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Backpacker Tourism and Third World Development



Third World governments often scorn international backpackers, professing instead an enthusiasm for pursuing higher-value, luxury tourism. This article presents an alternative perspective, elaborating upon ways that providing goods and services for backpackers can promote development, especially at the local level. Several challenges will need to be addressed, however, if such communities are to have some control over the backpacker submarket and maximize the benefits they gain from it. Such challenges include overcoming the self-centered attitudes of some backpackers who might behave irresponsibly, and encouraging Third World governments to establish a policy environment and effective infrastructure which support community involvement in this form of tourism.RésuméLe tourisme des routards et le développement du tiers-monde. Les gouvernements des pays du tiers-monde sont souvent très critiques à l'égard des touristes du type routard (backpackers), voulant plutôt développer un tourisme de luxe à forte contribution. Cet article porte un regard différent sur le phénomène en élaborant les moyens par lesquels les prestations pour la clientèle backpacker peuvent être un vecteur de développement, surtout au niveau local. Cependant, les acteurs locaux devront se montrer à la hauteur de la situation s'ils aspirent à contrôler le tourisme des backpackers et en maximiser les retombées. Il faudrait œuvrer pour transformer l'attitude égocentrique de certains backpackers qui se comportent de façon irresponsable et encourager les gouvernements du tiers-monde à mettre en place une politique et une infrastructure qui soutiendra les initiatives des acteurs locaux vis-à-vis de ce genre de tourisme.
Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. 29, No. 1, pp. 144–164, 2002
2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
Printed in Great Britain
PII: S0160-7383(01)00030-5
Regina Scheyvens
Massey University, New Zealand
Abstract: Third World governments often scorn international backpackers, professing
instead an enthusiasm for pursuing higher-value, luxury tourism. This article presents an
alternative perspective, elaborating upon ways that providing goods and services for back-
packers can promote development, especially at the local level. Several challenges will need
to be addressed, however, if such communities are to have some control over the backpacker
submarket and maximize the benefits they gain from it. Such challenges include overcoming
the self-centered attitudes of some backpackers who might behave irresponsibly, and encour-
aging Third World governments to establish a policy environment and effective infrastructure
which support community involvement in this form of tourism. Keywords: Backpackers,
budget, Third World, development. 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
´:Le tourisme des routards et le de
´veloppement du tiers-monde. Les gouvernements
des pays du tiers-monde sont souvent tre
`s critiques a
´gard des touristes du type routard
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´velopper un tourisme de luxe a
`forte contribution. Cet arti-
cle porte un regard diffe
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`ne en e
´laborant les moyens par lesquels les
prestations pour la cliente
`le backpacker peuvent e
ˆtre un vecteur de de
´veloppement, surtout
au niveau local. Cependant, les acteurs locaux devront se montrer a
`la hauteur de la situation
s’ils aspirent a
ˆler le tourisme des backpackers et en maximiser les retombe
´es. Il faud-
rait œuvrer pour transformer l’attitude e
´gocentrique de certains backpackers qui se compor-
tent de fac
¸on irresponsable et encourager les gouvernements du tiers-monde a
`mettre en
place une politique et une infrastructure qui soutiendra les initiatives des acteurs locaux vis-
`-vis de ce genre de tourisme. Mots-cle
´s: routards, tiers-monde, de
´veloppement. 2001 Elsev-
ier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
Almost wherever it is viable, Third World governments are actively
pursuing tourism growth in their countries. They are particularly inter-
ested in international tourism (Harrison 1992), believing it brings their
countries numerous economic benefits including employment opport-
unities, small business development, and foreign exchange earnings.
They tend to assume that more money is earned by attracting tourists
who can afford luxury goods and services, despite the fact that this
often leads to a country’s dependence on imported products, foreign
investment, and expatriate skills, resulting in repatriation of resultant
Regina Scheyvens is Lecturer in geography and development studies at Massey University
(School of Global Studies, Private Bag 11 222, Palmerston North, New Zealand. Email
<>). Her interest in Third World tourism, especially ecotourism,
builds upon her earlier research on sustainable development and gender. She has carried
out fieldwork in both the South Pacific and Southern Africa.
prots (Baskin 1995). But those nancial benets received from luxury
tourism developments in the Third World very rarely trickle down
to be of any signicance to people at grassroots level.
While a number of academics have noted this problem, thoroughly
critiquing forms of tourism development dominated by overseas inves-
tors (Britton 1982; Brohman 1996), they have rarely proposed support
for alternative forms of tourism based on the village economy (Brown
1998). The presumption that high-spending tourists bring the greatest
benets to Third World countries is questioned in this paper. Instead,
it argues how local communities in the Third World might benet
from involvement in budget tourism. In particular, the often maligned
backpacker market segment is considered.
The academic literature provides clues as to how the backpacker
segment can be described. This submarket is characterized by budget-
consciousness and a exible tourism style, with most participants trave-
ling alone or in small groups. Backpackers are often keen to share the
local lifestyle (Loker 1993:33), citing meeting the peopleas a key
motivation (Riley 1988:325). Their recreational activities are likely to
focus around nature (such as trekking), culture (village stays and
more), or adventure (including river rafting or riding camels) (Loker-
Murphy and Pearce 1995). This is associated with the tendency for
backpackers to travel more widely than other tourists, seeking unusual
or out of the way locations and/or experiences (Haigh 1995). Accord-
ing to Riley, the less traveled route and more difcult way of getting
there has a high degree of mystique and status conferral(1988:321).
The tight budget many backpackers impose on themselves is largely
related to the longer duration of their travels (Gibbons and Selvarajah
1994). As Cohen warns, however, one could be misled by the idealized
image of the backpacker (or youth touristsin his study of southern
Thailand beaches) as a curious and adventurous traveler in search of
Perhaps because of its association with the hippyand driftertour-
ism of the 60s and 70s, the backpacker segment of the tourism market
has not always been welcomed by Third World regional or national
governments (Cohen 1973; Erb 2000; Hall 1997; Hampton 1998;
Loker-Murphy and Pearce 1995). Much credence has been given to
the stereotypical image of the backpacker as an unkempt, immoral,
drug-taking individual. In Southeast Asia, the interest paid by most
government planners to the backpacker sector is either negligible or
negative. According to Hampton, this sector is at best tacitly ignored,
or at worst actively discouraged in ofcial tourism planning
(1998:640). Independent travelers (hereafter tourists)who include
backpackersare actively discouraged in the Maldives (Lyon 1997),
and have been banned completely in Bhutan as they are seen as posing
a threat to the countrys gross national happiness, with only approved
tour parties allowed (Wood and House 1991). Meanwhile in Goa, the
Director of Tourism believes that Luxury tourism was the way forward.
Hippies and backpackers do not bring in enough money(cited in
Wilson 1997:68). Similarly, efforts to attract tourists in southern Africa
are centered on organized mass international tourists who have travel
arrangements made for them (Baskin 1995).
In some cases, government interest in discouraging backpackers and
other budget tourists has been translated into policy. For example,
government policy in Botswana states:
Foreign tourists who spend much of their time but little of their
money in Botswana are of little net benet to the country. Indeed,
they are almost certainly a net loss because they crowd the available
public facilities such as roads and camp sites and cause environmental
damage . It is important to shift the mix of tourists away from those
who are casual campers towards those who occupy permanent accom-
modation. Encouraging the latter while discouraging the former
through targeted marketing and the imposition of higher fees for the
use of public facilities, are obviously among the objectives to be pur-
sued (cited in Little 1991:4).
While denigrating budget tourists, this policy aims simultaneously to
provide local communities with direct and indirect benets from tour-
ism activities(cited in Little 1991:6), without specically considering
whether it is realistic for impoverished rural communities to cater for
higher end tourists. Local communities do not usually have the skills,
experience, or resources to provide services for luxury tourists. In
many cases, therefore, such communities miss out completely on the
benets of tourism ventures in their own backyards.
In order to ensure a strong likelihood of economic, political, and
social benets accruing to a local community, Ashley and Roe
(1998:25) stress the need for full participation of communities in tour-
ism. This can occur where communities supply the majority of goods
and services to tourists, have considerable input into planning
decisions, and collectively manage common resources. When tourism
ventures are largely dependent on local cultural and natural resources,
and are locally managed, communities can participate with equity in
the [tourism] process(Lillywhite and Lillywhite 1991:89g). This paper
will argue that such conditions are more likely to be present when
communities target the needs of budget tourists, especially the signi-
cant backpacker segment.
