Article

The economics of ending Canada's commercial harp seal hunt

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Abstract

The roots of the Canadian harp seal hunt can be traced to the 16th Century. But in the mid-20th century, opposition to the commercial hunt became widespread after television images of seal pups being killed with clubs on the pack ice off the coast of Newfoundland were broadcast around the world. International conservation groups, animal welfare groups, animal rights groups, and foreign governments have been calling for the Canadian government to end the commercial seal hunt on the grounds that it is inhumane and that harvest levels are unsustainable. The Canadian government defends the traditional practices of hunting harp seals, argues that seal pelts are an important source of income for sealers, and insists that the killing methods are humane and that harvest levels are sustainable. Emotions run high on both sides of the debate. The purpose of this paper is to evaluate whether or not there is a purely economic argument for ending Canada's commercial seal hunt. The paper finds that the benefits of ending the commercial hunt exceed the costs, but not unequivocally. However, the paper argues there should be a higher criterion—the Pareto criterion—for ending the commercial hunt; that is the hunt should end only if winners compensate the losers. The paper goes on to argue that an effective way to satisfy this criterion is to introduce a system of individual transferable quotas (ITQs) and let the market reveal the value of the commercial seal hunt. In addition to many other advantages such as improving the safety and efficiency of the hunt, the ITQ market could provide a mechanism by which those willing to pay to end the hunt could do so directly to sealers thereby ensuring that the hunt is scaled back or ultimately ended only when it is economically efficient and unambiguously welfare-improving.

