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When stereotypes hurt: Three studies of penalties of sex-role reversals
Abstract
Three studies that demonstrate penalties for sex-role reversals are reported. In each study, subjects evaluated men and women who behaved either in line with sex-role stereotypes or counter to them. The results show that popularity ratings and perceived psychological adjustment of both passive-dependent men and aggressive-assertive women were adversely affected. The findings are discussed in terms of their contribution to recent theories about women's achievement motivation.
... To increase both the potential generalization of the results and ecological validity, we varied the dimension on which the male target was described as 'non-traditional'. In Study 1, the non-traditional man displayed his emotions and vulnerability, therefore deviating from the restricted emotionality norm of masculinity (see Costrich et al., 1975;Derlega & Chaikin, 1976). In Study 2, the non-traditional man was described as a candidate applying for a job that is traditionally occupied by women, thus deviating from the anti-femininity norm (see Moss-Racusin & Johnson, 2016). ...
... Restrictive emotionality is a dimension of traditional masculinity norms (e.g., Levant et al., 2007;Wong et al., 2013) and is defined as the men's tendency to inhibit most of their feelings (Jansz, 2000). Therefore menand even boys-who openly show their emotions and vulnerability can face backlash (Costrich et al., 1975;Kane, 2006). Participants of the present study were asked to rate a man showing his emotions (i.e., the non-traditional man) or a man hiding them (i.e., the traditional man). ...
... At odds with the exiting research on the backlash against non-traditional men (e.g., Costrich et al., 1975), Study 1 showed that the non-traditional man was overall evaluated more positively than the traditional man. However, Study 2 revealed the expected backlash pattern, the nontraditional man being overall more negatively evaluated than the traditional woman (e.g., Moss-Racusin & Johnson, 2016;Moss-Racusin et al., 2010). ...
Traditional masculinity norms are still prevalent in our societies. As a result, men who deviate from these norms face adverse reactions (i.e., backlash), mainly from other men. The present research investigated
whether the perceived threat to gender status quo accounts for this phenomenon. In two studies using a sample of heterosexual men (Ntotal = 338), we measured male participants’ endorsement of traditional masculinity beliefs and their political orientation. As a means of examining the role of threat to the gender status quo, we then manipulated whether traditional masculinity norms remained stable (stability) or changed across time (men’s feminization). Finally, we assessed participants’ evaluation of men who deviate from traditional masculinity norms (i.e., a backlash against a non-traditional man). This target was either compared to a traditional man (Study 1) or a traditional woman (Study 2). The general hypothesis was that men who are strongly motivated to maintain the gender status quo (i.e., those who endorse traditional masculinity beliefs to a higher extent or support right-wing political ideologies) should show greater backlash, particularly when the gender status quo is threatened (i.e., in the men’s feminization condition). The results of a small-scale meta-analysis supported our hypothesis. We discuss the impact of these findings on the gender literature.
... When individuals violate these gendered expectations, they may elicit negative reactions due to their deviance from the social norm (Deaux & Lewis, 1984;Eagly & Karau, 2002;Heilman, 2001). Indeed, studies consistently have demonstrated that people who exhibit gender consistent personality traits and behaviors are evaluated more positively and are more socially accepted compared to those who display gender-atypical traits and behaviors (e.g., Ben-Zeev & Dennehy, 2014;Blashill & Powlishta, 2009b;Brescoll & Uhlmann, 2005;Costrich, Feinstein, Kidder, Marecek, & Pascale, 1975;Glick & Fiske, 1996, 2001Juodvalkis, Grefe, Hogue, Svyantek, & DeLamarter, 2003;Kwan et al., 2019;Salerno & Phalen, 2019;Tyler & McCullough, 2009;Watterson & Powlishta, 2007). These patterns are seen regardless of the sex and age of the person violating the gender role or the person evaluating the gender-role violation (e.g., Blashill & Powlishta, 2009b;Koenig, 2018;Levy, Taylor, & Gelman, 1995;Martin, 1990;Motro & Ellis, 2017;Richardson, Bernstein, & Hendrick, 1980;Watterson, 2012). ...
