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Tourism Management 20 (1999) 245 —249
Case study
Ecotourism and the empowerment of local communities
Regina Scheyvens*
School of Global Studies, Massey University, PO Box 11222, Palmerston North, New Zealand
Abstract
This research note considers ways in which we may better understand how ecotourism ventures impact on the lives of people living
in, and around, the environments which ecotourists frequent. From a development perspective, ecotourism ventures should only be
considered ‘successful’ if local communities have some measure of control over them and if they share equitably in the benefits
emerging from ecotourism activities. An empowerment framework is proposed as a suitable mechanism for aiding analysis of the
social, economic, psychological and political impacts of ecotourism on local communities. 1999 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights
reserved.
Keywords: Ecotourism; Community; Empowerment
1. Ecotourism
Ecotourism is the fastest growing sector, with an esti-
mated growth rate of 10—15%, of one of the largest
industries in the world: tourism (Panos, 1997). Ecotour-
ism has been defined as
environmentally responsible, enlightening travel
and visitation to relatively undisturbed natural
areas in order to enjoy and appreciate nature (and
any accompanying cultural features both past and
present) that promotes conservation, has low visitor
impact, and provides for beneficially active socio-
economic involvement of local populations (Cebal-
los-Lascurain, 1996).
According to this definition, ecotourism can involve
both cultural and environmental tourism and, in addi-
tion, benefits to the local population should be an inte-
gral part of the activity.
The demands of increasingly affluent consumers for
‘remote’, ‘natural’ and ‘exotic’ environments have created
an upsurge in ecotourism ventures, particularly in devel-
oping countries. Concurrently, within western countries
wilderness areas and lands occupied by indigenous
peoples have been opened up to the tourism industry. Of
*Tel.: #64 6 350 5910; fax: #646 350 5644; e-mail: r.a.scheyvens@
massey.ac.nz.
concern is the fact that it is precisely these more remote,
less developed tourism areas that ecotourists seek which
are most vulnerable to cultural disruption and environ-
mental degradation (Cater, 1993).
While some writers emphasise the potential for
ecotourism to promote the well being of both local
peoples and their environments, (Hoenegaard, 1994)
others caution us from uncritically accepting ecotourism
as a common good (Boo, 1990; Ziffer, 1989; Cater
& Lowman, 1994). As Cater (p. 85) notes, ‘. . . there is
a very real danger of viewing ecotourism as the universal
panacea, and the ecotourist as some magic breed,
mitigating all tourism’s ills’ (Cater, 1993). Yet romantic
notions about the virtues of ecotourism do still seem to
guide much of the interest in this sector:
. . . many governmental agencies and tourism aca-
demics have been caught up in the ‘sexy’, supposedly
‘new’, forms of tourism such as ecotourism and cul-
tural tourism. There is...a somewhat mistaken belief
that these forms of tourism are somehow ethically
superior (Hall & Butler, 1995, p. 105).
In practice, with the terms ecotourism and cultural
tourism often being used merely as marketing tools,
(Thomlinson & Getz, 1996) such forms of tourism are
sometimes ethically inferior. When business is the main
driving force behind ecotourism it is not surprising that
the ventures which emerge may serve to alienate, rather
than benefit, local communities. In the South Pacific, for
0261-5177/99/$ —see front matter 1999 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
PII: S 0 2 6 1 - 5 1 7 7 ( 9 8 ) 0 0 0 6 9 - 7
example,
. . . the concept of ecotourism . . . has been promoted
within a particularly narrow band of conservation
and business thought which has often failed to ap-
preciate the role of social and political values within
sustainable tourism development (Rudkin & Hall,
1996, p. 223).
Apparently, therefore, there is a need for an approach
to ecotourism which starts from the needs, concerns and
welfare of local host communities.
2. Community-based ecotourism
Some writers have suggested that the term ‘commun-
ity-based ecotourism ventures’ should be used to dis-
tinguish those initiatives which are environmentally
sensitive, but which also aim to ensure that members of
local communities have a high degree of control over the
activities taking place, and a significant proportion of the
benefits accrue to them (Liu, 1994; Ceballos-Lascurain,
1996). This is in contrast to ecotourism ventures which
are controlled wholly by outside operators, and it is also
distinct from contexts in which most of the economic
benefits of tourism accrue to the government (Akama,
1996). For example, while the slogan for East Africa of
‘wildlife pays so wildlife stays’ is apt (Ziffer, 1989, p. 2), to
date it has mainly ‘paid’ for governments, foreign tourism
companies and local entrepreneurs, rather than returning
benefits to local communities.