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... Pups are born with white fur and are weaned by about 12 days after birth. By 25 days after birth, pups have moulted their white fur and a darker looking coat has grown in (Livernois, 2010). When the ice begins to recede, usually in May, harp seal packs head back north (Livernois, 2010). ...
... By 25 days after birth, pups have moulted their white fur and a darker looking coat has grown in (Livernois, 2010). When the ice begins to recede, usually in May, harp seal packs head back north (Livernois, 2010). A Federal Government report suggested that there were at least eight million harp seals in Canadian waters in 2008, the highest estimate in 60 years (DFO, 2011). ...
... Seals have been hunted in Canada for international export since at least the early 1800s, with the highest one-year harvest (740,000 seals) recorded in 1832 (DFO, 2011). Commercial hunting typically happens in March and April because this is when pups are accessible to humans via pack ice and when their young coats have qualities preferred in the marketplace (Livernois, 2010). Prior to World War II, there was little to no government oversight of commercial seal hunting in Canada, and over-exploitation led to population decline (DFO, 2011;Dauvergne and Neville, 2011). ...
Article
This paper examines an iteration of debate about seal hunting in Canada wherein the politics of nature and celebrity culture intersected via Web 2.0 in an unanticipated way. Our analysis focuses on a spike in social media posting that took place after celebrity Ellen DeGeneres took a 'selfie' photo with a group of movie stars live during the 2014 Academy Awards. 'Nature 2.0' is a relevant framing for this case because, in the weeks and months after the 2014 Oscars, many seal hunters and other pro-hunt advocates took to Twitter and posted personal photos and/or accounts of seal hunting and its significance. In a play on DeGeneres' Oscars selfie, both types of posters often labelled their tweets with the following 'hashtag': #sealfie. Our analysis shows that, while important, the Oscars spectacle and the star-studded selfie did not alone the scene for #sealfies and their circulation. Moreover, we demonstrate that some #sealfie posters challenged the authority of anti-sealing organizations and employed Web 2.0 functionalities in ways that took debate about sealing beyond engrained moral and environmental binaries. We conclude that Web 2.0 not just enabled, but actually shaped, the form and function of #sealfies and the journalistic attention that the phenomenon received.
... The literature on seal hunting is vast [e.g., [18][19][20][21][22], and the media attention on public debate has been substantial. However, there has been little rigorous psychological analysis of public support for or opposition to seals and seal hunting in Newfoundland. ...
... Stopping the hunt is a function of value orientations, beliefs about seal hunting being cruel, and acceptance for seal uses. As argued by Livernois [22], the debate around ending or continuing the commercial seal hunt is emotionally driven. Findings here provide evidence that beliefs related to the cruelty of the hunt (i.e., beliefs carrying an emotional components) directly and positively influenced support for stopping the hunt. ...
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The hunting of harp (Pagophilus groenladicus) and grey (Halichoerus grypus) seal are part of Newfoundland and Labrador's cultural heritage, tradition, and livelihood. Controversies, however, exist around seal hunting and the permanence of the industry, which is infused by the perceived impact of seals to the local fishery and the growing populations of these species off the coast of Newfoundland and Labrador. To include coastal residents in the seal debate, a self-administered questionnaire was randomly distributed across 40 communities (38 rural and 2 urban). Overall, respondents valued seals for their ecological, intrinsic, cultural and instrumental values, expressed positive attitudes toward seals, believed seals were causing the decline of the Atlantic cod (Gadus morhua), held low trust toward the federal agency governing the sea, did not think the hunting was cruel and supported continuity of the activity. Results from structural equation modelling showed that support for stopping the seal hunt was positively influenced by beliefs about cruelty associated to hunting, and negatively influenced by acceptability of using seals for commercial and subsistence purposes. Statistical differences were found between rural and urban respondents, yet both groups held similar views. Findings suggested that despite positive ecological and intrinsic values and attitudes, seals were perceived as an abundant species that needs to be lethally controlled. The lack of trust on the government suggested that an open dialogue is necessary for an effecting seal management.
... Proposals for credit systems have linked seafood production to greenhouse gas emissions through the carbon footprint of fish production (Iribarren et al. 2010; Lovett 2010) and introduced the potential for mitigating habitat loss and high by-catch (Janisse et al. 2009; Madsen et al. 2011). Others have attempted to build on existing individual transferable quota (ITQ) systems for incentivizing the conservation of endangered marine species (Livernois 2010; Costello et al. 2012). However, few of these proposals are well elaborated and are often presented as, or mixed up with, tradable permits or rights (Mansfield 2006). ...
... Fishers can voluntarily choose how to spend their credits, such as limiting fishing effort in high catch or sensitive areas or by fishing longer in lower-catch or less sensitive areas. Mar- ine ConservationLivernois 2010; Costello et al. 2012). These authors argue that the ITQ market can provide incentives to scale back or stop the hunt when it is economically efficient and/or deemed ethically appropriate to do so. ...
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... These concerns had already led to the adoption of legislation at the same level of governance which restricted imports of products derived from newborn harp seals and hooded seals (Council of European Communities 1983). The legislation enacted in 2009 was thus introduced as a more comprehensive measure following the resurgence of Canada's seal hunt in the 1990s, which was driven by efforts to address declines in fish stocks (Livernois 2010). ...
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... Others have attempted to build on existing individual transferable quota (ITQ) systems for incentivizing the conservation of endangered marine species (Livernois 2010;Costello et al. 2012). However, few of these proposals are well elaborated and are often presented as, or mixed up with, tradable permits or rights (Mansfield 2006). ...
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... The harvesting of wild animals for commercial purposes creates conflicts between commercial operators, landholders, traditional owners of the land, conservationists and animal protection advocates. For example, ethical concerns conflict with economic returns in the industries harvesting harp, grey and hooded seals (Fink, 2007;Livernois, 2010;Wenzel, 1978), crocodiles (Choquenot et al., 1998), turtles (Haitao et al., 2008), wild boar (Takahaski and Tisdell, 1989) and whales (Kuronuma and Tisdell, 1994). These conflicts are evident in the Australian commercial kangaroo industry which has grown to be the largest consumptive mammalian wildlife industry in the world (Boom et al., 2012). ...
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... You are a mean bastard and you will pay for your sins" (see also Henke, 1985: 175-183 (Braunsberger and Buckler, 2009). The government says this is an important source of income to the 5,000 to 6,000 sealers, critics dismiss sealing as a "make-work project" in the fishing off-season (Sorenson, 2010: 85), and economic analyses (such as Livernois, 2010) tend to conclude that the financial costs exceed the benefits. ...
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