... While both males and females react negatively to and receive negative evaluations for violating gender roles, the degree to which gender-atypical behavior is devalued tends to vary depending on the sex of the perceiver and target. Specifically, males often react more negatively to gender-role violations than do females (e.g., Blakemore, 2003;Costrich et al., 1975;Katz & Ksansnak, 1994;Levy et al., 1995;Martin, 1990;Richardson et al., 1980;Rudman et al., 2012;Watterson & Powlishta, 2007). Whether the person committing the genderrole violation is male or female has an even more consistent impact on reactions to such violations, with numerous studies demonstrating that evaluative reactions are particularly negative when a male, rather than a female, commits a gender-role violation. ...
... Whether the person committing the genderrole violation is male or female has an even more consistent impact on reactions to such violations, with numerous studies demonstrating that evaluative reactions are particularly negative when a male, rather than a female, commits a gender-role violation. This pattern has been well established with both adult (Costrich et al., 1975;Derlega & Chaiken, 1976;Gordon & Meyer, 2008;Levy et al., 1995;Motro & Ellis, 2017;Nabbijohn et al., 2020;Richardson et al., 1980;Skidmore, Linsenmeier, & Bailey, 2006) and child targets (Baams, Beek, Hille, Zevenbergen, & Bos, 2013;Kane, 2012;Toomey, Ryan, Diaz, Card, & Russell, 2010). For example, gender-atypical boys are evaluated more negatively than are gender-atypical girls, whether the child targets are rated by peers (Blakemore, 2003;Carter & McCloskey, 1984;Fagot, 1977;Kwan et al., 2019;Nabbijohn et al., 2020;Zucker et al.,1995), by parents (Sandnabba & Ahlberg, 1999), by teachers (Cahill & Adams, 1997;Fagot, 1977), or by adults in general (Martin, 1990;Sullivan, Moss-Racusin, Lopez, & Williams, 2018); this pattern is seen even when the characteristics that the male and female gender-role violators display have been equated on the degree to which they are traditionally stereotyped (Blakemore, 2003;Hort & Rothbart, 1989, as cited in Hort, Fagot, & Leinbach, 1990;Levy et al., 1995). ...
Previous research has found that gender-atypical males are evaluated more negatively than gender-atypical females. According to the sexual orientation hypothesis, this asymmetry in evaluations occurs because the feminine characteristics taken on by males when they violate gender roles are more closely tied to perceived sexual orientation than are the masculine characteristics of gender-atypical females. The current series of studies were designed to confirm the existence and generality of the asymmetry phenomenon (Study 1), the preconditions for testing the sexual orientation hypothesis (Study 2), and then to test the hypothesis itself (Study 3). Study 1 found that, as predicted, adults (N = 195, females = 97) displayed more intolerance of males than of females committing gender-role violations across a wide variety of characteristics within multiple domains, although the existence of asymmetry varied somewhat depending on the domain. Study 2 revealed that, as predicted, adults (N = 196, females = 117) believed that gender-role violations indicate homosexuality more so for males than for females overall and across all four domains studied (occupation, activity, trait, and appearance). Study 3 directly tested the sexual orientation hypotheses by examining the relationship between intolerance of specific gender-role violations (scores from Study 1) and the perceived homosexuality associated with those violations (scores from Study 2). Overall, there was a positive relationship between intolerance and perceived homosexuality, indicating that the more a given gender-role violation is thought to implicate homosexuality, the more negatively/less positively people tend to react to the violation, consistent with the sexual orientation hypothesis.
... 331). Costrich et al. (1975) report a similar finding: In their experiment, aggressive women were rated as more dominant than aggressive men although exactly the same amount of verbal aggressiveness was used. ...
... Studies have also shown that expectations toward verbally aggressive behavior exhibited by men and women do not only differ, but that individuals who deviate from these expectations are evaluated more negatively than those who conform to them. An experiment by Costrich et al. (1975) revealed that aggressive women and passive men were liked less than passive women and aggressive men and that gender-role norm violators were regarded as more likely to have serious psychological problems than non-violators. Burgoon, Dillard, and Doran (1983) identified altruism and positive moral appeals as expected female persuasive strategies and threats and aversive stimulation as expected male strategies. ...