A community-based approach to ecotourism recognises
the need to promote both the quality of life of people and
the conservation of resources. It is now recognised in
parts of Africa, for example, that local people should be
compensated for the loss of access to resources they suffer
when wildlife parks are created. For example, the Narok
Country Council which has jurisdiction over the Masai
Mara park puts money into a trust fund which is used to
fund schools, cattle dips and health services which benefit
the entire community (Sindiga, 1995). In New Zealand,
meanwhile, Maori communities are using ecotourism as
a means of sustainably utilising physical resources at
their disposal in a way which can provide employment
options. Ngai Tahu, for example, are training local tribes
people to deliver information to compliment tourist ac-
tivities such as a highly successful Whale Watch venture.
They aim to ensure that Ngai Tahu people are well
trained so that ecotourism can be both socially and
economically sustainable, reviving respect for traditions
and enhancing local livelihoods by providing an income
for many previously unemployed people (Anon., 1993).
While ecotourism rhetoric suggests that there is much
support for community-based ecotourism ventures, it is
difficult to find successful cases of this in practice. For
example, Woodwood discovered that even the most en-
lightened South African ecotourism operators involved
local communities primarily in terms of their public rela-
tions value (Woodwood, 1997). There was little commit-
ment to supporting the rights of indigenous peoples to
benefit from their traditional lands and wildlife.
A useful way to discern responsible community-based
ecotourism is to approach it from a development per-
spective, which considers social, environmental and eco-
nomic goals, and questions how ecotourism can ‘. . . meet
the needs of the host population in terms of improved
living standards both in the short and long term’ (Cater,
1993, pp. 85—6). This perspective differs somewhat from
those approaching ecotourism predominantly from an
environmental perspective. Buckley, for example, devised
a framework which proposes that ecotourism is based on
nature tourism which is sustainably managed, includes
environmental education and supports conservation
(Buckley, 1994). While Buckley’s framework helps us to
understand that ecotourism is much more than just
a product, nature, he fails to consider whether the quality
of life of local communities will be enhanced by ecotour-
ism activities. Meanwhile, Lindberg et al., take an eco-
nomic perspective when they examine ecotourism case
studies from Belize (Lindberg et al., 1996). While they
consider the extent to which ecotourism generates eco-
nomic benefits for local communities, they do not ac-
count for how the greater amount of money entering
communities might be distributed, or how communities
are being affected socially and culturally by the ecotour-
ism ventures. Even where ecotourism results in economic
benefits for a local community, it may result in damage to
social and cultural systems thus undermining people’s
overall quality of life (Wilkinson & Pratiwi, 1995). Com-
munity-based approaches to ecotourism therefore need
to acknowledge the importance of social dimensions of
the tourism experience, rather than primarily focusing on
environmental or economic impacts.
3. Empowerment framework
The above discussion has demonstrated that the way
in which ecotourism is approached is critical to its suc-
cess in terms of promoting the well being of both local
peoples and their environments. In order that local
peoples maximise their benefits, and have some control
over ecotourism occurring in their regions, Akama has
suggested that alternative ecotourism initiatives are
needed which aim to empower local people:
. . . the local community need to be empowered to
decide what forms of tourism facilities and wildlife
conservation programmes they want to be de-
veloped in their respective communities, and how
the tourism costs and benefits are to be shared
among different stakeholders (Akama, 1996, p. 573).
246 R. Scheyvens /Tourism Management 20 (1999) 245—249
Table 1
Framework for determining the impacts of ecotourism initiatives on local communities
Signs of empowerment Signs of disempowerment
Economic empowerment Ecotourism brings lasting economic gains to a local
community. Cash earned is shared between many
households in the community. There are visible signs of
improvements from the cash that is earned (e.g. im-
proved water systems, houses made of more permanent
materials).
Ecotourism merely results in small, spasmodic cash
gains for a local community. Most profits go to local
elites, outside operators, government agencies, etc.
Only a few individuals or families gain direct financial
benefits from ecotourism, while others cannot find
a way to share in these economic benefits because they
lack capital and/or appropriate skills.
Psychological empowerment Self-esteem of many community members is enhanced
because of outside recognition of the uniqueness and
value of their culture, their natural resources and their
traditional knowledge. Increasing confidence of com-
munity members leads them to seek out further educa-
tion and training opportunities. Access to employment
and cash leads to an increase in status for traditionally
low-status sectors of society e.g. women, youths.