This paper considers both pros and cons of backpacker tourism in
terms of whether it promotes local level development. It provides a
review of the literature on this general research theme while also draw-
ing on the authors backpacking experiences through Asia in 1989
90, and more recent eldwork on related issues of sustainable liveli-
hoods in southern Africa and the South Pacic.
Reservations About Backpackers
Before considering ways in which catering to the backpacker seg-
ment can promote local development, the discussion raises some con-
cerns about backpackers rather than assuming that they are an
inherently desirable submarket. The very tenets of backpacker culture,
including the independent nature of backpacker travel and their cul-
tural sensitivity, have been questioned, both in academic writing and
popular ction. For example, the lming in Thailand of one of the
novels discussed below, The Beach, starring Hollywood golden boy
Leonardo DiCaprio, has sparked numerous discussion sites on the
internet and a torrent of media interest in backpacking, particularly
focusing on undesirable traits of backpackers. Similarly, when the Lon-
don-based nongovernmental organization, Tourism Concern,
addressed them in a special issue of their magazine, In Focus (Spring
1999), the British press were quick to pick up upon negative aspects
of backpacker culture.
One criticism of backpackers is that, in ensuring that their funds
will last for the duration of their travels, they become excessively con-
cerned with bargain hunting (Goodwin, Kent, Parker and Walpole
1998). They may regard haggling as a game, to the extent that they
exploit artisans and traders so desperate for a sale that they accept
unreasonably low prices for their products (Bradt 1995). According to
Riley Status among travelers is closely tied to living cheaply and
obtaining the best bargainswhich serve as indicators that one is an
experienced traveler(1988:320). Budi, an experienced tour guide,
argues that the average independent tourist to Indonesia has changed
somewhat in recent years:
Now tourists are going to Indonesia not to see the culture or the
people, but to compete with other travelers about how cheaply they
can travel. They all want to be the winner, and dont realize how rude
they are to local people (cited in Wheat 1995:50).
While in the past the tendency for backpackers to seek out more inten-
sive contact with local people has generally been posed in a positive
light, some commentators have recognized that such alternativetour-
ism forms are also more invasive (Butler 1990). Because they seek out
of the waydestinations, Spreitzhofer argues, the inuence of back-
packers on Third World societies “… proves often to be more lasting
and shaping than organized, spatially selective package tourism
(1998:982). Furthermore, their very search for authentic experiences
is based on exclusion of other tourists (Jamieson 1996), which is why
Mowforth and Munt suggest that backpackers can be included in the
category of the self-centered tourists they call ego-tourists(1998:135).
Possibly, backpackersmore lasting inuence will involve the prob-
lem of seeking out new destinations but failing to understand cultural
norms of appropriate behavior in these new locales (Bradt 1995).
Some suggest that backpackers simply do not care about local customs
and acceptable behavior, instead showing blatant disregard for social
norms (Noronha 1999). Acting out their perceived freedom from
social commitments and constraints (Jamieson 1996) may lead then to
culturally and socially inappropriate behavior. This seems to be a prob-
lem particularly in backpacker ghettos or enclaves, places where large
numbers congregate to experience home comforts (from good phone
and internet services to familiar foods, such as the ubiquitous banana
pancake) and the company of tourists of similar mind. Such places
can be found in Khatmandu, Bangkok, and Pushkar, major points of
reference on the great backpackersoverland route through Asia.
There is increasing evidence that such ghettos are now emerging out-
side of the Asian region as well (Aziz 1999). As one guesthouse man-
ager stated, The Indian tourists that visit Pushkar have a holy respect
for the place, but the foreigners just treat the place as a fun theme
park. They drink and smoke in the temples and show no respect
(cited in Mandalia 1999:17). Scanty or excessively casual dress, drug
and alcohol abuse, and casual sexual encounters can all cause insult
to local residents (Aziz 1999; Mandalia 1999), whose reliance on
income from tourism often leads them to tolerate what they feel is
outright denigration of their customs.
Two popular novels have recently explored issues surrounding back-
packer culture, William SutcliffesAre You Experienced? (1999) and Alex
GarlandsThe Beach (1997). The former follows the anti-hero, Dave
the British backpacker, as he travels around India as part of his year-
offbefore university. At one point, at a train station, he is delighted
to nd a fellow European (who turns out to be a journalist) with whom
he can strike up a conversation. He is soon taken aback, however, as
the journalist starts to probe and question Daves travel experience.
The journalist sums up backpacker travel in India:
University of Life. Year one: Advanced Adventure Playgrounds. Part
One Exam: go to the Third World and survive. No revision, interest,
intellect or sensitivity required (Sutcliffe 1999:138)its not hipp-
ies on a spiritual mission who come here any more, just morons on
a poverty-tourism adventure holiday going to India isnt an act of
rebellion these days, its actually a form of conformity for ambitious
middle-class kids who want to be able to put something on their CV
that shows a bit of initiative . Your kind of travel is all about low
horizons dressed up as open-mindedness. You have no interest in
India, and no sensitivity for the problems this country is trying to face
up to. You also treat Indians with a mixture of contempt and suspicion
which is reminiscent of the Victorian colonials. Your presence here,
in my opinion, is offensive (Sutcliffe 1999:140).
The sentiments of the journalist character are supported by Hutnyk,
who suggests that most backpackers visiting Calcutta have little interest
in meeting Indians and learning about their culture: “… there is much
doubt as to how far the desire to know others governs the activities of
the traveler. Certainly foreign touristsin Calcutta seem to do a good
deal of avoiding others’” (1996:61).
The other novel, The Beach, was written as a critique of backpacker
culture. It explores a group of backpackers in Thailand seeking escape
from the well-traveled route, and serves “… as commentary on the folly
of smug, young tourists, who call themselves travelersa special breed
more sensitive to the local cultures and locations they trample over
(Gluckman 2000). When a British backpacker, a new arrival in Bang-
kok, asks a more seasoned French backpacker if he has been to Chiang
Mai (main stop off point for tourists setting out to see hill tribe
peoples), he replies:
Yes, we went on a trek. We rafted on a river. Very boring, no?He
sighed and leant backwards, resting his back on the stone step
behind him.
Etienne smiled. Raft, trek. I want to do something different, and
everybody wants to do something different. But we all do the same
thing. There is no ah …”
Adventure(Garland 1997:19).
In the documentary Thailand Backpackers: Full Moon Party (Pendry
1998), which also addresses the subject of backpackers in Thailand, it
is clear that their experiences are framed more by group behavior than
the search for adventure. The bulk of this lm focuses on backpackers
in the south of the country seeking self-fulllment through a combi-
nation of the following: searching for the perfect beach, taking drugs,
having (sometimes unconventional) sexual experiences, going on a
meditation retreat, and partying. When one of the backpackers, who
has just eaten a magic mushroomomelet is asked: Do you think this
is the real Thailand?, he replies, No, but I didnt come for the real
Thailandthis is purely hedonistic. The documentary nishes with a
full moon party on a beach, the atmosphere set by Ecstasy and techno
music. The next morning, the perfect beachso many have searched
for is littered with human bodies, and being used as a toilet by some
of the male backpackers. The only backpackers shown rejecting this
aspect of backpacker culture decide to go north, in search of the real
Thailand, meaning hill tribe peoples in colorful dress. Presumably
there is nothing valuable to see or learn from the millions of Thais
inhabiting the rest of the country who have adopted a more west-
ernized style of dress.
Based on such characterizations of backpackers, it is not at all sur-
prising that some authors have questioned the right of backpackers to
take the moral high ground when comparing their tourism experi-
ences to those of conventional tourists (Mowforth and Munt 1998;
Spreitzhofer 1998). Indeed, Aziz, commenting on backpackers in the
Egyptian beach resort of Dahab, suggests that far from being an alter-
native form of tourism, backpacking has turned into just another
strand of mass, institutionalized tourism:
The idea of backpackers as drifters and explorers who desire to set
themselves apart from the mainstream is challenged. Backpacker
culture is now established for the tourists in Dahab as if waiting to be
consumed by them upon arrival (1999:15).