... Studies Burgoon et al., 1991;Jordan-Jackson et al., 2008;Klingle & Burgoon, 1995) have shown that verbally aggressive behavior is judged more negatively when displayed by women compared to men. To account for this phenomenon, it has been suggested that by being verbally aggressive, women violate notions of femininity, leading receivers to overreact to the aggressiveness that is exhibited and overestimating its extent (Costrich et al., 1975;. In line with these findings, one hypothesis is proposed for the effects of verbal aggressiveness in political speeches: H1: There is an interaction between politician gender and verbal aggressiveness such that among female politicians, the negative effect of verbal aggressiveness on agreement and credibility as well as on appropriateness and aggressiveness perceptions is stronger than among male politicians. ...
With the number of women in politics growing, the question arises whether they are judged based on the same standards as their male colleagues or if they must adapt to different sets of expectations among the voters. Language Expectancy Theory suggests that women are less effective than men using aggressive persuasion strategies because by being verbally aggressive, they violate social expectations about gender-appropriate conduct and men do not. Two online experiments were conducted assessing perceptions of speaker credibility, agreement, perceptions of communicative appropriateness, and perceptions of aggressiveness when verbal aggressiveness and gender were manipulated in political speeches. Results indicate that verbal aggressiveness negatively affects ratings of messages and their sources; however, most gender-verbal aggressiveness interactions were nonsignificant.
... Past research suggests women are typically viewed as more warm and pleasant, which is more consistent with the affability component of charisma, while men are expected to be more emotionally neutral (Bem, 1981;Carlson, 1971;Keating, 2011). In addition, charismatic leadership styles tend to be more common among women (Carli, 1999;Costrich et al., 1975;Eagly & Karau, 2002); thus, it is possible that there are gender differences in the associations between charisma and sexual quality. However, when we tested for gender moderations, there were no consistent differences for men and women (see Supplement for details). ...
... Our predictors were mean-centered, and our outcomes of interest were averaged across items for easier interpretability. Similar to our previous study, although we did not have predictions about the role of gender in our findings, past research suggests women may more likely be perceived as charismatic than men (Bem, 1981;Carli, 1999;Carlson, 1971;Costrich et al., 1975;Eagly & Karau, 2002;Keating, 2011). As such, we tested whether any effects were moderated by gender in an exploratory manner, but there was no consistent pattern of gender differences and most of the effects were consistent for men and women (see Supplement for details). ...
Sexuality is a key predictor of relationship satisfaction, but sexual desire and satisfaction can be difficult to maintain over time. Past research has investigated who might be more likely to experience higher (compared to lower) levels of desire and sexual satisfaction in their relationships. Certain aspects of personality, such as extraversion, have been associated with sexual satisfaction and desire, but evidence linking personality to sexual outcomes has generally been mixed, meaning there is a lot left to learn about how personality is associated with sexual well-being. A promising, yet unexplored, trait that could be associated with higher sexual desire and satisfaction is charisma—a combination of influence and affability that has been identified as a desirable trait when people are selecting a romantic or sexual partner. Across two studies—a cross-sectional study of individuals in relationships (N = 413) and a 21-day dyadic daily experience study (N = 121 couples)—people higher in charisma reported being more communal during sex and reported higher sexual desire and satisfaction. Through higher sexual communal strength, people with a charismatic partner also reported higher daily sexual desire and sexual satisfaction. The effects were largely retained above and beyond general communal strength and Big Five personality dimensions, although in Study 1, charisma was no longer associated with sexual desire and satisfaction when controlling for extraversion. The current findings provide initial evidence that charismatic people tend to be responsive to their partner’s sexual needs, which is associated with higher desire and sexual satisfaction in romantic relationships.
... Preliminary evidence for our hypothesis comes from the social psychology literature. This literature suggests that both women and men who are deficient in adhering to prescribed gendered moral norms (or who exhibit proscribed gendered moral traits) are judged more harshly by peers than those who are not seen to be deficient in these respects [51,52]. For example, aggressive-independent women who violate prescriptive subordinance norms within hierarchical gendered systems, and passive-dependent men who violate prescriptive dominance norms within such systems, were perceived as less likeable than their norm-conforming counterparts [51]. ...