Many people have not shared in the benefits of
ecotourism, yet they may face hardships because of
reduced access to the resources of a protected area.
They are thus confused, frustrated, disinterested or
disillusioned with the initiative.
Social empowerment Ecotourism maintains or enhances the local commu-
nity’s equilibrium. Community cohesion is improved as
individuals and families work together to build a suc-
cessful ecotourism venture. Some funds raised are used
for community development purposes, e.g. to build
schools or improve roads.
Disharmony and social decay. Many in the community
take on outside values and lose respect for traditional
culture and for elders. Disadvantaged groups (e.g.
women) bear the brunt of problems associated with the
ecotourism initiative and fail to share equitably in its
benefits. Rather than cooperating, individuals, families,
ethnic or socio-economic groups compete with each
other for the perceived benefits of ecotourism. Resent-
ment and jealousy are commonplace.
Political empowerment The community’s political structure, which fairly rep-
resents the needs and interests of all community groups,
provides a forum through which people can raise ques-
tions relating to the ecotourism venture and have their
concerns dealt with. Agencies initiating or implemen-
ting the ecotourism venture seek out the opinions of
community groups (including special interest groups of
women, youths and other socially disadvantaged
groups) and provide opportunities for them to be repre-
sented on decision-making bodies e.g. the Wildlife Park
Board.
The community has an autocratic and/or self-interested
leadership. Agencies initiating or implementing the
ecotourism venture treat communities as passive bene-
ficiaries, failing to involve them in decision-making.
Thus the majority of community members feel they
have little or no say over whether the ecotourism initi-
ative operates or the way in which it operates.
An empowerment framework has been devised to pro-
vide a mechanism with which the effectiveness of
ecotourism initiatives, in terms of their impacts on local
communities, can be determined (Table 1). It should be of
assistance to researchers or development practitioners
who wish to distinguish responsible forms of ecotourism
from those operated by ‘eco-pirates’, whom Lew de-
scribes as ‘. . . people who copy existing responsible
tourism products, but in a non-responsible manner —
typically offering lower prices, inferior experiences, and
detrimental environmental and social impacts’ (Lew,
1996, p. 723). While not as elaborate as Sofield and
Birtles ‘Indigenous Peoples’ Cultural Opportunity Spec-
trum for Tourism’ (Sofield & Birtles, 1996), the empower-
ment framework could also be used by communities and
development agencies attempting to plan for appropriate
community involvement in ecotourism ventures. This is
because it highlights areas to which particular attention
needs to be paid if ecotourism initiatives are to avoid the
traps of many past ventures which disempowered local
communities.
Four levels of empowerment are utilised in the frame-
work: psychological, social and political, as based on
Friedmann’s writing (Friedmann, 1992) and economic
empowerment.
3.1. Economic empowerment
When considering whether or not a community have
been economically empowered by an ecotourism venture,
it is necessary to consider opportunities which have
arisen in terms of both formal and informal sector em-
ployment and business opportunities. While some eco-
nomic gains are usually experienced by a community,
problems may develop if these are periodic and cannot
provide a regular, reliable income. In addition, concerns
may arise over inequity in the spread of economic bene-
fits. It is problematic to assume that a ‘community’
R. Scheyvens /Tourism Management 20 (1999) 245—249 247
consists of a homogeneous, egalitarian group with shared
goals. The power brokers in any society will have con-
siderable influence over who shares in the benefits of
tourism projects (Smith, 1996). Recent studies suggest
that local elites, particularly men, often co-opt and come
to dominate community-based development efforts, there-
by monopolising the economic benefits of tourism (Liu,
1994; Akama, 1996; Mansperger, 1995). In determining
the success and sustainability of an ecotourism venture,
the distribution of economic benefits from ecotourism is
just as important as the actual amount of benefits a com-
munity may receive (Wilkinson & Pratiwi, 1995).
Economic empowerment or disempowerment can also
refer to the local community’s access to productive re-
sources in an area now targeted by ecotourism. For
example, the establishment of protected areas typically
reduces access to hunting and agricultural lands. In addi-
tion, protection of wildlife species such as elephants may
result in destruction of crops and injuries to livestock and
people. Lindberg et al., when studying several ecotourism
initiatives in Belize, found that of those households which
reported direct damage to fish, livestock or crops by
protected area wildlife, less than one-third received direct
economic benefits from ecotourism (Lindberg et al.,
1996). In terms of the equitable distribution of benefits,
this is of concern. It should also be of concern to conser-
vationists given that local people will only continue to
support conservation of protected areas if this assists
with their own development (Sindiga, 1995).