In Dahab, this backpacker cultureincludes particular forms of dress
(tie-dyed T-shirts), music (rap, hip-hop, and sixties), and behavior
(moving from coffee shop to coffee shop, consuming endless pancakes,
pizzas, and milkshakes, engaging in casual sexual liaisons, and consum-
ing drugs). Undoubtedly aspects of this culture can be found in back-
packer ghettos throughout Asia, if not more widely. Doorne (1993),
for example, talks about institutionalized backpacker culture associa-
ted with backpacker buses in New Zealand. Back in Dahab, Aziz (1999)
found that far from showing an interest in local culture, there was little
evidence of backpackers establishing contact with local people unless
it was for commercial transactions or to secure an Egyptian boyfriend,
and Egyptian food was not even available on the coffee shop menus.
The above accounts may suggest that contemporary backpackers are
engaging in a self-centered form of poverty-tourism, traveling around
shrouded from the real Third Worldby the backpacker ghettos
which provide the major stepping stones along their well-trodden
route. However, such negative generalizations about backpackers
derive largely from their recent representations in the popular media
and the associated hype, rather than providing an accurate represen-
tation of what appears to be developing into an increasingly diverse
demographic group. While self-gratication and indulgence may be
the primary motivation for one category of backpackers, others may
be driven by a genuine interest in learning about other peoples and
environments, and many may fall somewhere between these extremes.
Detailed research on backpacker characteristics is needed before one
can make assumptions about a general change, for the worse, in back-
packer attitudes and behavior over time. Furthermore, while concerns
about cultural insensitivity and inappropriate behavior of some back-
packers show that this submarket should not be seen as ethically
superior to other types, it is not as if other groups of tourists are
immune to such faults.
Both Hutnyk (1996) and Noronha (1999), however, identify a more
fundamental problem with backpacking, seeing it as just another vari-
ant of global tourism which reinforces inequitable links between the
West and the Third World:
Budget or alternativetravel can be criticized as an illusion of
nicecottage capitalism, soothing ideological anxieties while
extending commercialization and the tourism industry. Rather than
working towards social transformation, alternative travel seems
often to tinker at the edges of capitalist expansion into new market
niches (Hutnyk 1996:x).
While recognizing the validity of the above criticisms, there are some
who seriously question academic perspectives which suggest that
developmentin general holds no possibility of improving the lives
of Third World peoples:
It seems ironic that contemporary scholarly debates should clamor
for a post-developmentera, just when voices from the margins
so celebrated in discourses of difference and alternative cultureare
demanding their rights to greater access to a more generous idea of
development (Rangan 1996:222).
It seems particularly inappropriate to reject all tourism notions as a
strategy for development when this has been identied as a desirable
livelihood option by many Third World communities:
Tourism is part of the process of modernization, and globalization,
but local actors are agents in this process, and not just the recipients of
modernization processes. They attempt to develop strategies by which
encounters with tourists can be benecial to them (Erb 2000:710).
Rather than reecting on problems inherent in being integrated into
global tourism essentially as underdogs, local communities often
enthusiastically pursue the opportunities they feel this industry will
bring to them. For example, even in locations like Goa, with its well-
developed anti-tourism lobby, protests in the past have seemed to aim
at mass rather than independent tourists, even though this latter group
has given the area its hippy havenreputation. Wilson (1997), for
example, cites a well-publicized case of Goan people throwing rotten
sh and cow dung at tourist buses. Rather than an attack against all
tourism forms, he explains, this incident was instigated by small-scale
local entrepreneurs who felt that charter-package tourism was putting
them out of business by providing for all of the needs of tourists
(accommodation, transport, and food) in a single outlet. Wilson argues
that in general, Goans welcome backpackers because they can easily
service their needs, and this has resulted in an industry characterized
by “… wide local ownership of resources and the broad distribution
of benets throughout the local community(1997:63). It is thus
important to balance backpackersproblems with an exploration of
the literature which unearths positive contributions they can make to
local development.
Backpackers’ Contributions to Local Development
With the notable exceptions of Wilson (1997), Spreitzhofer (1998),
and Hampton (1998), few tourism researchers have explicitly exam-
ined ways in which backpackers contribute to local development in
Third World contexts. A body of evidence on this issue does emerge,
however, when research on related issues is also scrutinized. For
example, some useful ideas have been expressed about budget tourism
in general, and about backpacking in Australia and New Zealand. Such
evidence, as a whole, suggests that there may be much to gain from
aiming low, and providing for backpackers. Both economic and non-
economic development criteria need to be considered (Table 1).
A key reason behind the negative attitude of Third World govern-
ments to backpackers has been the perception that their living on a
budget means they bring little revenue to the destinations. This per-
ception has been seriously challenged, however, by research in New
Zealand and Australia which found that, largely due to the longer dur-
ation of their stay, international backpackers actually spent more
money than any other tourist category (Haigh 1995; Gibbons and Sel-
varajah 1994). In Australia, for example, a 1992 survey revealed that
the average expenditure per backpacker was US$2,667 (the 1992 aver-
age exchange rate of AUS$1=US$0.7353 has been used for conversions
throughout this article) compared to an average for all tourists of only
$1,272 (Haigh 1995:1). Furthermore, backpackers spread their spend-
ing over a wider geographic area, bringing benets to remote and
Table 1. How Backpackers Can Facilitate Local Development
Economic Development Criteria Non-Economic Development Criteria
Spend more money than other tourists Enterprises catering for backpackers
because of longer duration of visit. are generally small and thus ownership
Adventuresome nature and longer and control can be retained locally.
duration of visit means money spent is Local people gain self-fulllment
spread over a wider geographical area, through running own tourism
including remote, economically depressed, enterprises rather than lling in menial
or isolated regions. positions in enterprises run by outside
Do not demand luxury therefore will operators.
spend more on locally produced goods Because they operate their own
(such as food) and services (transport, businesses, local people can form
homestay accommodation). organizations which promote local
Economic benets can be spread widely tourism, giving the community power in
within communities as even individuals with upholding their interests and
little capital or training can provide desired negotiating with outside bodies.
services or products. Formal qualications The interest of backpackers in
are not needed to run small enterprises; meeting and learning from local people
skills can be learned on the job. can lead to a revitalisation of traditional
Basic infrastructure is required therefore culture, respect for the knowledge of
ensuring low overhead costs and elders, and pride in traditional aspects
minimising the need for imported goods of ones culture.
(such as can use bamboo and thatch to Backpackers use fewer resources (like
create a beach stall). cold showers and fans rather than hot
Signicant multiplier effects from baths and air conditioning), therefore
drawing on local skills and resources. are kinder to the environment.
Local servicing of the tourism market
challenges foreign domination of
tourism enterprises.
otherwise economically depressed regions where other tourists rarely
venture, except perhaps if they dash past in their luxury coach (Baskin
1995; Gibbons and Selvarajah 1994; Loker-Murphy and Pearce 1995).
Backpackers can contribute signicantly to local economic develop-
ment because they generally purchase more locally produced goods
and services than other categories of tourists (Hampton 1998; Good-
win et al 1998; Wheeler 1999; Wilson 1997). While there are exceptions
to this generality (Goodwin 1999), what needs to be stressed is that in
economic terms backpackers are worth more to the local economy
than they commonly receive credit for. The very nature of this practice
often results in their spending more money locally, while the more
structured nature of package tours limits contacts with local people.
For example, while package tourists traveling by coach in India are
delivered to the compound of their hotel, backpackers arrive at bus
and train stations where local traders have more opportunities to sell
them their wares (Goodwin 1999). Similarly, tourists staying in higher
class seaside resorts are likely to nd that they have a private beach,
fenced off partly to shield the guests from local touts. Further down
the beach, however, these same touts can nd backpackers willing to
buy a sarong, some jewelry, or a fresh pineapple. As another example,
Pobocik and Butalla (1998) compare the economic contributions of
independent and group trekkers, the latter being on pre-paid
organized trips, in the Annapurna Conservation Area Project in Nepal.