... This literature suggests that both women and men who are deficient in adhering to prescribed gendered moral norms (or who exhibit proscribed gendered moral traits) are judged more harshly by peers than those who are not seen to be deficient in these respects [51,52]. For example, aggressive-independent women who violate prescriptive subordinance norms within hierarchical gendered systems, and passive-dependent men who violate prescriptive dominance norms within such systems, were perceived as less likeable than their norm-conforming counterparts [51]. In other studies, parent dyads with male primary caregivers were perceived as less likeable than dyads with female primary caregivers [52,53]. ...
Highlights • Moralistic punishment discourages others' perceived moral transgressions. • Engaging in punishment includes two stages: detecting a norm violation and deciding to punish. • Neural salience network is involved in detecting norm violations. • Neural valuation network is activated when deciding to engage in moralistic punishment. • Gendered moral expectations lead to gender disparities in moralistic punishment. Abstract Moralistic punishment is common in humans and functions to discourage perceived moral transgressions. Research in neuroeconomics suggests that moralistic punishment behavior is associated with activity in neural systems involved in detecting norm violations and in value-based decision-making. Separately, research in philosophy and social psychology highlights different moral expectations for girls/women and boys/men. Here, we synthesize these perspectives to propose a framework for investigating gender disparities in punishment. We propose such disparities may arise through multiple channels, including (1) differences in how the neural salience network responds to perceived norm violations, with stronger responses when women (vs. men) violate feminine-coded norms, and when men (vs. women) violate masculine-coded norms; and (2) differences in how the neural valuation network tracks the value of punishment decisions, with stronger responses when punishing gender-specific norm violations. We review literature on gendered moral expectations and neural mechanisms underlying moralistic punishment, and suggest hypotheses for future research.
... Cognitive appraisals of how attractive and powerhl men and women with mature and immature facial structures looked when portraying different leadership styles were expected to be moderated by gender role expectations. Direct, agentic leadership is typically perceived as more appropriate for men while indirect influence tactics are regarded as more appropriate for women (e.g., Carli, 1999;Costrich, Feinstein, Kidder, Marecek, & Pascale, 1975). Eagly (1987) described how social roles, like gender roles, serve as lenses through which information is processed. ...
... Baby-faced women looked more authoritative than either ness halo effect. Rather, they paralleled what other researchers have found for dominance behaviors: direct dominance is more effective when projected by men than by women (e.g., Butler & Geis, 1990;Carli, 1999;Costrich et al., 1975;Sadalla et al., 1987). As for attributions related to aspects of the attractiveness of leaders, Figure 6.3 shows that both mature-faced men and women were more charismatic than their baby-faced counterparts when dominant, status-enhancing behavior was expressed, overall means = 4.47 and 3.67, fl1,162) = 12.51, p < .007. ...
... One important element for the success of interventions using the social norms approach to reduce male-perpetrated violence is that they provide men with accurate information about other same-gender peers. Male socialization emphasizes the importance of being accepted, respected, and perceived positively by other men (Hartley, 1959;Maccoby, 1990), and men go to great lengths to avoid negative evaluations from other men (Costrich, Feinstein, Kidder, Marecek, & Pascale, 1975). In addition, "proving one's masculinity" by having sex with women and behaving in dominant ways is often promoted as a desirable standard of masculine behavior. ...
The “Social Norms Approach” (SNA) is an evidence-based violence prevention strategy with a growing body of research to support the underlying theory and positive outcomes when implemented with fidelity. The present chapter reviews the evidence for misperceptions as they impact men and boys who perpetrate and those who are bystanders who can intervene, specifically that violence-prone individuals who overestimate peer support for their attitudes and actions are more likely to perpetrate, and that bystanders who underestimate peer support for intervention are less likely to intervene. Correction of misperceptions regarding peer perpetration or peer support for violence can thus reduce perpetration and engage bystanders to prevent violence and is particularly suited to addressing the underlying causes of male violence. This chapter reviews 25 research articles—as well as emerging intervention research—regarding the impact of social norms on the perpetration of violence, as well as the utilization of the social norms approach to reduce aggression, highlighting the promising results of interventions which seek to correct misperceptions of social norms.
