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Cultural Capital and Its Effects on Education Outcomes
Abstract
In this study we distinguished between two forms of cultural capital, one that is static, representing the highbrow activities and practices of parents, and one that is relational, representing cultural interactions and communication between children and their parents. We used data for 28 countries from the 2000 Programme for International Student Assessment to examine whether these two types of cultural capital were associated with students’ reading literacy, sense of belonging at school, and occupational aspirations, after controlling for traditional measures of socioeconomic status. We examined whether one type of cultural capital had stronger effects than the other and whether their effects differed across outcomes and across countries. The results provide compelling evidence that dynamic cultural capital has strong effects on students’ schooling outcomes, while static cultural capital has more modest effects.
... Children with higher levels of cultural capital exhibit superior educational achievements. These achievements are observed by their adeptness in comprehending linguistic structures, adherence to institutional rules, and mastery of abstract concepts imparted throughout their academic journey (Tramonte and Willms, 2010). ...
... Students' responses about their engagement with cultural goods and services were aggregated into a single composite variable. It is worth noting that a similar approach was adopted by Tramonte and Willms (2010) in their analysis of cultural consumption using data from the Program for International Student Assessment (PISA). The students' responses encompassed various aspects of cultural consumption, such as visits to libraries, cinemas, shows, and exhibitions (including theaters, museums, dance performances, and music events) and their reading habits in terms of books, comics, newspapers, and internet news. ...
... Moreover, empirical evidence establishes a connection between cultural consumption and improved academic performance as measured by proficiency tests, reduced dropout rates, and heightened educational aspirations (Tramonte and Willms, 2010). Considering the identified determinants and spatial distribution of cultural consumption, it is only plausible that the impacts mentioned above may exhibit asymmetrical distribution patterns within Brazil. ...
... Because the learning context is considered as a significant determinant of students' reading performance (e.g., Hu, 2014), a large number of contextual factors in the PIRLS framework (Mullis et al., 2017) are included in various contexts related to elementary students' reading at the student, family and school levels. Based on the PIRLS, some studies focus on different contextual factors that affect students' reading performance in the fourth grade (e.g., Cordero et al., 2017;Law, 2009;Mullis et al., 2004;Park, 2011), including the influence of students' attitude towards reading on their reading performance at the student level (e.g., Gnaldi et al., 2005); the influence of the socioeconomic background on students' reading achievement at the family level (e.g., Mullis et al., 2004); and the influence of school resources, composition and education policies on students' performances (e.g., Jing et al., 2015;Machin et al., 2013;Tramonte & Willms, 2010) at the school level. Bronfenbrenner's (1979) ecological system model is widely used to explore the influence of contextual factors on children (e.g., Eriksson et al., 2018;Leonard, 2011;Wiium & Wold, 2009). ...
... At the family level, the socioeconomic status (SES) of a family can greatly influence children's development, including their reading performance (e.g., Chen et al., 2019;Cheung et al., 2017;Tramonte & Willms, 2010). SES is an overall index for analyzing a family's status, and it can be represented by indicators such as family wealth, the home literacy environment (HLE) and parents' educational level and occupational status (Authors, 2019a;Creemers & Kyriakides, 2010). ...
... An excellent HLE has been identified as positively affecting students' reading performance (e.g., Caro et al., 2013). In general, parents' educational level and occupational status can reflect the HLE to some extent (e.g., Tramonte & Willms, 2010;Van Bergen et al., 2016) and thus affect students' reading performance. For example, compared with mothers with a low educational level, mothers with a higher educational level tend to ask more questions to encourage their children to think during the shared-reading process (Huebner & Meltzoff, 2005). ...
Contextual factors have been identified as greatly influencing students’ reading performance. However, the collaborative influence of key contextual factors on students’ reading performance is still elusive and warrants further exploration. Based on Walberg’s educational productivity theory and Bronfenbrenner’s ecological system theory, emphasizing that learning in humans can only be understood by considering the influence of multiple factors combined into a unit or system, the current study sought to identify the optimal factor set of key contextual factors that collaboratively influences fourth-grade students’ reading performance. In this study, data from 183,428 students from 61 countries/regions were extracted from the progress in international reading literacy study 2016 dataset. First, a support vector machine (SVM) was adopted to classify the contextual factors influencing high-performing (students whose reading score is above 550) and low-performing (students whose reading score is below 475) students. Second, SVM recursive feature elimination (SVM–RFE) was applied to identify the key contextual factors capable of differentiating the two student cohorts. The findings indicate that 20 key contextual factors selected from 106 contextual factors at the student, family and school levels collectively differentiate high- and low-performing students, providing implications for future teaching and learning on elementary school students’ reading performance.
... As a general finding, cultural capital positively affects a student's academic achievement. Moreover, the cultural capital effect differs across schooling environments, i.e., it tends to be stronger in low-achieving (and high-variance) schooling environments than in high-achieving (and low-variance) ones (e.g., Andersen & Jaeger, 2015;Park, 2008;Tan, 2015;Tramonte & Willms, 2010). ...
... In examining the cultural capital effect on student's academic outcomes, Tramonte and Willms (2010) distinguished static and relational cultural capital in the home, also controlled for the variation in parental occupation status and education level in their study. Static cultural capital includes both the possession of high culture goods, such as artworks, musical instruments, and classical music; and highbrow activities, such as going to museums or the ballet or theater. ...
The chapter presents findings from a systematic review of articles that explore the effect of family socioeconomic and migration background on different educational outcomes in international assessment. Findings of conceptualization and operationalization of the concepts, common analytical methods, effect size, and units of analysis are summarized and discussed. Key findings include the persistent significant and positive relationship between family socioeconomic status and achievement. Negative associations between migratory status and student achievement are found in most countries, although these generally disappear when family socioeconomic status is controlled for. The effects of socioeconomic status and migration status on achievement differed across the level of analysis, the choice of indicators, and the grouping factors deployed within models. Additionally, findings from the reviewed studies indicate that organizational factors within educational systems can intensify or mitigate educational inequalities measured by the SES-achievement relationship.
... Attainment of education is often viewed as highly dependent on advantages and disadvantages passed on from earlier to later generations in terms of unequal resources and socialization patterns (Bukodi and Goldthorpe, 2013;Jaeger and Karlson, 2018;Tramonte and Willms, 2010). ...
... The cultural resource hypothesis argues that the effect of social background on educational attainment is also due to the higher level of cultural resources of privileged parents (Bourdieu, 1986;Bourdieu and Passeron, 1990). Parents' attitudes, values, goals, preferences, and cultural tastes are seen as important factors for children's educational opportunities because the home environment has an impact on the development of children's educational preferences and cognitive skills (see Jaeger and Breen, 2016;Jaeger, 2009;Tramonte and Willms, 2010). Cultural resources are also characterized as one aspect of social status besides social resources (Blossfeld, 2019;Bukodi et al., 2018;Bukodi and Goldthorpe, 2013). ...
This article explores how parental resources work together to secure higher education for their offspring. It does so by, first, mapping the linkages between cumulative advantages and disadvantages of respondents’ parental resources and educational attainment across countries and cohorts. Second, investigating under which institutional setup of education systems these linkages between parental background and educational attainment are the weakest. At both levels, the set-analytic approach is applied. We show that disadvantages tend to cumulate to a much greater extent than advantages and their role in hindering higher educational attainment is much stronger than advantages to enable it. The only configuration of educational system that is sufficient to mitigate linkages between cumulative background and educational attainment in both directions, that is, advantageous background to enable and disadvantageous background to hinder higher educational attainment, combines high levels of standardization and decommodification.
... In Model 2, we added the schools' SES composition. In the next two models, we added the control variables at student level: background characteristics (gender, immigration background, number of books at home, SES) and perceived academic ability (Model 3), as these factors are relevant for expectations (McDaniel, 2010;Salikutluk, 2016;Tramonte and Willms, 2010). In Model 4, we examine the role of the student engagement variables. ...
... With regard to other individual-level variables, our results confirm other research stating that students' expectations are higher among girls, immigrants, and students from families with higher SES and cultural capital (McDaniel, 2010;Salikutluk, 2016;Tramonte and Willms, 2010). The aforementioned results are in line with many previous studies (e.g. ...
Social inequality in students’ educational expectations, a strong predictor of educational attainment, differs substantially between countries. Although education system characteristics are translated into school composition effects, the school level is often forgotten in comparative research. Moreover, to explain school effects, we introduce the concept of student engagement into sociological research on expectations. Results of multilevel analyses (R) on data from 7566 students in 126 high schools in four cities—Barcelona (Spain), Ghent (Belgium), Bergen (Norway), and Reykjavík (Iceland)—demonstrated positive effects of (1) SES composition, but mainly in systems with substantial school segregation, (2) behavioral and emotional engagement on expectations.
... As was true prior to COVID-19, parents vary in terms of their available resources. Extensive research has documented the relationship between parents' educational, social, financial, linguistic, and cultural capital and their ability to support the educational needs of their children (e.g., Alvez et al., 2017;Murray et al., 2020;Trainor, 2010;Tramonte & Willms, 2010). In the context of the pandemic, parents have needed to be able to make sense of educational materials; to navigate the social and cultural norms of schooling; to have available time, energy; and access to necessary resources like computers and high-speed internet in order for their children to participate in learning opportunities provided. ...
... As has been noted throughout COVID-19, the academic progress of children and youth has been greatly influenced by the availability and skills of parents, raising issues of equity (e.g., Bérubé et al., 2021;Mundy & Gallagher-Mackay, 2021). This is not surprising; extensive research pre-COVID-19 documented the relationship between parents' educational, social, financial, linguistic, and cultural capital and their ability to support the educational needs of their children (e.g., Murray et al., 2020;Trainor, 2010;Tramonte & Willms, 2010). We discuss our findings in light of the particular nature of our sample, who are those with sufficient resources and supports in place to allow for their participation in at-home learning and their participation in our study. ...