They found that while group trekkers spent $31 a day in Nepal com-
pared to only $6.50 a day for independent trekkers, independent trek-
kers were found to contribute much more to the local economy within
the Annapurna area. This was because the groups usually camped and
the companies brought in most provisions for their clients, whereas
independent trekkers stayed in local lodges, consumed local food and
drink, and purchased local souvenirs:
group trekkers contribute little to local economies, which is a fun-
damental factor in the successful trekking agency management para-
digm of supplying all needs and reaping all prots. This practice is in
direct conict with the accepted ecotourism paradigm of maximizing
local economic benets (Pobocik and Butalla 1998:163).
Tourists visiting the Komodo National Park in Indonesia, attracted by
the unique Komodo dragonreptile, also support this trend. Those
in the highest spending category visit Komodo from cruiseships which
provide all food and accommodation, so that they spend very little on
Komodo; and the same applies to those who use charter boats for their
visit. Budget tourists, however, use the government ferry, which necessi-
tates a stay of at least one night on Komodos main island, and conse-
quently they spend two to three times as much money within the park
as do the other tourists (Goodwin et al 1998). Meanwhile, many famil-
ies in Samoa have built basic beach fales (traditional thatched houses)
which are popular with backpackers. Morning and evening meals are
included in the price of the accommodation and most of the money
generated is retained locally (Twining-Ward and Twining-Ward 1998).
Such ndings from a variety of Third World countries support the
conclusion of Gibbons and Selvarajah who note that in the New Zea-
land case “… observational and anecdotal evidence suggests a lower
degree of leakage from the backpacker segment than any other
Local people and products can meet the needs of backpackers larg-
ely because they do not demand luxury (Polit 1991). Backpackers are:
not so concerned about amenities (e.g., plumbing), restaurants
(e.g., Westernized food), and transportation (e.g., air conditioning)
geared specically to the tastes of the mass tourist. If a budget traveler
place has an appeal to western tastes (e.g., banana pancakes), it
requires minimal infrastructure (Riley 1988:323).
The lack of importance of infrastructure is witnessed by beach shacks
selling food and drink to backpackers in Goa (Wilson 1997), or famil-
ies renting out rooms in their homes to backpackers, as is common
practice in Bali (Wall and Long 1996). These tourists may even be
interested in staying in very basic accommodation, such as could be
provided by a family in a township in South Africa, because of the
adventuresome nature of this experience.
When local resources and skills are used to provide facilities for tour-
ists, there can be important multiplier effects (Cater 1996:6). On Gili
Trawangan in eastern Indonesia, for example, backpacker bungalows
are built of local bamboo and concrete blocks manufactured in the
village, and they are furnished with bamboo tables and chairs made
in neighboring Lombok and curtains made of the traditional ikat fabric
(Hampton 1998:649). Such ventures can be economically viable even
with small numbers of tourists because of low overhead costs and mini-
mal leakages (Wall and Long 1996).
Backpackers are also likely to support certain economic enterprises
developed by local communities which other tourists, because of their
less exible travel schedules, can not. For example, there are many
skilled artisans in the Third World whose work is much admired by
backpackers, among others. But it is these budget tourists who can
decide to attend a workshop on craft manufacture, such as weaving,
carving or pottery. In 1998, a week-long workshop on drum making
was held in a rural area of Zimbabwe, after being advertised in major
backpacker establishments in Harare. The fee charged covered accom-
modation, food, training, and all materials. In New Zealand, many in
Northland choose to attend a one day workshop in which they learn
from Maori artisans the skill of bone carving.
The spread of economic benets within communities may be greater
when catering to tourists on a budget, as more community members
can participate. For example, a study in Namibia found that informal
sector activities associated with tourism, including the sale of fuelwood
and vegetables to campers, offered a valuable means of enhancing the
livelihoods of the poorest groups in society. Individuals did not need
capital, a broad range of skills, or a good command of a foreign langu-
age to participate successfully in tourism in this way (Ashley and Roe
1998:21). It has similarly been found that women, often excluded from
formal economic activities, are more likely to operate informal tourism
enterprises by selling handicrafts, operating food stalls, or working as
beach vendors (Goodwin et al 1998; Kindon forthcoming; Wilson
1997). Catering to backpackers will not usually require community
members to have any formal qualications; rather, they can develop
skills on the job or build on their existing skills.
Contrary to the beliefs of many tourism policymakers, it appears that
starting small can offer greater economic benets to a community than
investing in more sophisticated, capital-intensive projects. For example,
a Namibian study has shown that the establishment of a very basic
campsite with enough room for two tents and no paid staff can gain
a high rate of return on investment, while an upmarket campsite of
similar size and with a similar number of campers but with a paid man-
ager and individual ablutions, would run at a loss (Ashley and Gar-
land 1994:20).
Therefore, if tourism moves up scalein an area, local people can
lose important economic advantages they have gained. This is certainly
a concern in Pangandaran, a shing village in Java which has
developed into a beach resort popular with backpackers as well as dom-
estic tourists. As noted by Wilkinson and Pratiwi (1995:295), Panganda-
ran may not retain the feeling of being a village for long, particularly
as tourism development here has been identied as a major priority
by the government. Major land ownership changes have started to
occur with both a proposal for a golf course and the development of
ave-star hotel on what was previously communal village land:
Such dramatic changes will have the greatest effect on lower-class
people: the poor. Many of them live on and cultivate household crops
on tanah negara (the nations land) which appears slated for tourism
development. They face the possibility of being displaced from their
homes and losing employment in their informal sector jobs as the tour-
ism product moves up-scale and creates demands for higher standards of
facilities and services (Wilkinson and Pratiwi 1995:295; emphasis
Some governments are slowly starting to recognize the economic bene-
ts backpackers can bring. Following the interest from tourists
expected to accompany lming of the The Beach in Thailand, for
example, the Tourism Authority of Thailand is now welcoming back-
packers, largely in recognition of the fact that the nature of their
spending leads to local-level jobs (Gluckman 2000). As yet, however,
such proactive support for the backpacker sector has not arisen, as
found in other parts of the world, like Australia and New Zealand. For
example, the Australian Department of Tourism allocated $3 million
to developing the backpacker market between 199397 (Loker-Murphy
and Pearce 1995).
It is important not to conne discussions of the relationship between
budget tourism and local development to economic criteria. A dis-
cussion of some signicant social and environmental benets to com-
munities catering to backpackers is also in order. Encouraging local
people to cater to the needs of backpackers poses a challenge to
foreign domination of tourism enterprises within Third World coun-
tries. There is a global economic concentration of wealth in tourism,
witnessed by the domination of the package tourism market by a small
number of key players with advanced forward and backward linkages
controlling aspects of the industry. For example, company mergers tak-
ing place in the United Kingdom are likely to result in just four tour
companies controlling up to 90% of outbound charter capacity. These
companies do not just own tour operators in Britain and abroad, they
also own hotels, self-catering accommodations, airlines, cruiseships,
and retail chains (OConnor 2000). As noted by the managing director
of Sunvil Holidays, Neil Josephides, such dominance is not necessarily
in the interests of host countries, such as his home, Cyprus:
Thomson combined with Preussag will control 2030% of tourism to
Cyprus. Tourism represents over 20% of the countrys Gross Domestic
Product, so the operators dont just control the hoteliers, they control
the country. Its very depressing (cited in OConnor 2000:5).
It has been suggested that through supporting smaller players in the
industry, backpackers pose a threat to such corporate domination:
Given the political will to constrain the larger players, backpacker
tourism could increase local participation in real development, part
of a more sustainable long-term strategy which attempts to balance
local economic development needs against powerful interests wishing
to build large international tourism resorts (Hampton 1998:655).