... Both men and women had varied sentiments toward sense of belonging, which indicates that gender is a less influential factor in one's sense of belonging. The higher prevalence of themes relating to science identity among men may be a result of societal gender norms which often puts an emphasis on men being career-driven and ambitious, while it discourages those same qualities in women (Bowles et al., 2005;Brescoll & Uhlmann, 2005;Costrich et al., 1975;Glick & Fiske, 2001). Despite science identity being discussed less frequently among women, they felt more positive sentiments toward science identity as well as self-efficacy than the men. ...
The aim of this study was to understand the factors that impact the recruitment and retention of scientists that identify as Black, Indigenous or as People of Color (BIPOC). A total of 47 BIPOC participants who are currently working or have worked in the field of marine science were recruited using a non-probability snowball sampling method to participate in semi-structured interviews which were analyzed using Astin’s Input-Environment-Output framework and Social Cognitive Career Theory. Several interventions which have been put in place to address the systemic issues that have led to the exclusion of certain groups including BIPOC-focused programs, research experiences and mentorship were identified as having positive impacts on the cognitive-personal outcomes of sense of belonging (feeling of acceptance within a group), science identity (the self-categorization of one’s self as a ‘science person’) and self-efficacy (belief in one’s ability to succeed). Several factors including discrimination, lack of allyship and negative research or mentorship experiences were identified as factors that greatly reduce these cognitive-personal outcomes. In addition, all three interviewees who left the field of marine science mentioned research experiences where they felt unsupported as a contributing factor to them leaving the field. This study serves to exemplify that systemic issues that have been observed in other STEM fields exist in the ocean science field as well. The study uses a novel framework to present and analyze trends in the experiences of BIPOC ocean scientists around the world.
Supplemental data for this article can be acceessed here.
... We had no control over who took our test, and hence this should be considered a convenience sample (see Discussion for our comments on the advantages and disadvantages of having such a sample). (2006), Costrich et al. (1975), Eagly and Wood (1999), Heilman (1979), Lemaster et al. (2017), Tannen (1990), Vaes and Paladino (2010) (2017), Carey (2008), Ekman (1993), Hauser et al. (2002), Lasswell (1948), Littlejohn and Foss (2010) (2010), Gaby (2008), Karnath et al. (2005), Schachter andSinger (1962), Young (2001) Before beginning our analysis, we removed 16,021 cases from our database as a result of a cleaning process. Cases were removed because (a) less then half of the test questions were answered, (b) English fluency was less than 6 on a scale from 1 to 10 (where 10 indicated highest fluency), or (c) the age that was given was under 12. Participants under age 12 (n = 395) were not included because our questions had a Flesch-Kincaid grade level of 6.0. ...
We introduce a construct called “humanness sensitivity,” which we define as the ability to recognize uniquely human characteristics. To evaluate the construct, we used a “concurrent study design” to conduct an internet-based study with a convenience sample of 42,063 people from 88 countries (52.4% from the U.S. and Canada).We sought to determine to what extent people could identify subtle characteristics of human behavior, thinking, emotions, and social relationships which currently distinguish humans from non-human entities such as bots. Many people were surprisingly poor at this task, even when asked simple questions about human relationships or anatomy. Participants were best at identifying subtle aspects of human cognition and worst at identifying subtle aspects of human communication. Test scores were good predictors of whether someone was employed and modest predictors of other self-reported criterion measures. We also found that people identifying themselves in marginal societal categories (e.g., in the “other” category for gender or sexual orientation) identified themselves as less human and also scored lower on our test. As computers continue to become more human-like, our study suggests that the vast majority of humankind will likely have great difficulty distinguishing them from people. Can methods be devised for improving this ability? Might humanness sensitivity help people to make such distinctions? Will people who excel at differentiating humans and non-human entities—like the “blade runners” in the 1982 and 2017 feature films—someday hold a special place in society?