The role of parents in supporting at-home learning increased dramatically in the spring of 2020. Schools in most Canadian provinces closed physically due to COVID-19, and remote-learning options were quickly developed to ensure continued education for students. Many students with special educational needs, who typically benefit from a range of supports from school, became reliant on parents to provide means of access to and participation in remote learning. Using an online survey, we explored the perceptions of 263 Canadian parents of children with special education needs with regard to their self‑efficacy and supports from schools. We conducted multiple linear regression analyses for each of three dependent variables (academic supports, parent self‑efficacy, and social-emotional supports); independent variables included student grade level, education placement, and total school-provided supports prior to the pandemic. Findings indicated that most parents engaged in remote learning and lacked confidence in their ability to support the learning of their child. Parent self-efficacy was related to social-emotional supports from schools and not to academic supports. Parents of children in elementary grades, and of those who had received more supports from school prior to COVID‑19, reported feeling better supported in social-emotional areas by the school. Schools should explore ways of building strong collaborative relationships between educators and parents, as well as continuing to find ways of supporting families and students in both in- and out-of-school places. The pandemic, and school-building closures, have reminded us how partnerships between parents and schools are crucial for the well-being of all involved.
... The broad understanding emphasizes the transmission of symbolic mastery from parents to children, for instance in terms of language skills and the modes of self-presentation and interaction associated with the development of an academic habitus (see e.g. Barone, 2006;Lareau, 2011;Sullivan, 2001;Tramonte & Willms, 2010). The narrow understanding, on the other hand, emphasizes exposure to specific 'highbrow' cultural activities, such as visiting art galleries, museums and listening to classical music (see e.g. ...
... This point also applies to some adaptions of the broad understanding of cultural capital (see e.g. Barone, 2006;Sullivan, 2001;Tramonte & Willms, 2010). While these studies avoid the problems associated with reducing cultural capital to narrowly defined opera operata, they attempt to measure the 'net effect' of cultural capital (e.g. ...
In this article, we chart connections between class and educational performance in comparatively egalitarian Norway. While viewing various forms of capital as integral parts of class background, we assess how educational performance is differentiated across the class structure. We use survey and register data to assess differences in grades in three school subjects – mathematics and spoken and written Norwegian – at the individual and school level. We focus on the year of graduation of students at lower-secondary schools in Bergen, Norway’s second largest city by population. Lending credence to Bourdieu’s model of the social space, we find differences according to both capital volume and capital composition. Students from class backgrounds rich in overall capital perform comparatively better than those from humbler class backgrounds. There are also differences within the upper class: those from homes rich in cultural capital perform comparatively better than those from homes rich in economic capital. Although between-school differences are low within the ‘unified’ Norwegian school system, the analysis indicates that grades are associated with the class composition of schools: a high proportion of upper-class students positively correlates with higher grades. In addition, there is some evidence of a collective form of class bias: in one of the school subjects, spoken Norwegian, there is a connection between individual grades and teachers’ perceptions of the culture pervasive at the school in question; this connection is contingent upon a school’s class composition. The analysis thus draws attention to the way in which class bias in grading varies between school subjects.
... The independent variables associated with cultural capital were selected following Tramonte and Willms, who propose that there are two types of cultural capital, one static and the other relational [39]. The first is associated with possession of cultural goods and intellectual activities, and the second with discussions on cultural and political issues. ...
... As we can see in Table 3, the results of our estimations show that the student's cultural capital, proxied by the "number of books at home", is not only statistically significant but is also the major factor explaining students' scientific competences. Other authors obtain similar results for mathematics in Latin-American countries [20,53], and for reading competence in OECD countries [39]. ...
In 2015, the United Nations General Assembly adopted Agenda 2030 to guarantee sustainable, peaceful, prosperous, and just life, establishing 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). According to this declaration, pursuing the path of sustainable development requires a profound transformation in how we think and act. People must have scientific competences—not only knowledge of science, but also skills, values, and attitudes toward science that enable them to contribute to the goals proposed. This overall approach, known as Education for Sustainable Development (EDS), is crucial to achieving the SDGs. Scientific competences not only depend on what students learn in their countries’ formal education systems but also on other factors in the environment in which the students live. This study aims to identify the factors that determine scientific competence in students in developing countries, paying special attention to the social and cultural capital and the environmental conditions in the environment in which they live. To achieve this goal, we used data provided by PISA-D in the participating countries—Cambodia, Ecuador, Guatemala, Honduras, Paraguay, and Senegal—and multilevel linear modelling. The results enable us to conclude that achieving scientific competence also depends on the social and cultural capital of the student’s family and on the cultural and social capital of the schools. The higher the score in these forms of capital, the greater the achievement in sciences. View Full-Text
Keywords: scientific competence; SDG; PISA-D; multilevel
... Research has also demonstrated that academic achievement and occupational attainment are greatly influenced by people's family of origin and their parents' educational experiences (Tramonte & Willms, 2010). In relation to education, the authors state how students who possess a higher level of cultural capital better meet school standards; they are accepted into college and achieve a high level of education. ...
... Therefore, I have expanded my definition to match with the definition of relational cultural capital as described by Tramonte and Willms (2010) to analyse the themes that emerged in my journey as an EAL student. The authors define relational cultural capital as the cultural capital that is present in the interactions between the parents and children such as discussions between parents and children about social, cultural matters, and school activities. ...
This paper focuses on my experience as an English as an Additional Language (EAL) student in the context of multiple emigrations and investigates the formation of my identity as an EAL science student, science Education researcher, and science teacher. The study was guided by both my innate curiosity and the research question that sought to explore which factors significantly affected my journey of developing my English language and science knowledge based on my experience as an EAL student. The second and third authors acted as critical friends to provide a layer of reliability to the study. Within the autoethnography methodology (Ellis et al., 2011), I used Bourdieu’s cultural capital to frame the thematic analysis (Bourdieu, 1986). In this paper, we show how the range of factors that affected my journey of developing my English language and science knowledge can be ascribed to Bourdieu’s cultural capital and we posit how support can be provided to future EAL students based on this.
... After Bourdieu, scholars Tramonte and Willms divided cultural capital into two forms: static and dynamic. Through analyzing data from 28 countries in PISA (2000), they found that dynamic cultural capital had a stronger impact on students' reading literacy, school belonging, and career aspirations (Tramonte, L., & Willms, J. D., 2010). ...
Studying the relationship and interactive mechanism between family socio-economic factors, family cultural resources, extracurricular tutoring, and students’ academic performance can provide theoretical support and direction guidance for optimizing the allocation of educational resources and promoting the improvement of students’ learning quality. This study used PISA China (2015) data to select a sample of 9,841 students from 268 schools covering dozens of districts and counties, and explored the impact of family socio-economic factors, family cultural capital, and extracurricular tutoring factors on students’ academic achievement through a three-layer linear regression model. The study found that when only demography variables were included, it had no significant effect on predicting students’ academic achievements. When adding family socioeconomic group variables, family socioeconomic factors have a significant positive predictive effect on students’ academic performance, with family wealth contributing the most; After adding cultural resource group variables, the explanatory power of the model increased by 40.2%, indicating that cultural resource factors have a significant positive effect on students’ academic performance. Increasing cultural resource investment can have a positive effect on improving students’ academic achievement.
... The importance of 'belongingness' has been increasingly discussed in higher education, research, and policy as influencing the performance and wellbeing of students (Becker & Luthar, 2002;Reay et al., 2010;Tramonte & Willms, 2010). The consensus of literature defines student belongingness as the sense of being accepted, valued, included, and encouraged by others (Goodenow, 1993). ...
A sense of belongingness in the underrepresented minorities (URM) collegiate requires that the student feel the university provide a safe and welcoming environment. The purpose of this study is to explore the sense of belongingness that contributes to URM’s perceptions while participating in the summer programs at Kansas State University to increase future college of agriculture enrollment. We evaluate participants using a Likert Scale survey to rate their perceived belongingness and experience upon completion of the summer program. Overall, results indicate the summer program increased the underrepresented minority participants’ sense of belongingness at Kansas State University because of the program coordinators, and exposure to an inviting environment. Additional findings show the program positively affected the collegiate experiences of the participants and increased their knowledge of the agricultural sciences.
... Because it is believed that the learning environment has a substantial impact on how well pupils read Hu (2014), the PIRLS framework Mullis et al. (2017) incorporates a considerable number of contextual variables in a range of situations relevant to primary students' reading at the student, teacher, and school levels. According to the PIRLS, some research focuses on numerous contextual variables that have an impact on fourth-graders reading proficiency Law (2009), Mullis et al. (2020), Park (2011), Cordero et al. (2017), such as the impact of students' attitudes toward reading on their reading performance at the student level Gnaldi et al. (2005), and the effect of a student's socioeconomic background on their family's reading performance ; Regarding the impact of educational policies, school resources, and student composition on students' achievements Tramonte and Willms (2010), Machin et al. (2013), Jing et al. (2015) at the school level. ...
Based on the 2016 Progress in International Reading Literacy Research (PIRLS) data, this study determined the contextual characteristics that distinguished Moroccan fourth-grade kids with high- and low-achieving reading abilities. The PIRLS 2016 public dataset included 5446 Moroccan pupils, with 1545 scoring well and 3901 doing poorly on the reading portion of the exam. The objective of the present research was to determine the ideal combination of significant contextual elements that jointly affect fourth-grade children’s reading ability. Machine learning technique such as gradient boosting was used to find the most critical contextual variables that might distinguish between the two groups of students. The findings demonstrate that 12 significant contextual variables from GradientBoosting, selected from 486 contextual variables at the levels of the student, teacher, and school, Identifying high- and low-performing students collectively have consequences for teaching and learning in the future about the reading ability of primary school students.