As was suggested in the case of Pangandaran, communities providing
services to backpackers are more likely to retain control over their
enterprises. This is also the case with the food and fale accommodation
options offered by Samoan families, as mentioned earlier. This provide
an example of the local ownership and participation which charac-
terizes Samoan tourism, leading to a “… more socially equitable and
ecologically sustainable tourism industrythan that found in neighbor-
ing Fiji where much is foreign-owned (Twining-Ward and Twining-
Ward 1998:270). The same trend has been noted in New Zealand,
where many small- to medium-sized businesses serving the backpacker
market are locally owned and operated. Much investment in the tra-
ditional package tourism, meanwhile, is overseas-based and thus prots
also ow offshore. Therefore, If the package tourist segment is pur-
sued solely, New Zealand risks creating jobs mainly in servile positions
at the cost of small business entrepreneurs(Gibbons and Selvarajah
Controlling ones own enterprise is certainly a positive step in the
direction of self-determination for people otherwise dependent on
tourism for menial jobs or handouts, and appears more likely to lead
to self-fulllment. For example, there is a notable difference for an
individual “… between being a cleaner in a large international hotel
compared with being the owner of a small losmen [homestay], cooking
and serving at tables in their own place(Hampton 1998:650). An
example from Goa highlights this point. Wilson is concerned that a
growing emphasis on luxury tourism development in Goa, which has
traditionally been characterized by small family businesses catering to
the domestic and backpacker markets, may undermine local develop-
this focus on upmarket tourism is out of keeping with the present
structure of the tourism industry in Goa, which is mainly low-budget
and served by a multitude of small hotels, guest-houses, rented rooms,
and a host of ancillary services . The danger here is that control over
upmarket tourism could pass out of indigenous hands into foreign
ownership and that these multinationals might be less sensitive to
social, cultural, and environmental issues (1997:69).
Thus, he notes further, “… low-budget tourism might be the least
destructive path to follow in spite of the governments promotion of
upmarket hotel development(1997:52). Erb (2000) has similar con-
cerns about plans of regional Tourism Board ofcers to encourage
luxury resort development in the otherwise backpacker-dominated
areas of Flores, Indonesia.
When communities control their own tourism enterprises, as is more
common where they provide for the budget sector, they are in a better
position to participate in local business or tourism organizations
through which wider development goals and the well-being of their
people can be promoted. In Bali, Wall and Long (1996) explain how
a strong tourism organization was initiated in one neighborhood where
homestays were common. Its aims were to promote tourism in the area,
to protect the local environment, and to address any issues which con-
cerned the community, including the in-migration of outside
entrepreneurs. Therefore, forming organizations can help communi-
ties gain greater control over tourism development in their areas and
give them political strength to deal with outsiders, including the private
sector and government ofcials (Ashley and Garland 1994).
There is also evidence that the development of backpacker enclaves
has transformed some run-down, crime-ridden parts of cities in the
Third World. In Yogyakarta, Indonesia, for example, a kampung (urban
village) which formerly housed the red light district and was charac-
terized by poverty is now a thriving backpacker area with numerous
small businesses in a setting of well-kept lanes and houses. The local
kampung residents are in no doubt at all that the arrival of the back-
packers has transformed their place for the better(Hampton 1999:7).
Similarly, Edward Hasbrouk (a political activist and tourism writer) has
suggested that backpackers in Thailand “… are the foreign tourists
least interested in, and least drawn to Thailand by, sex tourism, and
that the renowned backpacker ghetto in Bangkok, Khao San Road, is
the only area in this city not characterized by sex tourism (cited by
Bly 2000).
Finally, for the simple reason that backpackers want to spend less
and thus generally consume fewer resources, they can be more
environmentally friendly. In Goa, for example, backpackers are con-
tent with swimming at the beach and bathing under cold water show-
ers, while other tourists demand hot baths and large swimming pools
within their hotel complex. Therefore, the backpacker market has
been quite kind to the environment, especially “… compared to the
resource-guzzling ve-star tourists(Noronha 1999:5).
Clear evidence has been provided as to the potential benets back-
packers can bring in terms of promoting local development in the
Third World. Communities can provide services and products
demanded by these tourists without the need for large amounts of
start-up capital or sophisticated infrastructure, and they can retain con-
trol over such enterprises. Conversely, comparatively few local people
have the skills, knowledge, networks, and so forth to be able to estab-
lish businesses which cater to luxury tourists, so such enterprises are
often monopolized by outside owners and bring few local benets
(Cohen 1982). In addition, the foreign exchange brought in by back-
packers often surpasses that provided by other international tourists
who stay for shorter periods of time, and these expenditures are spread
far more widely than most, both geographically and to marginalized
social groups. This is not to suggest that this submarket should be the
main form of international tourism pursued by Third World govern-
ments. In fact, it is likely that smaller-scale, budget-oriented enterprises
will exist along with larger-scale developments in many circumstances
(Jenkins 1982). At the same time, for too long, Third World govern-
ments have overlooked the ways in which backpacker tourism may
bring numerous local economic benets to small-scale entrepreneurs
and informal sectors actors. There are also signicant non-economic
benets which can come to communities from this form of tourism.
Aiming lowbuilds upon the skills of the local population, promotes
self-reliance, and develops the condence of community members in
dealing with outsiders, all signs of empowerment (Scheyvens 1999).
However, this paper has also raised concerns about the behavior and
attitudes of backpackers which, in some circumstances, can be harmful
from the perspective of local peoples. This may particularly be the case
in ghettos or enclaves frequented by them. However, a simplistic analy-
sis which asserts that they are all self-centered individuals following
each other around the world on a well-trodden route in search of sex,
drugs, and banana pancakes, is neither correct nor helpful. Neither is
the suggestion that backpacker are necessarily the saviors of local level
development in the Third World. By way of conclusion, therefore, a
number of challenges need to be addressed if communities are to max-
imize the benets from backpacker tourism without compromising
their cultures, their environments or their general social-well-being. In
addition, recommendations for further research on backpacker tour-
ism are made.
Communities which choose to be involved in tourism need the
opportunity to participate in an active and equitable manner. In the
past, commentators have distinguished two major limitations for local
communities in engaging with tourism: the unequal distribution of
benets and the fact that control often remains with outsiders (Ashley
and Roe 1998). Therefore, local communities need to be empowered
with both knowledge and condence so that they can assert some con-
trol over any backpacking tourism which occurs in their area and deter-
mine the limits of their involvement with this segment of the market.
Ideally a strong community will organize itself to meet only those needs
of backpackers that do not compromise their own values, or the integ-
rity of their environment and social system. At the earliest stage poss-
ible, communities need accurate information about both the benets
and pitfalls of backpacker tourism. Study tourswhich take com-
munity members to visit existing such businesses or enclaves and
encourage them to talk with vendors and operators, and to see impacts
for themselvescould be very useful in this regard (see examples in
Scheyvens forthcoming).
Communities also need appropriate structures, such as a village
development committee or a local tourism board, which can represent
and protect community interests with regard to tourism. The neighbor-
hood tourism organization in Bali, mentioned earlier, provides one
such example. However, it is essential that the heterogeneous nature
of communities is recognized when considering how communities can
organize themselves to benet from backpacker tourism in an equi-
table manner. Communities are typically characterized by a multiplicity
of interests and hierarchies of power, making it problematic to assume
that a community can work together for mutual benet (Taylor 1995).
Social relations such as class, ethnicity, and gender assume great sig-
nicance in the distribution of the benets and costs of tourism. Thus,
all too often, it is local elites, particularly men, who co-opt and come
to dominate community-based development efforts, thereby monopol-
izing the economic benets of tourism (Wilkinson and Pratiwi 1995).
Consequently, it is critical to ensure democratic structures which allow
for representation of a variety of community groups and interests are
in place.
If a community decides to proceed with a tourism venture catering
to backpackers, institutional support will most likely be needed (Baskin
1995:111). This backing, from governments, nongovernmental organi-
zations, or the private sector can involve provision of information, net-
working opportunities, and capacity building through skills training.
Such assistance can help to overcome the disadvantage that most local
communities face when engaging with the tourism industry as,
The local destination remains relatively isolated from the international
market, receiving tourists but not understanding or playing any part
in controlling the terms on which, and the processes by which, they
arrive (Goodwin et al 1997:5).
Third World governments, in particular, have an important responsi-
bility to facilitate equitable involvement of local communities in the
industry. If they wish to support local development, they need to avoid
the temptation of focusing exclusively on higher end tourists and con-
sider strategies for encouraging and supporting carefully planned and
managed budget tourism. This may include providing investment capi-
tal for small-scale ventures such as homestay accommodation, as well
as removing restrictive legislation. For example, in the Solomon
Islands, where building codes are based upon Western standards, local
artisans cannot meet the requirements of the building code if they use
traditional construction methods and materials, available locally at
little cost. If building regulations were adhered to, a small-scale venture
would cost around $100,000 (Soeld 1993:737). Similarly, in some
countries ofcial tourist guides need to pass extensive written tests to
gain a government endorsement, thus disqualifying illiterate or semi-
literate guides who may be excellent at their trade.