... Meskipun hingga saat ini pada umumnya pria sebagai kepala keluargalah yang menjadi pemberi nafkah utama, namun tidak dapat dapat dipungkiri bahwa wanita juga memiliki kesempatan yang sama untuk dapat menghidupi keluarganya dengan lebih baik. Penelitian terdahulu yang dilakukan oleh Costrich et al. (1975) mengenai perilaku antara pria dan wanita yang bertentangan dengan peran gendernya secara umum. Dari penelitian tersebut diketahui bahwa masyarakat belum dapat menerima perilaku reversal tersebut. ...
The development of economy in the world makes females have a large opportunity to pursue their career and become the breadwinner. In the other side, so many male that willing to resign from the job and become househusband. This research aims to test the difference of male and female attitude regarding the househusband as profession in our society. The samples used in this research is 200 respondent, consist of 108 male respondents, and 92 female respondents. Using the technique of Mann Whitney statistical test, this research provide the result that there is no difference attitude of male and female toward househusband as profession in our society. Even male and female, as together do not accept this new profession, both are agree that married man should take active role to manage domestic issue in the house, including child caretaking. Key Words : househusband, role reversal, attitude difference
... Moreover, we draw on expectancy violation theory (Jussim et al., 1987) to understand why power and gender role violations elicit negative evaluations and retaliation. Indeed, expectancy violation theory suggests that when individuals violate expectations for agentic behavior, observers view their behavior as socially inappropriate (Costrich et al., 1975) and counternormative (Brauer & Checkroun, 2005), which leads observers to make dispositional judgments about the actor that often lead to negative reactions (Bettencourt et al., 1997). Specifically, when a moral objector violates expectations, research notes that observers perceive that the moral objector has succumbed to a temptation to selfishly demonstrate moral superiority and thrust their own ideological preferences on the organization (Graham, 1984;Wellman et al., 2016). ...
... According to the social learning theories, boys are rewarded in society for complying to male genderspecific behavior expectations (Kilmartin, 2005) and punished for cross-gender behavior that lies outside the five gender norms for men: the antifeminine element (stifling openness or vulnerability), the success element (proving masculinity at work and in sport), the aggressive element (using force in interpersonal interactions), the sexual element (initiating and controlling all sexual relations), and the self-reliant element (staying cool and stable) (Brannon, 1976;Doyle 1985). Three studies found that in a variety of situations, scenarios that simulated or depicted men violating one or more of these gender norms were consistently associated with disdain and poorer ratings among study participants (Costrich, Feinstein, Kidder, Marecek, & Pascale, 1975). ...
... Brand personality serves as a competitive advantage that differentiates the brand from its competitors by creating unique consumption experience through associating symbolic meaning to goods and services (Aaker 1997;Fournier 1998;Keller 1993 (Costrich et al. 1975;Jackson and Cash 1985). ...
... wer performance evaluations than men who act in the same way for the same role (Eagly & Carli, 2007;Eagly & Karua, 2002;Powell, Butterfield, & Parent, 2002;Schein, 1975Schein, , 2001 and women who openly identify as "feminist" are evaluated particularly harshly (Haddock & Zanna, 1994). Other penalties include: being seen as less physically healthy (Costrich, et. al., 1975), "cold" (Porter & Geis, 1981), and interpersonally hostile (Heilman, 1995(Heilman, , 2001. Women whose choose to embody their work-role are also more likely to be disliked (Heilman & Okimoto, 2007). These penalties result in tangible sanctions, like lower pay (Brett & Stroh, 1997), less intent to hire and promote (e.g. Rudman, 1998), an ...
http://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/107738/1/annkeane.pdf
... For example, women are penalized more than men for self-promoting behavior (Rudman, 1998) and for speaking in a direct and dominant manner (Carli et al., 1995). In addition, compared with women, men are penalized for passiveness (Costrich et al., 1975) and modest behavior (Moss-Racusin et al., 2010). Such "backlash" effects (Rudman & Fairchild, 2004), whereby men and women receive sanctions for violating social standards for their behavior, can have far-ranging negative consequences for individuals and society. ...