... However, although many studies have identified positive associations of social capital and cultural capital with educational outcomes in Western countries (e.g., De Graaf, De Graaf, & Kraaykamp, 2000;Jaeger & Møllegaard, 2017;Kalmijn & Kraaykamp, 1996;Katsillis & Rubinson, 1990;Roscigno & Ainsworth-Darnell, 1999;Tramonte & Willms, 2010), it would be naive to assume that they exert a similar influence on academic success in China, given varying socio-cultural values and education systems across different countries (Mendez, 2015). ...
A large body of research has been dedicated to the study of relationships between social or cultural capital and educational outcomes in Western countries. However, few studies have examined these associations in a Chinese context, and even fewer have examined the effects of both forms of capital on educational outcomes simultaneously within a familial context in China. This study offers a reformulation of the associations between family social capital and family cultural capital on the educational outcomes of adolescents in both rural and urban China. Using the structural equation modelling approach and the China Education Panel Survey, this study sheds some new insights – the presence of significant compositional differences in both family social capital and family cultural capital between rural and urban Chinese adolescents, and differential effects of both forms of capital on educational outcomes were found. Family social capital presented larger positive effects on the academic effort and educational aspiration of rural adolescents while having no positive effects in facilitating the academic achievement of both rural and urban adolescents. Meanwhile, family cultural capital presented larger positive effects for urban adolescents on all educational outcomes as compared to their rural counterparts.
... The interesting point is the belief of experts in the prerequisite of social culture of sustainable development for the success of e-exhibition. Tramonte and Willms (2010) expressed that cultural capital is an essential requirement to have appropriate reforms. The finding is in line with Wei and Si (2017) who expressed the role of Chinese cultural tradition to promote sustainable development. ...
In this paper, a survey and two multi-attribute decision-making (MADM) models have been employed to explore critical success factors of e-exhibition in 30 Chinese provinces that is divided into 8 different regions. The research findings showed that in China, the most important success factors of e-exhibition to have green economic recovery are the presence of International collaboration (0.592), green culture (0.490), and visitor’s attitude (0.439). Furthermore, “Beijing and Tianjin” is the most ideal region to promote e-exhibition in China. South Coast region ranked in second place as the most appropriate region for e-exhibition. The least ideal region of China for e-exhibition is the Southwest region that is less developed compared to other regions of China. The major practical policies are the enhancement of international cooperation to hold an e-exhibition, use of electronic exhibition capacities (synchronous and asynchronous) and creating social sustainability awareness through the media and social network.
... Turning to cultural capital, Lareau and Weininger (2003) argue that too much education research has interpreted cultural capital as amounting to knowledge of "highbrow" culture and instead emphasise "micro-interactional processes whereby individuals' strategic use of knowledge, skills, and competence comes into contact with institutionalized standards of evaluation" (Lareau and Weininger, 2003: 569). This is a more useful understanding of cultural capital both because elite and middle-class cultural tastes have become more omnivorous (Savage et al., 2013) and because it appears as though "beaux arts" participation is less important for academic success than other activities and practices of socialisation such as reading (De Graaf et al., 2000;Sullivan, 2001;Stopforth and Gayle, 2022) or cultural communication between parents and children -for example, discussions about school activities or books (Tramonte and Willms, 2010). ...
Using ethnographic methods, my research investigates the “problem” of A-level underachievement in inner-city London, motivated by professional and personal concern about the consequences of underachievement. Whilst there is a long history and rich field of sociological research considering issues of educational engagement and achievement in relation to class, ethnicity, and gender (e.g. Willis, 2000; Gillborn and Youdell, 2000; Reay, 2006; Archer and Francis, 2007), very little research is focused on A-level students. At the time of starting my research, Inner London had seen dramatic improvements in its GCSE achievement and was the second-best-performing region in the country (out-performed only by Outer London). However, by several measures, it was the worst-performing region in terms of A-level achievement. This chimed with my professional experience in an inner-city London school achieving well above the national average in terms of GCSE results and far below the national average in terms of A-level outcomes. I carried out fieldwork in a school and a sixth form college, each in socio-economically deprived and ethnically diverse areas of inner-city London, and conducted in-depth interviews with 24 A-level students who had previously underachieved or were anticipated to underachieve. I draw on a range of sociological literature to understand my data, including using Bourdieu’s (1986) theoretical framework, whilst also drawing on wider educational literature. I consider a wide range of issues but argue that students’ learning careers and cultural capital are central to understanding their A-level engagement and achievement. My research makes a contribution to the sociological literature on education, drawing attention to the neglected and distinct educational phase of sixth-form.
... Different types of cultural capital can include aspirational capital, linguistic capital, familial capital, social capital, and resistant capital [36]. The dichotomy between students who are advantaged in mainstream cultural capital and those who are not could explain the achievement gap of those from diverse backgrounds [37]. To support instructors' use of students' cultural capital and bridge connections between cultural backgrounds, scholars have developed culture-based pedagogies to maintain and legitimize students' cultural identity while supporting their academic performance. ...
Culturally relevant pedagogy (CRP) described in Ladson-Billings’ framework has three conceptions: conceptions of self and others, conceptions of knowledge, and conceptions of social relations. Instructors can support students with positive learning experiences when they are cognizant of all three conceptions. In 13 interviews of physics instructors about CRP, we found many instructors shared only two productive conceptions: conceptions of self and others and conceptions of social relations. However, we found two instructors who effectively described all three conceptions. Their conceptions of knowledge focused on physics knowledge as constructed, reconstructed, and in some aspects containing subjectivity. They both articulated a critical approach to examining the historical and contextual factors that influence physics learning today. Our findings indicate that instructors’ beliefs about the nature of science can be entangled with their own enactment of CRP and we show how a sophisticated epistemology can be one route to more culturally relevant instruction.
... Studies in the literature have investigated speaking skill (Ahmad & Rozimela, 2013;Atli & Bergil, 2012;Ayrancı, 2016;Başaran & Erdem, 2009;Bircan, 2013;Doğan, 2009;Erdem & Erdem, 2015;Hamzadayı & Dölek, 2017;Khameis, 2006;Kusnierek, 2015;Lourdunathan & Menon, 2006;Sato, 2003;Uçgun, 2007;Vilimec, 2006). Other studies have investigated the effects of cultural capital on academic achievement (Andersen & Hansen, 2011;DiMaggio 1982;Gaddis, 2013;Jaeger, 2011;Lareau, 1987;Lee & Bowen, 2006;Roscigno & Ainsworth-Darnell, 1999;Tramonte & Willms, 2010;Wildhagen, 2009;Yamamoto & Brinton, 2010;Yaşar, 2016). However, there are no studies of speaking performance that examine how it is determined by cultural capital. ...
... Other studies have also established that a family's cultural capital (i.e., parents' educational attainment) affects students' academic performance (Caprara, 2016;Huang & Liang, 2016). Students from homes with rich cultural capital have adequate access to resources, such as study books, Internet facilities, study rooms, libraries, computers, pictures, paintings and dictionaries (Schlee et al., 2009;Tramonte & Willms, 2010). This gives them absolute and comparative advantages to perform better than those from families with weak cultural capital. ...
There are contradictory results regarding how students' learning outcomes can be predicted by various family and community inputs among previous studies, creating an evidence gap. Furthermore, previous studies have mostly concentrated on the cognitive aspect of students' learning outcomes, ignoring the affective and psychomotor dimensions, creating key knowledge gaps. Bridging these gaps, this predictive correlational study was conducted to understand how cultural capital, parental involvement (family inputs), support for schools, security network and school reforms (community inputs) jointly and partially predict students' overall, cognitive, affective and psychomotor learning outcomes in the context of Calabar Education Zone, Nigeria. A random sample of principals (= 78) and students (= 915) recruited through a multistage approach, participated in the study. Data were collected through the physical administration of three sets of questionnaires designed by the researchers. The psychometric properties of the questionnaires (such as validity, dimensionality, reliability and goodness of fit) were all analysed and found acceptable based on pilot data. Data analysis was performed using SPSS version 27 and AMOS version 26 software. Results from the main study proved, among others, that family inputs (family social capital and parental involvement) jointly and individually had a significant contribution to students' overall, cognitive, affective and psychomotor learning outcomes. Similarly, community inputs (support for school, security network and school reforms) have significant composite and partial contributions to students' overall, cognitive, affective and psychomotor learning outcomes in public secondary schools. This result implies that parents and host community leaders must strengthen their partnerships with secondary schools and contribute their quota to institutions' curricular and co-curricular activities.
... Medzi ukazovateľmi sa objavuje aj účasť detí na mimoškolských aktivitách, ako sú napríklad návšteva hudobných, výtvarných, tanečných či jazykových kurzov (Covay, Carbonaro, 2010;Dumais, 2008;Dumais, Ward, 2010;Jaeger, 2011;Kaufman, Gabler, 2004;Lareau, 2003;Cheadle, 2008;Wildhagen, 2009), komunikácia s rodičmi o kultúre, ktorá sa meria napríklad prostredníctvom frekvencie diskusií o televíznych programoch s rodičmi, a pod. (Georg, 2004;Lee, Bowen, 2006;Tramonte, Willms, 2010). ...
Predkladaná publikácia sa snaží vyplniť niektoré medzery v teoretickom i empirickom sociologickom poznaní problematiky vzdelanostných nerovností. Je spoločným dielom tímu Katedry sociológie Filozofickej fakulty UK v Bratislave a českých sociologičiek a sociológov. Prináša rozšírenú a upravenú podobu príspevkov prezentovaných na seminári Teoreticko-metodologické východiská sociologického skúmania vzdelanostných nerovností; súčasné poznatky a zistenia, ktorý sa uskutočnil v roku 2021. Tento seminár bol jedným z výstupov projektu VEGA č. 1/0224/19 Vzdelanostné nerovnosti na Slovensku, v ktorom sa tím Katedry sociológie FiF UK zameral na empirické preskúmanie niektorých, doteraz neriešených otázok vzdelanostných nerovností. Hlavná pozornosť bola pritom venovaná úlohe rodiny, resp. rodinného zázemia a relevantného sociálneho prostredia na utváranie ašpirácií či zámerov jednotlivca v oblasti vzdelávania a získaného vzdelania.
