studies concerned with possible racial bias in IQ tests. These studies approach the problem of bias in two major ways, through external validity, like Guterman's, and through internal validity, which deals with the detailed behavior of test items themselves. Both kinds of study agree in showing that IQ tests are not biased against blacks. In addition, studies of internal validity show that the model of test bias embraced by test critics implies a process of cultural diffusion that is improbable. Questions raised by Guterman concerning the legitimacy of using IQ in stratification research are discussed. Finally, IQ is compared with SES in status attainment models for blacks and whites, where it is shown to play roughly the same role for both races, and to have generally stronger direct effects than SES throughout the models.
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Recent work on the organized sources of network ties and on the social structural determinants of association are synthesized to produce several hypotheses about homophily. These hypotheses are tested with data on 304 face-to-face groups from 10 communities. We find that friends are more similar on status dimensions than chance and that this homophily is produced both by the restricted opportunity structure offered by the group and by homophilous choices made within the group. Organizational heterogeneity leads to substantially greater dyadic status distance within the organization, while organization size consistently reduces dyadic status distance. At a given level of diversity, a larger group will permit more homophilous friendship pairing. However, correlated status dimensions create little reduction in dyadic social distance. In general, homogeneity within groups is the overwhelming determinant of homophily.
Article
The manner in which the concept of reciprocity is implicated in functional theory is explored, enabling a reanalysis of the concepts of "survival" and "exploitation." The need to distinguish between the concepts of complementarity and reciprocity is stressed. Distinctions are also drawn between (1) reciprocity as a pattern of mutually contingent exchange of gratifications, (2) the existential or folk belief in reciprocity, and (3) the generalized moral norm of reciprocity. Reciprocity as a moral norm is analyzed; it is hypothesized that it is one of the universal "principal components" of moral codes. As Westermarck states, "To requite a benefit, or to be grateful to him who bestows it, is probably everywhere, at least under certain circumstances, regarded as a duty. This is a subject which in the present connection calls for special consideration." Ways in which the norm of reciprocity is implicated in the maintenance of stable social systems are examined.
Article
In empirical research, social structures are usually characterized, explicitly or implicitly, by frequency distributions of behavior of individuals or relationships among them. Thus, the common culture refers to prevailing values, and group cohesiveness, to pervasive interpersonal bonds. To isolate the external constraints of social values from the influences of the individual's internalized values, that the prevalence of a value in a group is associated with social conduct when this value is held constant for individuals must be demonstrated. Data from a public assistance agency show that the prevailing values in a work group had such structural effects. In some cases, the group value and the individual's orientation had similar, but independent, effects on his conduct; in other cases, they had opposite effects; in still others, the effects of the individual's orientation were contingent on the prevalence of this orientation in the group, a pattern which identifies characteristics associated with deviancy. The same procedure was used to isolate the structural effects of cohesiveness and of the communication network.
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Traces the rise of the American Republican party to its current, almost unassailable position in presidential elections. The authors argue that the main voting issues in the USA since the mid-1960s have been underpinned by racial anxiety and resentment of welfare liberalities.
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As debate rages over the widening and destructive gap between the rich and the rest of Americans, Claude Fischer and his colleagues present a comprehensive new treatment of inequality in America. They challenge arguments that expanding inequality is the natural, perhaps necessary, accompaniment of economic growth. They refute the claims of the incendiary bestseller "The Bell Curve" (1994) through a clear, rigorous re-analysis of the very data its authors, Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, used to contend that inherited differences in intelligence explain inequality. "Inequality by Design" offers a powerful alternative explanation, stressing that economic fortune depends more on social circumstances than on IQ, which is itself a product of society. More critical yet, patterns of inequality must be explained by looking beyond the attributes of individuals to the structure of society. Social policies set the "rules of the game" within which individual abilities and efforts matter. And recent policies have, on the whole, widened the gap between the rich and the rest of Americans since the 1970s.Not only does the wealth of individuals' parents shape their chances for a good life, so do national policies ranging from labor laws to investments in education to tax deductions. The authors explore the ways that America--the most economically unequal society in the industrialized world--unevenly distributes rewards through regulation of the market, taxes, and government spending. It attacks the myth that inequality fosters economic growth, that reducing economic inequality requires enormous welfare expenditures, and that there is little we can do to alter the extent of inequality. It also attacks the injurious myth of innate racial inequality, presenting powerful evidence that racial differences in achievement are the consequences, not the causes, of social inequality. By refusing to blame inequality on an unchangeable human nature and an inexorable market--an excuse that leads to resignation and passivity--"Inequality by Design" shows how we can advance policies that widen opportunity for all.