3.2. Psychological empowerment
A local community which is optimistic about the fu-
ture, has faith in the abilities of its residents, is relatively
self-reliant and demonstrates pride in traditions and cul-
ture can be said to be psychologically powerful. In many
small-scale, unindustrialised societies, preservation of
tradition is extremely important in terms of maintaining
a group’s sense of self-esteem and well being (Mansper-
ger, 1995). Ecotourism which is sensitive to cultural
norms and builds respect for local traditions can, there-
fore, be empowering for local people. On the other hand,
ecotourism which interferes with customs by, for
example, interfering with the integral relationship be-
tween a group of people and their land, may have devas-
tating effects. Mansperger describes how groups of
Yagua Indians of the Peruvian and Colombian Amazon
have been relocated by tour operators into regions more
accessible to tourists. The Yagua have consequently be-
come dependent on money raised from cultural perfor-
mances and their obligations to the tour operators mean
they have insufficient time to raise crops, hunt and fish,
and no land on which to engage in slash-and-burn agri-
culture. The Yagua are now plagued by various forms of
ill-health, and apathy and depression are common place
(Mansperger, 1995). These feelings, along with disil-
lusionment and confusion, often indicate psychological
disempowerment of a community.
It is in order to avoid such negative effects that some
Aboriginal communities in Australia have chosen to
shun direct involvement with tourists, instead preferring
to earn an income from tourists indirectly by making
craft goods or sharing the entry fees to environmentally
distinctive areas (Altman & Finlayson, 1993).
3.3. Social empowerment
Social empowerment refers to a situation in which
a community’s sense of cohesion and integrity has been
confirmed or strengthened by an activity such as ecotour-
ism. Strong community groups, including youth groups,
church groups and women’s groups, may be signs of an
empowered community. Social empowerment is perhaps
most clearly a result of ecotourism when profits from the
tourism activity are used to fund social development
projects, such as water supply systems or health clinics, in
the local area.
On the other hand, social disempowerment may occur
if tourist activity results in crime, begging, perceptions of
crowding, displacement from traditional lands, loss of
authenticity or prostitution (Mansperger, 1993). Eco-
tourism is not, by nature, immune from these problems.
Inequities in distribution of the benefits of ecotourism,
described under ‘economic empowerment’ above, can
also lead to social disempowerment through feelings of
ill-will and jealousy which they may foster. For example,
one village chief in Yap, Federated States of Micronesia,
kept all of the entrance fees to his village for himself. This
led some community members to feel that ‘Money is
making people stingy and therefore harming community
spirit’ (Sofield & Birtles, 1996, p. 90). In a proposed
ecotourism development in Lauvi Lagoon, Solomon Is-
lands, a local ‘big man’ tried to initiate the ecotourism
development with minimal consultation with others in
the community, thus resulting in considerable dissension
(Rudkin & Hall, 1996). To assume that communities will
share unproblematically in the production and benefits
of the ecotourism product may be excessively romantic
(Taylor, 1995). Clearly in all communities there are in-
equalities which may be exacerbated by the introduction
of a somewhat lucrative industry to which all will not
have access.
3.4. Political empowerment
If a community is to be politically empowered by
ecotourism, their voices and their concerns should guide
the development of any ecotourism project from the
feasibility stage through to its implementation. Diverse
interest groups within a community, including women
and youths, should also have representation on com-
munity and broader decision-making bodies. Akama
248 R. Scheyvens /Tourism Management 20 (1999) 245—249
argues that for local communities to be able to exert
some control over ecotourism activities, however, power
will need to be decentralised from the national level to
the community level (Akama, 1996). This could include
involving grassroots organisations, local church groups,
and indigenous institutions in decision-making processes
and on representative bodies such as national parks
boards or regional tourism associations.
4. Conclusion
The empowerment framework, designed for analysis of
the impacts of ecotourism ventures on local communi-
ties, attempts to emphasise the importance of local com-
munities having some control over, and sharing in the
benefits of, ecotourism initiatives in their area. The
rationale behind the framework is that ecotourism
should promote both conservation and development at
the local level. The framework could be applied in both
western and developing country contexts but, because it
takes as its central concern the concept of empowerment,
it is perhaps particularly pertinent when examining the
extent to which indigenous people, or other disadvan-
taged groups, are benefiting from ecotourism.
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