... De esta forma, el capital cultural cumpliría tanto una función simbólica en el campo escolar como una función de generación de habilidades académicas (Mikus et al., 2020;Puzić et al., 2019). Asimismo, distintos trabajos empíricos han distinguido entre una dimensión material o estática del capital cultural basada en la posesión de bienes y recursos culturales, y otra dimensión relacional basada en los hábitos comunicativos en el hogar y la participación en actividades culturales (Barone, 2006;Puzić et al., 2016;Roksa & Robinson, 2017;Tramonte & Willms, 2010;Xie & Ma, 2019). No obstante, y a pesar de que muchas de las investigaciones citadas han trabajado conjuntamente con distintas definiciones de capital cultural, ningún trabajo previo ha estudiado simultáneamente la interacción de estas distintas formas de capital cultural con el origen social en la predicción del rendimiento académico. ...
La teoría de la reproducción cultural planteada por Bourdieu y Passeron establece que el sistema educativo contribuye a la reproducción de las estructuras sociales a través de su papel en la reproducción de la estructura de capital cultural. No obstante, no existe consenso sobre cómo se transforma el capital cultural en una ventaja educativa o sobre qué alumnos obtienen una mayor rentabilidad del capital cultural, si los de extracción social alta (modelo de reproducción cultural) o baja (modelo de movilidad cultural). En el presente trabajo se emplea información de PISA 2000 sobre el caso español para operacionalizar distintas dimensiones del capital cultural y poner a prueba su productividad para alumnos de diferente extracción social. Los resultados avalan el modelo de reproducción cultural para todos los indicadores de capital cultural, lo que significa que los alumnos de extracción social alta no solo disponen de más capital cultural, sino que obtienen una mayor rentabilidad de cada unidad de capital cultural.
... Social capital refers to assets that an individual possesses which can be leveraged to further one's overall success including both their educational attainment and academic success. As such, social capital impacts one's academic success particularly with respect to issues of race and socioeconomic status (Prieur & Savage, 2013;Tramonte & Willms, 2010). Researchers are clear that parental involvement promotes positive academic outcomes (Rothon et al., 2012). ...
Using data from the National Center of Educational Statistics’ (NCES) 2009 High School Longitudinal Study, this article studies the relationship between mathematics identity and mathematics success for LatinX students by relying on critical race theory and intersectionality as theoretical frameworks. The quantitative analysis relies on hierarchical regression modeling to examine the relative impact of demographic variables, school characteristics, parents social capital, and parental involvement on the mathematics grade point averages at the conclusion of 11th grade of a national sample of LatinX students. The article concludes with a discussion of the ways in which we as educators, policy makers, and researchers can work toward supporting positive mathematics identity development and, by extension, mathematical attainment and success for LatinX students. Specifically, the article discusses ways in which the experiences, cultures and abilities of these students can be acknowledged, celebrated, and built upon.
... For instance, cultural capital has been noted to play a significant role in shaping the differential access to educational resources in the United States (DiMaggio 1982;Jaeger 2011;Gaddis 2013) and Brazil (Marteleto and Andrade 2014) but fails to be relevant in some European societies (De Graaf 1986;Katsillis and Rubinson 1990;Sullivan 2001). In Asia, cultural capital could even be detrimental to educational achievements, despite the contextual heterogeneities. 1 Research also shows that cultural capital's role in the intergenerational transmission of class advantages depend on a variety of sociocontextual factors, such as the type of welfare regime (Xu and Hampden-Thompson 2012) and the mode of social mobility, for example, contested mobility versus sponsored mobility (Tramonte and Willms 2010). ...
... (2) Cultural class process studies provide both in-depth and statistical accounts of the mechanisms underlying the above relationships. In this literature, cultural capital is discovered through qualitative investigations into the processes in which it exerts influence on educational outcomes (see Lareau 1987, Reay 1998, Lareau & Horvat 1999, Horvat, Weininger & Lareau 2003, Lareau 2003, Gillies 2005, hypotheses generated from which are then examined through quantitative methods (see Ream & Palardy 2008, Tramonte & Willms 2010, Bodovski & Farkas 2008). ...
This study provides a critical analysis of the influence of social class on life chances in post-reform Vietnam. As the country underwent a profound structural transition from a centrally planned to a market-oriented economy in the mid-1980s, social class gradually replaced political class as a major source of inequality. Knowledge about this phenomenon is rudimentary – not least because of the continuing power of state ideology in contemporary Vietnam.
Throughout the investigation, Bourdieu’s framework of class reproduction guides both a quantitative analysis of the Survey Assessment of Vietnamese Youth 2010 and a qualitative research of 39 respondents in the Red River Delta region, including young people of the first post-reform generation – now in their 20s and 30s – and their parents. The study discusses the ways in which class determines the ability of parents to transmit different resources to their children, focusing on those that are usable and valued in the fields of education and labour. It finds that, across several areas of social life in contemporary Vietnam, implicit class-based discrimination is disguised and legitimised by explicit and seemingly universal ‘meritocratic’ principles.
The study makes a number of original contributions to sociology, three of which are particularly important. (1) Empirically, it breaks new ground for a sociological understanding of both the constitution and the development of class inequalities in contemporary Vietnam. (2) Methodologically, it offers numerous useful examples of mixed-methods integration. (3) Theoretically, it proposes to think with, against and beyond some of the most relevant Bourdieusian research on this topic. The empirical application of Bourdieu’s framework in toto, as opposed to a more customary partial appropriation, facilitates comprehensive insights into: class-specified practices as governed and conditioned by internalised powers and structural resources; the multidimensionality of class-based advantages and disadvantages; and the causative transmission and activation of capital across and within generations.
... Participation in extracurricular activities has generally been shown to be beneficial for young people's educational outcomes (Farb & Matjasko, 2012;Snellman et al., 2015). Identified as a 'practical' aspect of cultural capital (Jaeger, 2011, p. 295), it is conducive to the acquisition of cognitive abilities, normative orientations, and cultural codes that are recognized and rewarded in formal education (Barone, 2006;Kaufman & Gabler, 2004;Tramonte & Willms, 2010). Researchers have consequently suggested that extracurricular participation contributes to the reproduction of social inequalities, since participation is more common among students from socioeconomically advantaged homes (Carolan & Wasserman, 2015;Cheadle, 2008). ...
This article is based on a survey carried out among 2,428 ninth-graders from 64 high-performing schools in St. Petersburg, Russia. In the study, we examine the relationships between socioeconomic background, extracurricular participation, and educational outcomes. The findings demonstrate high levels of participation in out-of-school, compared to school-based, extracurricular activities. Extracurricular participation was also shown to be associated with better grades and, to some extent, with higher levels of university aspirations. The relatively small estimate sizes indicate, however, that extracurricular participation is not a major factor in differences in educational outcomes. Nevertheless, since participation was higher among socioeconomically more advantaged students, and grades and/or levels of university aspirations were higher among those who participated, we argue that extracurricular participation should be understood as part of social reproduction in Russia.
... PISA's economic, social, and cultural level index is internationally comparable. The ESCS index also enables the identification of students and schools with a high socioeconomic index and a low socioeconomic index, according to international standards [78,79]. Hence, this factor is viewed as a non-discretionary criterion 2 (being minimized) and it will be explicitly used since the performance of schools can be affected by the socioeconomic status of the intake of pupils [80]. ...
This paper proposes a novel Value-Based Data Envelopment Analysis model which specifically tackles non-discretionary data to assess the performance of 159 secondary schools from Ecuador by employing data from the Programme for International Student Assessment for Development. When contrasted with traditional Data Envelopment Analysis models, the Value-Based Data Envelopment Analysis model has several innovative characteristics that can be particularly convenient not only for including the preferences (generally not incorporated) of the decision-makers, but because it easily handles negative or null data. In addition, this methodology also employs a procedure that allows performing the robustness assessment (rarely employed in similar studies) of the results obtained. The factors considered to perform the efficiency assessment of each school include indexes, which reflect the quality of both basic school infrastructures and instructional resources, the economic, social, and cultural level index of students, the student-teacher ratio, and test scores in maths, reading and science. Our findings suggest that the average efficient school has mean scores across all competencies below the average of Latin American and Caribbean countries. Besides, inefficient schools need to make a greater effort to improve results in maths when compared to reading and science competencies. Finally, it can be concluded that inefficient schools can improve students’ achievements by about 11% to 12%, with almost the same instructional resources and with a ratio of students per teacher 23% higher but requiring an enhancement of the basic school infrastructure by about 7%.
... In society, there are different social classes which result from differential socialization of individuals (Tramonte and Willms, 2010). This refers to the Bourdieu's concept of social reproduction. ...
A rationalization of the Bayes Theorem and Heinrich Theory by the linear transformation. The result is an linear approximation to the random events etc.
... In the present study, we follow this multidimensional perspective and measure family cultural capital by using three dimensions: in-home cultural resources, cultural practices, and media-related parenting activities. Cultural resources refer to family's possession of cultural goods that contain cultural or educational meaning and benefit their children, such as books, artworks, and musical instruments, etc.; cultural practices represent participation in cultural activities, such as languages interaction, appreciation of literature, reading habits, and concert and museum visits (Claro et al., 2015;Tramonte and Willms, 2010). For the third dimension, we consider media-related parenting activities rather than the general parenting style, given that digital inequality is the focus of this study. ...