The independent position of the nongovernmental organization sec-
tor places it in an important position to support the interests of com-
munities involved in backpacker tourism. Such organizations can, for
example, work with community counterparts to establish ongoing
monitoring of the positive and negative impacts of tourism, to deter-
mine whether or not this business as they are pursuing it offers an
appropriate form of development for their community (Joppe
Tourism involves both hosts and guests and responsibilities by both
parties (Pearce 1995). As such, backpackers should not assume that by
choosing what they see to be an alternative tourism experience, their
ethics will be beyond scrutiny. As Noronha (1999:5) concludes,
If backpackers would like to distance themselves from the unjust face
of global tourism, theres a long trek ahead [They] need to be
more critical, more honestand less selshly enthusiasticabout how
they currently benet from a patently unfair global system.
Both nongovernmental organizations and private sector interests, such
as guidebook publishers (including Lonely Planet and Rough Guides)
and travel agencies, could play a role here, providing backpackers with
thoroughly researched information on appropriate behavior and cul-
tural norms in their chosen destinations. In 1999, Tourism Concern
(UK) together with Gambia Tourism Concern produced a lm entitled
Our Holiday, Their Homes, to be shown on ights to the Gambia. This
addresses issues such as local poverty and appropriate dress. Similarly,
Action for Southern AfricasPeople-Firsttourism campaign in the
United Kingdom seeks to ensure that tourists to southern Africa are
aware of ways in which their experience is both rewarding for them-
selves and for the countries they visit. It would be useful for such
material and campaigns to specically target the growing number of
Given the growing signicance of the backpacker market and its
impact on Third World societies, environments, and economies,
further research into backpacking tourism is warranted. One
important issue which could be explored is implications for local com-
munities of the planned up-scaling, by some governments, of back-
packer ghettos into luxury tourism resorts (Aziz 1999; Wilkinson and
Pratiwi 1995). This raises serious issues of concern regarding inter-
ference with the economic opportunities provided for the local people
by a backpacker presence. It is also clear that one needs to know more
about this submarket. Is it transforming into just another variant of
mass, institutionalized tourism, as some have suggested (Aziz 1999), or
have distinct types of backpackers emerged, some of whom are quite
independent and others who are more institutionalized? If so, what
implications do these different types have for communities in different
destination areas?
Undoubtedly Third World tourism destinations have been incorpor-
ated into the global economic system on what are often unfair,
exploitative terms, and the industry in many countries is dominated by
foreign ownership and capital with little meaningful local involvement.
There are positive signs, however, which indicate that by catering to
backpackers, Third World peoples are able to gain real benets from
tourism and control their own enterprises. This market segment is not
the universal scourge it is sometimes painted to be. Local participation
is necessary in dening and managing what is for destination com-
munities a desirable form of backpacking. National and local govern-
ment as well as nongovernmental organizations can play important
roles in facilitating a process to enable local communities to maximize
opportunities that international backpacking presents to them. The
advantages to local communities will also depend on the attitudes and
behavior of backpackers themselves. Private organizations which pro-
mote this form of tourism business can take advantage of their position
to promote attitudes that place sensitivity to local peoples and their
environments foremost in the minds of backpacking tourists.
AcknowledgementsSincere thanks to Henry Scheyvens and Tina Jamieson, academic col-
leagues (and also backpacker buddies in an earlier life), for providing feedback on this
paper. The support of the Massey University Research Fund for eldwork in southern
Africa in 1998, an experience which helped to formulate some of the ideas expressed
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Submitted 11 April 2000. Resubmitted 7 November 2000. Accepted 14 December 2000. Final
version 4 January 2001. Refereed anonymously. Cooordinating Editor: Robert A. Poirier
... They do not buy luxury products, spend more on local goods and services (e.g. catering, transport and accommodation) (Iaquinto, 2015;Ooi & Laing, 2010) foster the emergence of local and small firms (Hampton, 1998;Scheyvens, 2002) because business investments and the workers' qualifications are not very high (Hamzah & Hampton & Routledge Taylor & Francis Group, 2013;Ooi & Laing, 2010;Rogerson, 2011). As their owners are locals, backpacker tourism also contributes to capital leakage reduction, to the mitigation of poverty and for the increase of induced effects (Dayour et al. 2016;Hampton, 1998), particularly in cities of developing countries. ...
... John Urry (1992) is a key reference in the green cluster with his work related to the tourist gaze and with mobility, both important issues discussed in some books on backpackers (Hannam & Ateljevic, 2007;Hannam & Diekmann, 2010;Richards & Wilson, 2004). The economic relevance of backpacker tourism is also an eminent topic dominated by Hampton's contribution (1998Hampton's contribution ( , 2013 and Scheyvens (2002). Together with Hannam and Diekmann (2010), Code Paris (2012) also examine the emergence of a flashpacker's subculture as a subsegment of backpackersone of the main deviations from the traditional concept of backpackers presented in scientific literature. ...
... Many authors combined several criteria introducing greater complexity to the conceptualization of the term backpacker. As backpacker tourism has been recognised as an important segment on the rise, it was considered relevant to identify and distinguish Gibson & Connell (2003) Source: Author's construction j INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF TOURISM CITIES j Notes: Main distinctive features (black circles) are highlighted in grey; (a) A long-term trip is one that is longer than 7 days (Richards, 2015) Sources: (Butler & Hannam, 2014;Hampton, 1998;Hannam & Diekmann, 2010;Loker-Murphy & Pearce, 1995;Moscardo et al. (2013);Paris, 2012;Richards, 2015;Richards & Wilson, 2004;Riley, 1988;Rogerson, 2007;Scheyvens, 2002;Sørensen, 2003;Tourism Research Australia, 2009;Tourism Victoria, 2009 Table 5 j INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF TOURISM CITIES j several sub-segments through the summary table (Table 5) where the main criteria used to distinguish the different subsegments and/or typologies of backpackers identified in the literature was compiled. The main distinctive features of the different subsegments or typologies of backpackers are listed (with black circles). ...
Purpose Backpackers can be found all over the world, especially in urban areas where the main enclaves are established. The purpose of this paper is to discuss the operationalisation of the term “backpacker” and present a proposal to conceptualise backpackers and backpackers’ segments based on the operational criteria available in literature to avoid incongruities among researchers. Design/methodology/approach Based on a literature review, this study provides a critical review of the backpacker conceptualisation and operationalisation using a methodology divided into three phases, a quantitative analysis based on the Scopus database and a bibliometric analysis coupled with a manual analysis of documents (content analysis). Findings Substantial heterogeneity and complexity regarding the conceptualisation of backpacker tourism and its diversified subsegments were evident. For this reason, this paper argues that backpacker tourism can and should continue to be analysed from different perspectives, suitably framed in the theoretical instrument constructed to identify and distinguish the different subsegments through its operationalisation features. Originality/value This study provides a practical contribution to all researchers interested in the topic of backpackers proposing the operationalisation of the term backpacker and it subsegments to avoid disparate results and deviations. This contribution will enable the correct and objective assessment of the operationalisation of this concept for researchers, managers and destination management organisations, identifying exactly what phenomenon is to be studied.
... Fakat bu katkılar genellikle yerel halka çok az ulaşmaktadır. Bunun farkında olan bazı bilim insanları yerel halkı da turizm faaliyetlerine dahil edecek ve onların da turizmin katkılarından faydalanmalarını sağlayacak alternatifler öne sürmüşlerdir (Scheyvens, 2002). Diğer yandan, çoğunlukla kitle turizminin oluşturduğu yıkıcı etkileri onarmak için geliştirilen özel ilgi turizm çeşitleri ile çevre duyarlı faaliyetlerde de artış yaşanmaya başlamıştır. ...
... Gönüllü turizme katılanların demografik yapısı incelendiğinde, daha çok ekonomik durumu iyi olan ve esnek seyahat şartlarına sahip kişiler ile genç bireylerden oluştukları görülmektedir. Gezgin olarak da nitelendirilen bu kişiler için, motivasyon oluşturacak aktivitelere katılmak ve farklı deneyimler yaşamak önemlidir (Scheyvens, 2002). Katılımcıların bazıları kariyer planlaması içeresinde gönüllü faaliyetlere katılım gösterseler de daha çok geri kalmış ülke ve bölgelerin geliştirilmesi, ekonomik kalkınması, tehdit altında olan bitki ve hayvan türleri ile kültürel, tarihi ve doğal unsurların korunması amacı ile gerçekleşmektedir. ...