Drawing on Pierre Bourdieu's framework of cultural capital, the study explored whether family cultural capital contributed to adolescents' digital inequality regarding both digital skills and usages of digital media and could further explain the relationship between social origins and youth's digital diversity. Cultural capital was operationalized as family cultural resources, cultural practices and media-related parenting activities (i.e., active and restrictive mediation). We tested the proposed hypotheses using data collected from 1119 middle school students in China. The results showed that cultural resources, cultural practices and active parental mediation were significant predictors of adolescents' general digital skill, creative skill and educational use of Internet, whereas leisure use of Internet was not explained by family cultural capital. The results also suggested a relatively complex pattern of relationships between restrictive parental mediation and different dimensions of digital inequality. The path analysis further revealed that cultural resources, cultural practices and active mediation were mechanisms underlying the effects of family SES on adolescents' digital practices. The role of family cultural capital in teenagers' digital practices was discussed in the context of media education.
... A principios de la década de los 80, DiMaggio (1982) inició una línea de trabajo empírico apoyada en la noción weberiana de cultura de estatus donde el capital cultural es identificado con las prácticas, gustos y estilos característicos en la alta cultura (highbrow culture) tales como la participación en actividades relacionadas con el arte, la música clásica, el teatro o la literatura. Dicha definición ha sido posteriormente ampliada para incluir estilos de crianza de los hijos, hábitos comunicativos o actividades extraescolares también expresivos de la participación en la alta cultura (Barone, 2006;Bodovski, 2010;Lareau, 2003;Tramonte & Willms, 2010). Este capital cultural actuaría como un marcador cultural que los docentes interpretan en las escuelas como excelencia académica, promoviendo así el rendimiento y la ambición formativa de aquellos estudiantes que exhiben las disposiciones culturales dominantes. ...
La presente investigación analiza la evolución de las expectativas formativas entre los años 2003 y 2018 en España, y los mecanismos y estrategias que generan desigualdad por origen social en los planes formativos del alumnado español. Para ello, se emplea información del estudio PISA y se analiza la expectativa vertical de matriculación en la Educación Secundaria Superior, la expectativa horizontal de matriculación en el Bachillerato entre aquellos que esperan matricularse en la Educación Secundaria Superior, la expectativa vertical de matriculación en la Educación Terciaria y la expectativa horizontal de matriculación en la universidad entre aquellos que esperan matricularse en la Educación Terciaria.
... Two types of serious health concern are considered: disability/chronic illness, and mental illness/drug/alcohol use. Taking into account the mediating effects of parental responsibilisation and young people's own psychological distress and subjective wellbeing (Tramonte and Willms 2010;, and controlling for socio-economic status, we will test whether pathways from projects-of-family to projects-of-self differ significantly for male and female caregivers and non-caregivers. Figure 1 shows the model which will be used to analyse pathways from projects-offamily (family health concerns and caregiving) to projects-of-self (school satisfaction and teacher support). ...
Young people are encouraged to take responsibility for their educational outcomes by actively engaging in their education (their ‘project-of-self’), but many also take responsibility for the care of family members who have serious health concerns (their ‘project-of-family’). Drawing on the concepts of responsibilisation and neoliberal governance, and a feminist ethic of care, we aim to better understand how young people with care responsibilities navigate these dual projects.
We use national survey data for young Australians aged 13–14 (N = 3,594) to compare boys’ and girls’ school engagement (projects-of-self) and caregiving for family members with serious health concerns (projects-of-family). Young people with family health concerns report low levels of school engagement. However, caregiving is associated with somewhat increased school engagement for girls, but not for boys. These findings suggest implicit gendered expectations of education systems which are more supportive of girls’ than of boys’ engagement in projects-of-family.
... For instance, cultural capital has been noted to play a significant role in shaping the differential access to educational resources in the United States (DiMaggio 1982;Jaeger 2011;Gaddis 2013) and Brazil (Marteleto and Andrade 2014) but fails to be relevant in some European societies (De Graaf 1986;Katsillis and Rubinson 1990;Sullivan 2001). In Asia, cultural capital could even be detrimental to educational achievements, despite the contextual heterogeneities. 1 Research also shows that cultural capital's role in the intergenerational transmission of class advantages depend on a variety of sociocontextual factors, such as the type of welfare regime (Xu and Hampden-Thompson 2012) and the mode of social mobility, for example, contested mobility versus sponsored mobility (Tramonte and Willms 2010). ...
This article investigates the association between cultural capital and the likelihood of attending an elite university within the Chinese socio-educational context. Drawing on data from the Beijing College Students Panel Survey, we show that (1) objectified cultural capital is negatively correlated with the likelihood of attending an elite university whereas embodied cultural capital shows a positive effect; (2) both types of cultural capital enhance the proficiencies of extracurricular activities, which, however, are negatively associated with different quantiles of the National College Entrance Examination (NCEE) score; (3) learning capabilities can be strengthened by both types of cultural capital, but they cannot guarantee the attendance of an elite university since they only raise the middle and lower quantiles of the NCEE score; (4) only embodied cultural capital helps one attend an elite university by virtue of the channel of the NCEE exemption.
... For instance, cultural capital has been noted to play a significant role in shaping the differential access to educational resources in the United States (DiMaggio 1982;Jaeger 2011;Gaddis 2013) and Brazil (Marteleto and Andrade 2014) but fails to be relevant in some European societies (De Graaf 1986;Katsillis and Rubinson 1990;Sullivan 2001). In Asia, cultural capital could even be detrimental to educational achievements, despite the contextual heterogeneities. 1 Research also shows that cultural capital's role in the intergenerational transmission of class advantages depend on a variety of sociocontextual factors, such as the type of welfare regime (Xu and Hampden-Thompson 2012) and the mode of social mobility, for example, contested mobility versus sponsored mobility (Tramonte and Willms 2010). ...
This study examines the trajectories of hedonic and eudaimonic forms of happiness across college life. Analyzing the Beijing College Student Panel Survey, we find that: (1) Academic performance, extraversion, internship, and health status all have a significant and positive correlation with both types of happiness, while one fatalistic orientation reveals a negative effect; (2) Eudaimonic happiness can be specifically dampened by romantic relationship, and hedonic happiness is specifically weakened by student association participation. Students majoring in Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM), males, and ethnic minorities have advantages of hedonic happiness. (3) With regard to changes across college life, the strength of correlations between eudaimonic happiness and the variables of health status and academic performance longitudinally decline, but one’s fatalistic orientation and sense of mastery become increasingly relevant. For hedonic happiness, the advantage of the STEM students over the non-STEM ones is gradually narrowed; what are also counteracted are the detrimental effects of the fatalistic orientation and student association participation. The positive role of academic performance for hedonic happiness is longitudinally strengthened, but the disadvantage of female students deteriorates.
... Indeed cultural capital can be conceived at a macro-system level (Ford and Lerner 1992), in terms of the possibility offered to the population to participate and being involved in the society and in cultural activities (DiMaggio and Mohr 1985). Bourdieu primarily described cultural capital at an individual or familiar level, as a factor contributing to the social reproduction at a macro-level, in terms, for instance, of intraclass difference; this has been operationalized also in the recent literature on educational outcomes (Tramonte and Willms 2010). There is justification in the sociological literature to embrace a larger view of cultural capital from a multilevel perspective (Reay 2004). ...
Using data from 103 Italian provinces, we investigated the relationship between local/regional development, and NEET. We constructed an indicator of cultural capital and another of economic capital and we studied their relation with the NEET rate. Covariance Structure Analysis with Generalized Least Squares estimation was employed, considering a three time-points retrospective model. Results indicate a consistent protective effect of the economic capital on the NEET rate, both in the short run (2 years) and in the medium run (10 years). However, this effect has been obtained in the Central provinces (at 2 and 10 years) and Southern provinces (at 10 years), but not in the Northern provinces. A mediation analysis indicated that, historically, the cultural capital may partly mediate the effect of the economic capital. We did not detect a significant direct effect of the cultural capital on the NEET rate, which is strongly mediated by the action of the economic capital. Together, these results denote that the economic capital is a strong predictor of NEET, but not in very competitive economic areas.
... Within the PISA questionnaire for students, there are also data about the cultural and socio-economic resources available within the family of students. In that way, the secondary analysis of the PISA study enables the measurement of the cultural capital in all its forms, on a large and representative sample of respondents (Andersen & Jaeger, 2015;Barone, 2006;Chiu & Chow, 2010;Tramonte & Willms, 2010). The theory of cultural capital, although criticized for various interpretations and conceptual ambiguities (Goldthorpe, 2007;Kingston, 2001;Sullivan, 2002) has had a prominent place in the research of educational inequalities for a number of years. ...
This paper aimed to examine the relationship between cultural capital in its three forms (objectified, embodied and institutionalized), the perceptions of students’ self-efficacy and their achievements on the PISA test. The sample consisted of 4843 high school students enrolled in the PISA study in 2009. The results confirmed the existence of the proposed relationships. Self-efficacy and cultural capital significantly contribute to the prediction of student achievements, whereby the embodied cultural capital significantly contributes to the prediction of the perception of self-efficacy. Since the obtained relationships are not of high intensity, it can be concluded that other factors play a significant role in the development of students’ self-efficacy and achievement. Practical implications would relate to activities of encouraging reading habits among students in order to increase the cultural capital and self-efficacy, which will have an effect on their achievement.
In discussing what young people need in order to thrive in school and work environments, the existing education and workforce literature largely credits the types of social and cultural capital that are gained from middle-class upbringings, and rarely are working-class and low-income counterparts valued or considered conducive to achievement. In this research paper, we discuss how minoritized students from low-income homes described their first experiences in summer internships and their earliest memories related to work. Our student participants, 25 Bronx high school seniors, largely credited their guardians’ and family members’ work ethic (cultural capital) in working-class jobs as critical in their own motivational development. Our findings indicate that the experiences underrepresented youth have at home, through lessons and examples, lead to positive benefits and the development of certain forms of cultural capital, which can lead to academic success and occupational identity formation.
Gender stereotypes in the natural sciences may discourage girls from pursuing STEM fields, thus contributing to the differential STEM pathways of males and females. This paper exploits quasi‐experimental data from a vignette study to investigate teachers’ gender bias in STEM at the transition to upper secondary school in Denmark—a key stage in students’ educational trajectories. I investigate if teachers have a higher probability of recommending a STEM track to a (vignette) male student compared with a (vignette) female student and if teachers’ STEM recommendations interact with their demographic characteristics. Results show that, while there is a gender gap of 10 percentage points in the likelihood of being recommended a STEM track, the difference is not statistically significant. Furthermore, teachers’ gender bias is influenced by the teacher's own gender and cultural capital. Consequently, the paper shows that teachers’ gender bias varies with teachers’ demographic characteristics and teachers with high levels of cultural capital can push back against gender stereotypes in STEM.
In this paper, the critical success factors of sustainable education on the recovery of green energy resources in three countries, China, Japan, and India, were studied using a survey, hierarchical analysis, and TOPSIS (Technique for Order of Preference by Similarity to Ideal Solution) methods. The research findings showed that in China, the most crucial success factors of sustainable education to have green energy recovery are green culture in society, international cooperation in teaching sustainable courses, and learner's attitude. In Japan, the success factors of sustainable education are different. According to experts, the learner's attitude, the presence of green culture in the society, and the support of government institutions related to the environment for this education are three essential success factors for sustainable development education. In India, the presence of green culture in the society, the support of government institutions related to the environment, and the teacher's attitude are the most critical success factors of sustainable education policy. The primary practical policies recommended by this research are promoting international cooperation, using electronic education capacities, and increasing green awareness through the media and social networks.
O artigo apresenta resultados de um estudo que teve como objetivos conhecer a utilização nas atividades escolares de plataformas e tecnologias digitais por alunos portugueses, as dificuldades que identificam na sua utilização e compreender o efeito do nível de escolaridade do pai e da mãe nestas duas dimensões. Foi utilizado um inquérito por questionário a que responderam 2037 alunos do Ensino Básico e Secundário (6º, 9º e 12º anos de escolaridade), que frequentavam escolas localizadas em diferentes regiões de Portugal. Os resultados indicam que o nível de escolaridade da mãe está associado à utilização de plataformas mais diversificadas, a uma utilização mais frequente e à enunciação, pelos alunos, de maiores dificuldades em contexto pandémico.
This study examines how social context, in this case, income inequality, shapes the role of cultural capital in educational success. First, we revisit the associations between (objectified) cultural capital and academic achievement, and cultural capital's role in mediating the relationship between family SES and academic achievement. More importantly, we explore how national‐level income inequality moderates these two relationships. By analyzing a multilevel dataset of 32 OECD countries, a combination of PISA 2018 data and several national indexes, we find that: (1) cultural capital not only has a positive association with students' academic achievement but also acts as a significant mediator of the relationship between family SES and academic achievement in OECD countries; (2) both cultural capital's association with academic achievement and it's mediating role are stronger in more equal countries than in unequal ones. The findings shed new light on understanding how cultural capital shapes intergenerational education inequality across countries with different levels of inequality.
Scholars extensively tested cultural reproduction theory on the basis of different data and measurements in the western context. However, research on the relationship among embodied cultural capital, objectified cultural capital, and adolescent academic achievement and the underlying mechanisms in the Chinese education system is limited. To address this concern, we used the China Education Panel Survey (CEPS) for 2013–2014 for analysis of the association and mechanisms. The findings suggested that despite the applicability of the signaling and skill mechanisms of embodied cultural capital in China, it remained negatively associated with academic achievement due to the Chinese examination-oriented education system. In contrast, objectified cultural capital was positively correlated with academic achievement. The signaling and skill mechanisms mediated the association between objectified cultural capital and academic achievement. Therefore, considering the education system when examining cultural reproduction theory is crucial.
Family cultural capital can be defined as a series of family cultural elements that are mainly held and transmitted by parents, that can contribute to children development. Many studies reveal that the family cultural capital of the migrant works is insufficient, which exerts negative effects on the development of their children. The study focuses on exploring the relationship between parental involvement and family cultural capital. The authors selected Taoyuan migrant as a case which has conducted home-school collaboration reform for more than three years, using the methods of interview, questionnaire, and observation to get two mains findings: (1) The model of parental involvement experienced a change process from self-elimination to active-participation, in which the school played a major role. (2) When parents adopt the model of active-participation, family cultural capital changes in three main forms of activation, increasing and transformation.
The effects of reading habits on academic performances have been carefully investigated, but little is known about the effects of academic achievements on students’ leisure reading. This paper investigates this issue by estimating the effects of academic achievements, proxied by the number of exams passed, on leisure reading, measured by the number of leisure books read in a year. Using an online survey submitted to the students at the University of Bologna, Italy, we adopt a two‐step control‐function technique to control for endogeneity. The empirical evidence suggests the existence of a negative relationship between students’ academic achievements and the time devoted to leisure reading. This result holds for students of different fields of study and is stronger for male students. The Blinder–Oaxaca decomposition supports the existence of a gender‐specific idiosyncratic effect.
This paper explores the results of our research into the needs of primarily first-generation students as they begin their college careers. We seek to understand attitudinal dimensions regarding retention and how first-generation students’ perceive libraries and library services as a touchpoint in their education. Particular to this study is our utilization of Pierre Bourdieu’s notion of Habitus as a founding theoretical framework. By using this theory, we are able to turn student input into a useful model while maintaining the individuality of the student and also attempting to dissuade harmful and problematic notions of essentialism. This project additionally explores tenets of Critical Librarianship like self-reflection, critical thinking, and examination of teaching practices.
This book provides a systematic exploration of family literacy, including its historic origins, theoretical expansion, practical applications within the field, and focused topics within family literacy. Grounded in sociocultural approaches to learning and literacy, the book covers research on how families use literacy in their daily lives as well as different models of family literacy programs and interventions that provide opportunities for parent-child literacy interactions and that support the needs of children and parents as adult learners. Chapters discuss key topics, including the roles of race, ethnicity, culture, and social class in family literacy; digital family literacies; family-school relationships and parental engagement in schools; fathers’ involvement in family literacy; accountability and employment; and more. Throughout the book, Lynch and Prins share evidence-based literacy practices and highlight examples of successful family literacy programs. Acknowledging lingering concerns, challenges, and critiques of family literacy, the book also offers recommendations for research, policy, and practice.
Accessible and thorough, this book comprehensively addresses family literacies and is relevant for researchers, scholars, graduate students, and instructors and practitioners in language and literacy programs.
This paper offers an empathetic perspective of the cultural dynamic of migrant students' first experiences of university, told through the student voice. It focuses on the transition of students into higher education (HE); not always considered as part of the formal curriculum, providing a deeper understanding of students' transition via the cultural context of their HE experience. While this research took place prior to the COVID pandemic, it is clear that the pandemic has led to an increased use of virtual learning platforms across the sector, and this is set to continue as institutions emerge from the pandemic, suggesting that transition will not necessarily take place within university buildings. If belonging was a challenge for some students prior to the pandemic, how will institutions support transition for the new pedagogy? The cultural experiences of first‐, second‐ and third‐generation migrant students have been scantily written about in this context. This paper contributes to current understanding by providing insights gleaned through the narrative accounts of students. Development of agency, belonging and community is framed through an approach that empowers and offers a co‐learner frame, achieved through the students' voices, offering narratives of the cultural experience of university.
This thesis focuses on policy and practice around professional development of Further Education (FE)lecturers. It situates the lived experience of recently qualified Early Career Lecturers (ECLs), employed across a range of institutions within North-West England, in the 2010-2018 FE policy environment. Mismatches between Government policy priorities are shown to shape elements of ECL development and practice, presenting barriers to acquisition of secure professional identities. Longstanding, deep-seated, systemic and structural factors are also argued to contribute to these barriers. Policy and practice around professional development are viewed through a Bourdieusian theoretical framework. A Critical Discourse Analysis(CDA)of the Education and Training Foundation(ETF)Professional Standards and Guidance documents(as disseminated policy) is compared with CDA of ECL interview discourse. This discourse, observed practice, and material artefact data are analysed within themes of professional development, pedagogic practices, social practices, and identity formation. Elements of Vygotsky’s Social Activity Theory, and Material Cultural Studies/Theory(MCS/T)(from the field of Archaeology)are used as part of an explanatory framework, with insights from Le Grand’s metaphorical knights, pawns, and knaves illuminating ECL development. The thesis argues that failure to acquire a secure professional identity makes pre-existing identities, habitus, and capital important to ECLs’ ability to exercise agency in the field. However, neither precarious new identities, nor pre-existing attributes, protect from performative and managerialist pressures or conflicting policy priorities. Despite some subject areas being afforded higher cultural capital, through training bursaries and favourable terms of employment, retention of ECLs is fragile. This is particularly relevant to retaining Science, Technology, Engineering and Maths (STEM)specialists with authentic industry experience required by the current policy intentions for new T-levels qualifications. A homogeneity in pedagogic practice with creativity thwarted by bureaucratic pressures and an embattled fledgling professional identity is shown to be the current paradigm for ECLs.
This article documents the patterns of White-Black and White-Hispanic enrollment gaps in Advanced Placement (AP) and Dual Enrollment (DE) programs across thousands of school districts in the United States by merging several data sources. We show that the vast majority of districts have racial enrollment gaps in both programs, with wider gaps in AP than DE. Results from fractional regression models indicate that geographic variations in these gaps can be explained by both local and state factors. We also find that district-level resources and state policies that provide greater access to AP and DE are also associated with wider racial enrollment gaps, implying that greater resources may engender racial disparity without adequate efforts to provide equitable access and support for minority students.