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Son yıllarda turizmde adalet duygusu ile gelişen özel ilgi turizm türlerinden gönüllü turizm, gönüllü hizmet anlayışına dayanmaktadır. Çalışma, gönüllü turizm konusunda yapılan makalelerin çeşitli kriterler doğrultusunda incelenmesi, literatüre sağlayacağı katkı ve bu alanda çalışacak olan araştırmacılara örnek olması açısından önemlidir. Bu araştırmanın amacı 2000-2020 yılları arasında ULAKBİM tarafından taranan ve Fen Bilimleri ve Sosyal Bilimler alanlarında makaleler içeren ulusal hakemli dergilerde yayımlanmış "Gönüllü Turizm" konulu makalelerin bibliyometrik analizini gerçekleştirmektir. Bu amaç doğrultusunda ULAKBİM tarafından taranan ulusal hakemli dergilerde yayımlanmış; başlık, anahtar kelime, özet ve konu içerisinde "Gönüllü Turizm" geçen makaleler incelenmiştir. Çalışma kapsamında ulaşılan 45 adet makaleye ilişkin verileri çözümlemek için içerik analizi yöntemi kullanılmıştır. Elde edilen sonuçlara göre; Türkiye'de gönüllü turizm kapsamındaki araştırmaların 2011 ve 2015 yılı arasında ivme kazandığı ve özellikle 2015 yılından itibaren artış gösterdiği, makalelerde daha çok nicel araştırma yöntemlerinin kullanıldığı, ayrıca büyük bir çoğunluğunun Türkçe hazırlandığı belirlenmiştir. Bu noktalardan hareketle, Türkiye'de gönüllü turizm konusunda farkındalığın artmasını sağlamak için bu alanda yapılan araştırmaların nicelik ve nitelik olarak artırılması ve çeşitlendirilmesinin yanı sıra yabancı dilde yapılan çalışmaların da artırılması gerektiği ortaya konmuştur. Abstract Voluntary tourism, one of the alternative tourism types developed with a sense of justice in tourism recently, is based on the understanding of voluntary service. This study is important for several reasons; examining studies in line with various criteria, contributing to the literature and setting an example for researchers who will work in this field. Therefore, articles on "Volunteering Tourism" published in the national refereed journal system indexed by ULAKBIM between 2000-2020 are analyzed and keyword "Volunteer Tourism" in the title, abstract, keywords, and content were examined. Content analysis method was used to analyze the data. According to the results; In Turkey, voluntary tourism studies have gained importance between 2011-2015. Especially publications have been increased since 2015 and it was determined that the majority of the articles were prepared in Turkish and quantitative research methods used generally. Based on the results, suggestions have been made to increase and diversify the quality and quantity of research conducted in this field to raise awareness on volunteer tourism in Turkey. Besides, it has been revealed that studies in foreign languages should be increased.
... In this context, the search for luxury and higher value tourism has been seen as a way of developing third world tourist sites, with a greater impact when the local community is involved, allowing for greater dissemination of economic benefits within the region -community (Scheyvens, 2002). The development of cross-community collaborative tourism can offer innovative business opportunities, accelerate the replacement process after disruptive situations, increase cooperation, stimulate reconciliation through education and entrepreneurial motivation, create a more resilient, stable and legitimized State (Novelli et al., 2012). ...
... Otherwise, it yields greater external dependence, sharpens the gap between socioeconomic classes and reinforces economic and social inequalities. On the other hand, there are some problems raised by luxury tourism, namely the great control of foreign multinational companies over tourist centers, besides the fact that its regional impact is very limited, and the jobs generated are seasonal and unskilled (Li, 2006;Scheyvens, 2002). In this way, luxury tourism based on the preservation of ecosystems, culture, history and sustainability concerns should be encouraged to promote the development of communities (Athwal et al., 2019;Beukering et al., 2003;Miller, 2001;Pulido-Fernández et al., 2015). ...
This study aims to carry out a comprehensive bibliometric analysis to identify, synthesize and incorporate existing studies on the tourism industry, envisioning and directing future studies and trends in luxury tourism. The study analyses 340 Web of Science scientific articles published between 1993–2022. Four clusters were identified: “Contribution of Luxury Tourism to the development”; “Luxury Shopping in Tourism”; “Demand behaviour in luxury tourism,” and “Digital Transformation in luxury tourism.” Existing publications can be grouped into three phases. In the first phase, luxury tourism was studied from a macro and sectoral perspective; in the second phase, they focused on the behavior of the demand for luxury tourism and in the third phase on the transformation of the luxury tourism industry induced by digital transformation, economic and pandemic crises, demographic changes and guidelines for sustainability. This study resulted in a set of implications for the development of cross-community collaborative luxury tourism, aimed at new target groups of luxury consumers, in harmony with strategies of sustainability, digitalization and well-being of luxury consumers. In addition to being an important tool for policymakers and managers in the luxury tourism industry, it identifies new emerging issues in this sector for academics.
... Such impacts of financial and employment identified from the Kenyan case example is also seen from Wu, Zhu and Xu (2000), in research done on Chinese domestic tourism. Domestic tourism accounts for upwards of four-fifths of all tourism flows (Scheyvens 2002). Even in nations with internationally oriented tourism industries, domestic tourism has proven to be greater in terms both of size and economic contribution (i.e., New Zealand: Pearce 1990; Spain and Italy: Cortes-Jimenez 2008; Italy: Massidda and Etzo (2012, p. 609). ...
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Effective Marketing strategies and techniques have contributed to the competitive survival and development of many tourism operators worldwide. Given Sāmoa's geographic isolation as a holiday destination, marketing activities should aim to target both international and domestic tourists. However, the Sāmoan Government tends to focus predominantly on the promotion of international tourism. Domestic tourism and travel by local tourists is an area neglected by some tourism operators and domestic marketing and promotional activities are limited. This paper presents the results of a small scale study designed to investigate marketing activities, perceptions towards domestic tourism and the idea of locals as tourists from the view point of operators in the Accommodation Sector. Convenience Sampling identified a sample of 50 Accommodation providers for the study. The percentage method analysis confirms the existence of marketing activities. In spite of this, existing marketing activities are primarily designed to target international tourists. Talanoa Research Method (TRM) was used to conduct in-depth interviews. Thematic Analysis highlighted some interest among operators to invest in marketing activities however financial constraints, high preference for international tourists and personal motives limited interest and investment in marketing activities to target local tourists.
... Diversification of activities available to backpackers in a given region not only allows them to stay longer, but also encourages the establishment of downstream industries in the form of small businesses run by local people to suit the requirements of visitors (Martins & Costa, 2017). According to Hampton (1998), Rogesson (2011), and Scheyvens (2002, backpackers contribute to the growth of businesses that do not require large investments and provide additional income to many families in the destination because they travel in a wider geographical area, sometimes in remote regions, and use local goods. The local community may be involved in serving the requirements of backpackers by selling food, assisting them in their everyday activities, and displaying their culture and customs to tourists (Sailesh & Jingade, 2019;Barroso, 2021;Barroso & Moreira Silva, 2020). ...
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Kota Kinabalu is a well-known tourist destination in the Malaysian state of Sabah. This city serves as the beginning point for the majority of the Sabah state's tourism circuits. This research is focused on the backpacker tourist circuit of Kota Kinabalu. Furthermore, this study involves an analysis of backpacker tourist locations that may be promoted into visiting the various destinations in Sabah via tourist circuits. The study design employed is a survey approach with quantitative approaches as research tools. In this study, a total of 228 backpackers in Kota Kinabalu responded to the questionnaire. The study only involved backpackers originating from countries in continental Europe, North and South America and Oceania. ArcMap 10.8 was used to map the circuit that was discovered during the data processing. The study's findings revealed that the backpackers' tourist circuit in Kota Kinabalu is limited and significantly impacted by prominent attractions visited by mass tourists. This research also shows that there are several acceptable tourist locations in Kota Kinabalu's backpacker tourist circuit that may be grouped according to certain themes like cuisine tourism, educational tourism, ecotourism, mountaineering or hill climbing tourism. Overall, Kota Kinabalu's tourist sector offers tremendous growth potential for backpacker tourism, which may become the mainstay of the industry. As a result, the government and other stakeholders must do more to boost backpacker tourism in Kota Kinabalu.