This paper examines the persistent, growing popularity of Canadian French immersion (FI) programmes. Critics charge that FI programmes are elitist, diverting already limited resources from other areas of the education system. We begin with a brief overview of the benefits of FI in Canada and enrolment trends. Next, sources of FI-related inequality – lack of access, transportation costs, funding issues and types of learners most likely to enrol in FI – are scrutinised. Then, available evidence is weighed for and against the charges of FI elitism. Lastly, demand for FI is viewed through a Bourdieusian social reproduction lens to understand the persistence of socio-economic status (SES) inequalities. The paper concludes that higher SES parents are more likely to have the inclination (parentocratic habitus) and resources (economic, social, and cultural capital) to enrol their children in, and benefit from, FI. The paradox of publicly funded FI education in Canada is that as long as demand outstrips supply the benefits will continue to be unequally distributed. The result is a stalemate between proponents and critics, with each camp’s solution – whether it be making FI universally available or removing it completely from the public purse – bound to meet with stiff opposition.
An attempt is made to explore the production set for educational achievement for both “efficient” and “inefficient” schools. The inefficient or average production relationship is obtained by estimating a reduced-form equation for all schools among a sample drawn from a large Eastern city. The efficient set is derived by using a linear programming approach to yield coefficients for those schools that show the largest student achievement output relative to their resource inputs. A comparison of the two sets of technical coefficients suggests that the relative marginal products are probably different. Because of such differences, the optimal combination of inputs for producing educational achievement relative to a given budget constraint will probably vary between achievement-efficient and inefficient schools, and may even vary from school to school. The result is that the use of such production-function estimates for attempting to improve the efficiency of the educational sector may have far less utility than its advocates imply.
The concept of cultural capital has been increasingly used in American sociology to study the impact of cultural reproduction on social reproduction. However, much confusion surrounds this concept. In this essay, we disentangle Bourdieu and Passeron's original work on cultural capital, specifying the theoretical roles cultural capital plays in their model, and the various types of high status signals they are concerned with. We expand on their work by proposing a new definition of cultural capital which focuses on cultural and social exclusion. We note a number of theoretical ambiguities and gaps in the original model, as well as specific methodological problems. In the second section, we shift our attention to the American literature on cultural capital. We discuss its assumptions and compare it with the original work. We also propose a research agenda which focuses on social and cultural selection and decouples cultural capital from the French context in which it was originally conceived to take into consideration the distinctive features of American culture. This agenda consists in 1) assessing the relevance of the concept of legitimate culture in the U.S.; 2) documenting the distinctive American repertoire of high status cultural signals; and 3) analyzing how cultural capital is turned into profits in America.
The study describes perceptions of the transition to ninth grade for low-income, urban, minority adolescents. Students who had a grade point average (GPA) of 3.0 or higher in middle school were interviewed about their school transition. Results focus on perceptions of the transition, major challenges, sources of support, and coping strategies. Students who continued to perform well in ninth grade were differentiated from those who had academic difficulties. Students described the transition to high school as including new academic challenges, a more complex environment, new social demands, and new interactions with teachers. High performers mentioned fewer challenges than low performers. High performers received more support from their immediate family, and many had friends who supported their academic goals. Students described three kinds of coping strategies: individual (be dedicated, stay focused), academic (study, keep up with homework), and social (hang with the right people). Implications focus on supporting academic success for urban youth.
The indicators of parental involvement in children's education vary considerably across studies, most of which treat parental involvement as a unidimensional construct. This study identified four dimensions of parental involvement and assessed the relationship of each dimension with parental background and academic achievement for a large representative sample of U.S. middle school students. The findings provide little support for the conjecture that parents with low socioeco- nomic status are less involved in their children's schooling than are parents with higher socioeconomic status. Furthermore, although schools varied somewhat in parental involvement associated with volunteering and attendance at meetings of parent-teache r organizations, they did not va'y substantially in levels of involvement associated with home supervision, discussion of school-related activities, or parent-teache r communication. Yet the discussion of school-related activities at home had the strongest relationship with academic achievement. Parents' participation at school had a moderate effect on reading achievement, but a negligible effect on mathematics achievement.
Current concern with improving student academic progress within American education underscores the need to understand those manipulable influences that can affect academic learning. Parental involvement is considered an important influence on academic progress. Time spent on homework and in leisure TV viewing has an important effect on academic learning. Such time is potentially manipulable through parental effort. Using the massive High School and Beyond data set, the present study examines the direct effects of perceived parental involvement on grades. It also examines the indirect effect of such involvement on grades through TV time and time spent on homework. Parental involvement has an important direct, positive effect on grades. Additionally, parental involvement also leads to increased time spent on homework, which in turn has a positive effect on grades. The effect of parental involvement on grades through TV time appears negligible. In the current push for means to improve student academic progress, the potential effect of parental involvement in students’ academic and social lives should be considered.
This meta-analysis reviewed the literature on socioeconomic status (SES) and academic achievement in journal articles published between 1990 and 2000. The sample included 101,157 students, 6,871 schools, and 128 school districts gathered from 74 independent samples. The results showed a medium to strong SES–achievement relation. This relation, however, is moderated by the unit, the source, the range of SES variable, and the type of SES–achievement measure. The relation is also contingent upon school level, minority status, and school location. The author conducted a replica of White’s (1982) meta-analysis to see whether the SES–achievement correlation had changed since White’s initial review was published. The results showed a slight decrease in the average correlation. Practical implications for future research and policy are discussed.
Outlines the available literature to assist school districts in dealing with the at-risk student. The typical classroom and social characteristics of the at-risk student are described. A model plan is presented to help educators remediate academic and social deficits and prevent at-risk children from dropping out of school. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
According to Bourdieu's theory of cultural reproduction, children from middle-class families are advantaged in gaining educational credentials due to their possession of cultural capital. In order to assess this theory, I have developed a broad operationalisation of the concept of cultural capital, and have surveyed pupils on both their own and their parents' cultural capital. I will conclude that cultural capital is transmitted within the home and does have a significant effect on performance in the GCSE (General Certificate of Secondary Education) examinations. However, a large, direct effect of social class on attainment remains when cultural capital has been controlled for. Therefore, ‘cultural reproduction’ can provide only a partial explanation of social class differences in educational attainment.
Current concern with improving student academic progress within American education underscores the need to understand those manipulable influences that can affect academic learning. Parental involvement is considered an important influence on academic progress. Time spent on homework and in leisure TV viewing has an important effect on academic learning. Such time is potentially manipulable through parental effort. Using the massive High School and Beyond data set, the present study examines the direct effects of perceived parental involvement on grades. It also examines the indirect effect of such involvement on grades through TV time and time spent on homework. Parental involvement has an important direct, positive effect on grades. Additionally, parental involvement also leads to increased time spent on homework, which in turn has a positive effect on grades. The effect of parental involvement on grades through TV time appears negligible. In the current push for means to improve student academic progress, the potential effect of parental involvement in students’ academic and social lives should be considered.
This article provides the definition(s) of cultural capital and its theoretical context, with a particular focus on the relationship between cultural capital, schooling, and educational outcomes. An overview of Bourdieu's theory of social and cultural reproduction is given, focusing on the role of cultural capital. Empirical research on various operationalizations of cultural capital, both quantitative and qualitative, and various educational outcomes, are reviewed; research from multiple nations is represented. Past and current controversies regarding the cultural capital concept in educational research are discussed, as they are important directions for future research.
A sample of 1,803 minority students from low-income homes was classified into 3 groups on the basis of grades, test scores, and persistence from Grade 8 through Grade 12; the classifications were academically successful school completers (''resilient'' students), school completers with poorer academic performance (nonresilient completers), and noncompleters (dropouts). Groups were compared in terms of psychological characteristics and measures of ''school engagement.'' Large, significant differences were found among groups on engagement behaviors, even after background and psychological characteristics were controlled statistically The findings support the hypothesis that student engagement is an important component of academic resilience. Furthermore, they provide information for designing interventions to improve the educational prognoses of students at risk.
Background
Findings from several international studies have shown that there is a significant relationship between literacy skills and socioeconomic status (SES). Research has also shown that schools differ considerably in their student outcomes, even after taking account of students’ ability and family background. The context or learning environment of a school or classroom is an important determinant of the rate at which children learn. The literature has traditionally used school composition, particularly the mean SES of the school, as a proxy for context.
Focus of Study
This study examines the relationships among school composition, several aspects of school and classroom context, and students’ literacy skills in science.
Population
The study uses data from the 2006 PISA (Programme for International Student Assessment) for 57 countries. PISA assesses the knowledge and life skills of 15-year-old youth as they approach the end of their compulsory period of schooling.
Research Design
Secondary analyses of the data describe the socioeconomic gradient (the relationship between a student outcome and SES) and the school profile (the relationship between average school performance and school composition) using data for the United States as an example. The analyses demonstrate two important relationships between school composition and the socioeconomic gradient and distinguish between two types of segregation, referred to as horizontal and vertical segregation. The analyses discern the extent to which school composition and classroom and school context separately and jointly account for variation in student achievement.
Findings
The results show that school composition is correlated with several aspects of school and classroom context and that these factors are associated with students’ science literacy. Literacy performance is associated with the extent to which school systems are segregated “horizontally,” based on the distribution among schools of students from differing SES backgrounds, and “vertically,” due mainly to mechanisms that select students into different types of schools.
Conclusions
An understanding of socioeconomic gradients and school profiles for a school system is critical to discerning whether reform efforts should be directed mainly at improving the performance of particular schools or at striving to alter policies and practices within all schools. Both horizontal and vertical segregation are associated with lower student outcomes; therefore, we require a better understanding of the mechanisms through which students are allocated to schools. When the correlation of school composition with a particular contextual variable is strong, it calls for policies aimed at increasing inclusion or differentially allocating school and classroom resources among schools serving students of differing status.
The indicators of parental involvement in children’s education vary considerably across studies, most of which treat parental involvement as a unidimensional construct. This study identified four dimensions of parental involvement and assessed the relationship of each dimension with parental background and academic achievement for a large representative sample of U.S. middle school students. The findings provide little support for the conjecture that parents with low socioeco-nomic status are less involved in their children’s schooling than are parents with higher socioeconomic status. Furthermore, although schools varied somewhat in parental involvement associated with volunteering and attendance at meetings of parent-teacher organizations, they did not substantially in levels of involvement associated with home supervision, discussion of school-related activities, or parent-teacher communication. Yet the discussion of school-related activities at home had the strongest relationship with academic achievement. Parents’ participation at school had a moderate effect on reading achievement, but a negligible effect on mathematics achievement.
This study is concerned with determining the significance of achievement and ascriptive factors in the career mobility of graduate engineers. Difficulties regarding the measurement of relative "openness" of a social structure are pointed out; an attempt is made to overcome some of these difficulties by operationalizing Turner's ideal type notions of "sponsored" and "contest" mobility in the form of multivariate mobility channels. The findings offer support for both models, revealing the increasing effects of achievement variables such as grades, school selectivity, and recruitment emphasis on college achievement while at the same time showing the continuing effects of social origins and college prestige on such "contest" mobility. Examination of the most recent graduates points to the continuing influence of ascriptive criteria and to the declining effect of school-organizational variables. It is suggested that such findings may support the notion of a developing "credential" or "status" opportunity structure.
IN RECENT years there has been considerable research concerning social factors influencing levels of occupational and educational achievement. Generally these studies assume (1) that occupational and educational achievement are influenced strongly by the person's level of occupational and educational aspiration, and (2) that these levels of aspiration are determined largely by the interpersonal situation within which the individual was socialized.
I review studies of the roles played by cognitive skills and noncognitive traits and behaviors in stratification processes. Bowles & Gintis (1976) were among the first to argue that noncognitive traits and behaviors are more important than cognitive skills in determining schooling and employment outcomes. Now, 25 years later, these authors (Bowles & Gintis 2002) claim that the ensuing literature vindicates their position. There is much evidence for this claim, although it remains unresolved. I locate their discussion within the larger literature that has appeared during this time period. This literature provides an emerging interdisciplinary paradigm for the study of socioeconomic attainment, including differentials by social class, race, and ethnic background.
This study seeks to reorient our understanding of the early educational determinants of social stratification outcomes. It focuses on the process and consequences of unequal cognitive skill attainment for ethnic and poverty groups within our nation's cities. It draws, theoretically, on the notion that experiences at home and school create a feedback loop by which the "cultural capital" of the students (their toolkit of skills, habits, and styles with which they construct strategies of action) evolves over time and largely determines differential success in mastering the teacher-assigned homework.
Duncan's model of status attainment in the U.S. is used as a point of comparison for analyzing the process of educational attainment, using several American and English data sets. The overall amount of father-to-son mobility is very similar in the two countries, and so are the relative contributions of social origin and ability to the son's attainment. Although the two educational systems differ greatly, their division of pupils into academic and non-academic segments reflects almost identically the effects of social origin and ability. These findings are interpreted in relation to Lipset's analysis of the two countries' value systems and Turner's contrast between "sponsored" and "contest" mobility patterns. To a great degree, the two countries appear to use quite different mechanisms to bring about the same outcomes.
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Culture influences action not by providing the ultimate values toward which action is oriented, but by shaping a repertoire or "tool kit" of habits, skills, and styles from which people construct "strategies of action." Two models of cultural influence are developed, for settled and unsettled cultural periods. In settled periods, culture independently influences action, but only by providing resources from which people can construct diverse lines of action. In unsettled cultural periods, explicit ideologies directly govern action, but structural opportunities for action determine which among competing ideologies survive in the long run. This alternative view of culture offers new opportunities for systematic, differentiated arguments about culture's causal role in shaping action.
Two theories are considered in accounting for the increased schooling required for employment in advanced industrial society: (a) a technical-function theory, stating that educational requirements reflect the demands for greater skills on the job due to technological change; and (b) a conflict theory, stating that employment requirements reflect the efforts of competing status groups to monopolize or dominate jobs by imposing their cultural standards on the selection process. A review of the evidence indicates that the conflict theory is more strongly supported. The main dynamic of rising educational requirements in the United States has been primarily the expansion of mobility opportunities through the school system, rather than autonomous changes in the structure of employment. It is argued that the effort to build a comprehensive theory of stratification is best advanced by viewing those effects of technological change on educational requirements that are substantiated within the basic context of a conflict theory of stratification.
The economic analysis of wages took a variety of new turns during the 1980s, but none more important than the reinterpretation of wage gaps that were once viewed as discriminatory. At the beginning of the ’80s, wage gaps between minority groups and whites that could not be explained by differences in observable characteristics—such as years of schooling or experience in the labor market—were widely attributed to discrimination. By the end of the decade these unexplained wage gaps were being viewed as a reflection of underlying unobservable differences in human capital or “culture”.
Integrating ideas from child development with sociological models of educational attainment, we examine the relationship between family structure--whether both parents are present in the household--and children's achievement in high school. Using data from the High School and Beyond study, sophomore cohort, 1986, we ask whether differences in achievement are accounted for by differences in parents' educational aspirations and parenting styles. Children who live with single parents or stepparents during adolescence receive less encouragement and less help with school work than children who live with both natural parents, and parental involvement has positive effects on children's school achievement. Differences in parental behavior, however, account for little of the difference in educational attainment between children from intact and nonintact families.
This paper summarizes a qualitative study of family-school relationships in white working-class and middle-class communities. The results indicate that schools have standardized views of the proper role of parents in schooling. Moreover, social class provides parents with unequal resources to comply with teachers' requests for parental participation. Characteristics of family life (e.g., social networks) also intervene and mediate family-school relationships. The social and cultural elements of family life that facilitate compliance with teachers' requests can be viewed as a form of cultural capital. The study suggests that the concept of cultural capital can be used fruitfully to understand social class differences in children's school experiences.
An intervention designed to increase the reading skills, habits, and styles of low-performing elementary school students was implemented in the Dallas Independent School District (Texas). The issues surrounding implementation illustrate many of the problems of inner-city schooling and disadvantaged students and offer some solutions. The Reading One-One tutoring program was developed with the Reading Recovery and Success for All programs successfully used in other districts as models. The discussion attempts to integrate paradigms of human capital and human culture to create a new paradigm that defines culture as skills, habits, and styles and posits a view in which parental skills, habits, and styles determine the cognitive skills of their children. The first two chapters examine human capital and human culture and cognitive skills. Chapter 3 demonstrates the important role of family linguistic culture in a child's cognitive skill development, and Chapter 4 shows how cognitive skills determine future earnings. Chapters 5 through 9 use data from the Dallas schools to analyze the ways in which cognitive skills, habits, and styles determine coursework mastery and grades. Part III focuses on intervention, reporting on the development and implementation of Reading One-One. An appendix discusses the methodology of constructing a table of reading comprehension scores for intervention students. (Contains 4 figures, 45 tables, and 187 references.) (SLD)
An analysis of the achievements of a large sample (4,388) of Wisconsin men during the 10 years following their 1957 high school graduation focuses upon their educational attainments, occupational achievements, and in particular, earnings, in terms of their social origins. Analysis uses a recursive structural education model of achievement. Seven chapters include: The Socioeconomic Achievement Process, providing background information; The Longitudinal Study: Data Sources and Quality, discussing methodological problems and procedures; Socioeconomic Background, Ability, and Achievement, applying a modified model in analyzing socioeconomic influences on the achievements of the sample group; Social Psychological Factors in Achievement, examining their role as variables; Colleges and Achievement, interpreting the effects of colleges on occupation and earnings; Post-High School Earnings: When and for Whom Does "Ability" seem to Matter?, discussing particular circumstances; and, Summary and Conclusions, discussing findings and future research plans. The 1957 questionnaire, the 10-year follow-up questionnaire, characteristics of the social security earnings data, and coverage of male Wisconsin youth in the 1957 survey are appended. Tables supplement the discussion, and the document is indexed. It is stated that the pattern of the achievement process elaborated on by the analysis can be generalized to other areas, and the nation as a whole. (LH)
This study investigated whether the impact of 3 types of family decision making on the adjustment of 14–16-year-old youth was moderated by ethnicity, community context, or both. For joint and unilateral youth decision making, community context interacted with ethnicity in 3 patterns of influence: for Hispanic-American youth, variations in decision making had a stronger impact in ethnically mixed than in predominantly white communities; for African-American youth, the negative impact of unilateral youth decision making was stronger in predominantly white communities; and for Asian- and European-American youth, community context did not make a difference. For unilateral parental decision making, the popular hypothesis that apparent ethnic differences in the influence of parental strictness on adolescent adjustment are primarily due to differences in community context was not supported. Rather, the positive impact of unilateral parental decision making was similar among African-American youth living in predominantly white, and more affluent, communities or in more disadvantaged, ethnically mixed neighborhoods. The negative impact of authoritarian parenting was similar among European-American youth living in less advantaged communities as well as more affluent ones. There was no relation between unilateral parental control and adolescent adjustment of Asian- or Hispanic-American youth in either type of community.
This article examines the impact of authoritative parenting, parental involvement in schooling, and parental encouragement to succeed on adolescent school achievement in an ethnically and socio-economically heterogeneous sample of approximately 6,400 American 14–18-year-olds. Adolescents reported in 1987 on their parents' general child-rearing practices and on their parents' achievement-specific socialization behaviors. In 1987, and again in 1988, data were collected on several aspects of the adolescents' school performance and school engagement. Authoritative parenting (high acceptance, supervision, and psychological autonomy granting) leads to better adolescent school performance and stronger school engagement. The positive impact of authoritative parenting on adolescent achievement, however, is mediated by the positive effect of authoritativeness on parental involvement in schooling. In addition, nonauthoritativeness attenuates the beneficial impact of parental involvement in schooling on adolescent achievement. Parental involvement is much more likely to promote adolescent school success when it occurs in the context of an authoritative home environment.