... De acordo com Ooi e Laing (2010, p. 192), "a contribuição econômica significativa do mercado de mochileiros é difícil de negar, especialmente para comunidades marginais em países menos desenvolvidos que possuem competências e recursos mínimos". Embora ainda não seja tão fomentado e incentivado esse tipo de turismo em países subdesenvolvidos, existe uma grande importância nessa prática, assim como afirma Scheyvens (2002como citado por Ooi & Laing, 2010): ...
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Tendo em vista a necessidade de aproximar o setor turístico brasileiro às práticas de viagens alternativas, como o “mochilão”, torna-se necessário conhecer as características e motivações dos viajantes mochileiros no Brasil. Este artigo tem o objetivo de traçar o perfil desse público viajante e destacar suas principais motivações para realizar esse tipo de viagem. Nesse sentido, foi realizada uma pesquisa bibliográfica e exploratória para delimitar o que se entende por esse tipo de viagem, bem como detectar um perfil amplo e geral dos praticantes. Posteriormente, construiu-se uma análise descritiva-quantitativa com base em respostas obtidas por meio de um questionário aplicado aos adeptos dessa atividade de forma a captar as motivações dessas pessoas e apontar o potencial que esse nicho de viagem tem para o mercado turístico brasileiro. Diante disso, verifica-se que o viajante mochileiro é predominantemente jovem e busca, durante suas viagens, por liberdade, aventura, autoconhecimento e, principalmente, economia. Por fim, compreende-se que esse público contribui para o turismo em pequenas localidades, necessitando de mais notoriedade por parte do setor turístico do Brasil.
... A study conducted by Scheyvens (2002) in Botswana professed that ecotourism with the involvement of the local citizens created lots of job and enterprise opportunities, development of skills, and control over the community's resources of the rural poor living within catchment areas and has therefore improved upon their standards of living at least to a considerate level (Lepper & Schroenn Goebel, 2010). Another study conducted by Gehrke and Hartwig (2018) suggests that public works programs and other income generated programs can help the poor preserve and, over time, build physical assets that will enhance their opportunities for economic growth and well-being. ...
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In the past few decades, the local economic development (LED) policy has gained prominence in Ghana as an effective bottom-up approach for poverty reduction and rural development. Adopting this bottom-up approach to reducing poverty, this paper investigates the impact of local business and local employment creation on poverty reduction in Ghana by employing the moderating role of LED policy. Data were obtained through an online survey platform from 357 respondents from local government officials working within the various districts across the northern parts of Ghana. The study used structural equation model analytical tool to examine the relationships between the variables. The findings affirmed both local business and local employment creation as positive determinants of poverty reduction. Also, employing LED policy as a moderator, local business creation plays the most significant role in reducing poverty at a 1% significant level. However, the moderating role of LED policy between local employment and poverty reduction was insignificant. Also, local employment insignificantly mediated local business and poverty reduction. Therefore, there is a need for development actors at local and international levels to collectively make a continuous effort to drive the local economic development policy agenda. This can be done through the promotion of local businesses creation to improve standards of living and reduce poverty to the lowest level in Ghana and other developing countries at large.
... Nok et al. [68], who studied the motivations and preferences of backpackers in Hong Kong, found that they avoid spending money on international brands and are interested in experiencing local cultures and food in traditional surroundings as a means of contributing to the development of sustainable tourism. Other studies [69][70][71][72] also recognize the role of backpackers, who are mainly represented by the youth [73], in their contribution to and impact on the development of sustainable tourism; moreover, backpackers prioritize food of local origin and locally operated services and they care about environmental protection, local cultures, and traditions, and they engage with host communities. Buffa (2015) [74] analyzed the attitudes of young tourists towards sustainability, and the results revealed the interest of the youth in sustainability, indicating that it drives their decision-making path and motivations. ...
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Youth attitudes and behavior in tourism activities are crucial for sustainable tourism development. This study aims to identify the statistical types of youth according to their expressed behavior in sustainability and attitudes toward sustainable tourism development. Survey data were collected from 1085 respondents representing different Baltic Sea countries—Latvia, Lithuania, and Russia. A unique research instrument, constructed by the authors, was developed for the empirical research, responding to the latest theoretical insights and models and was empirically validated by statistical methods (the factor validity of the scales was tested with Cronbach’s alpha coefficient, etc.). Attitudes towards sustainable tourism development were measured with the SUS-TAS scale. The factor clustering method used in the study identified the statistical types of the youth included, according to the expression of sustainable behavior and the attitudes toward sustainable tourism development. The results indicated that the majority of youth belong to the “oriented toward sustainable behavior” type (50.6%), while the analysis of youth attitudes showed that 71.5% belong to the socioeconomic type, indicating that young people prioritize the long-term socioeconomic wellbeing of the region, which can be achieved through efficient management, tourism planning, and active public participation in the implementation of tourism policies.
Conference Paper
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In many countries, a number of established tourism destinations have turned to non-urban areas in order to diversify their tourism products and markets and to spread the benefits of tourism away from cities and coastal areas into the hinterland. More specifically, non-urban tourism has been widely promoted as an effective source of income and employment, particularly in peripheral rural areas where traditional agrarian industries have declined. This conceptual paper reviews the development of non-urban tourism, and defines rural tourism as a discrete activity with distinct characteristics which may vary in intensity and by area. As modern rural tourism context includes a variety of typologies, the justification for the classification is still unclear because research on non-urban tourism in developing countries is still immature and receives limited attention. Thus, this conceptual paper attempts to identify recognizable perspectives on defining it and outline the main elements of non-urban tourism in Malaysia.
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The study's two primary goals are to determine the main travel motives of Malaysian backpackers and to examine the variations in travel motivations across three categories of backpackers: first-time, repeat, and serial. The results were collected using a self-administered online survey adopting a convenience sample technique. The non-normally distributed data were examined using exploratory factor analysis, median score assessment, and Kruskal-Wallis H tests on a sample of 249. Stimulation is the most crucial factor motivating backpackers, while recognition is the least important. The study also found that backpackers' motivation varied with travel experience. Due to limited research on Asian motivational travel determinants, notably among Malaysian backpackers, this study's motivational features are drawn from other countries. Future research should focus on non-Western motivators impacting backpackers. There is a need for more research on Asian tourism, notably Malaysian backpackers at various stages of their travel careers.
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Most Manggaraian people on the island of Flores in Eastern Indonesia have only recently, been exposed to tourists visiting their island. This paper suggests that the host population has tried to understand tourists within the context of their experiences with foreigners over several centuries, and has created a space for tourists within their cultural world that is akin to special guests, including spirits. The argument illustrates how tourism cannot be understood as having an impact on a passive culture, but instead how local people create their own strategies for dealing with innovations, as well as maintaining a continuity with their past cultural ideas.RésuméPour comprendre les touristes: interprétations d’Indonésie. La plus grande partie de la population manggaraian qui habite sur l’ı̂le de Flores, en Indonésie orientale, n’a découvert que récemment les touristes qui visitent leur ı̂le. Cette communication montre que la population d’accueil a essayé de comprendre les touristes en fonction de son expérience avec les étrangers depuis plusieurs siècles, et a créé un espace pour les touristes à l’intérieur de son univers culturel qui est semblable à celui des hôtes de marque, y compris les esprits. On soutient que le tourisme ne peut pas être compris comme ayant un impact sur une culture passive, mais plutôt comment la population locale a développé sa propre stratégie pour faire face aux innovations, tout en préservant une continuité avec ses idées culturelles traditionnelles.
Hall, C.M. 1994, Tourism in the Pacific Rim: Development, Impacts and Markets, Longman Cheshire, South Melbourne. 226pp, ISBN 0 582 91343 8 (Pbk) (co-published with Halsted Press in Europe and North America) – reprinted 1995 – reprinted 1996
This series of Research Discussion Papers is intended to present preliminary, new, or topical information and ideas for discussion and debate. The contents are not necessarily the final views or firm positions of the Ministry of Environment and Tourism. Comments and feedback will be welcomed.