(Hetero)sexual double standards (SDS) entail that different sexual behaviors are appropriate for men and women. This meta-analysis ( k = 99; N = 123,343) tested predictions of evolutionary and biosocial theories regarding the existence of SDS in social cognitions. Databases were searched for studies examining attitudes or stereotypes regarding the sexual behaviors of men versus women. Studies assessing differences in evaluations, or expectations, of men’s and women’s sexual behavior yielded evidence for traditional SDS ( d = 0.25). For men, frequent sexual activity was more expected, and evaluated more positively, than for women. Studies using Likert-type-scale questionnaires did not yield evidence of SDS (combined M = −0.09). Effects were moderated by level of gender equality in the country in which the study was conducted, SDS-operationalization (attitudes vs. stereotypes), questionnaire type, and sexual behavior type. Results are consistent with a hybrid model incorporating both evolutionary and sociocultural factors contributing to SDS.
... Therefore, they actively use these tools to manage impressions given to other people. Since adherence to genderstereotypical traits and activities fosters social attractiveness for both women and men (Costrich, Feinstein, Kidder, Marecek, & Pascale, 1975;Seyfried & Hendrick, 1973;Shaffer & Johnson, 1980; but see Chappetta & Barth, 2016 for different results), it is not surprising that, when it comes to eating together at a restaurant, they tend to choose meals aligning with sex-role expectations in order to convey a positive impression to co-eaters (e.g., Cavazza, Guidetti, & Butera, 2015b. ...
Previous studies suggested that food may have gender connotations and plays an important role in impression formation. Since sharing food images through social networks is becoming more and more common, the aim of the present study was to examine whether such images influence observers' judgements of a target. Specifically, we hypothesised that posting images of gender-stereotyped dishes would affect impression formation as a function of their congruence with the sex of the profile owner. In a 2 × 3 study, we varied the sex of the owner of a fictitious Instagram profile, and the image-set composition (masculine dishes vs feminine dishes vs neutral images). Subsequently, we measured the perceived femininity/masculinity, gender-stereotyped traits, and the desire to interact with the profile owner. Results confirmed that food pictures can communicate a profile owner's characteristics, showing that posting masculine dishes dampened women's femininity and the attribution of feminine traits to the target, irrespective of gender, and indirectly reduced participants' intention to meet both targets through the lower attribution of feminine traits (i.e., communion). Moreover, posting gender-congruent food images promoted the congruent gendered impression in observers (i.e., femininity for the woman and masculinity for the man) and in turn increased the desire to interact with him/her. These findings contribute to the understanding of the socio-psychological functions at the basis of sharing one's own eating/cooking experiences on social networks, showing that this behavior has an informational role for observers.
... Caregiving professions are often perceived as jobs that require high warmth and sociability-characteristics more commonly associated with women-leading people to perceive them as "feminine." Thus, if a man were to apply to enter a caregiving profession, he may encounter adverse reactions or penalties because the behaviors assumed to be necessary for such professions are perceived as discrepant from the proscriptive stereotypes involving men showing less warmth and more consistent with the prescriptive stereotypes for women possessing more warmth (e.g., Costrich, Feinstein, Kidder, Marecek, & Pascale, 1975, Heilman, 2001. ...
One hypothesized reason for why a disproportionately low number of men enter caregiving fields is how such men are perceived. In two studies, drawing upon the Stereotype Content Model and the lack‐of‐fit model, we tested whether men would encounter more social (e.g., likeability bias) and economic (e.g., hiring or job opportunity bias) penalties than women in caregiving professions due to perceptions that men are less warm than women. In all three studies, we created job or employment materials in which the gender of the candidate or employee was manipulated. In Study 1, a female preschool teacher received higher warmth ratings than a male preschool teacher, which in turn predicted preference for the female teacher over the male teacher. In Study 2, a female social worker was rated more highly in warmth and job hireability than a male social worker; warmth also mediated the relationships between gender and both likeability and job hireability. In Study 3, a male preschool teacher was rated lower in warmth, likeability, job hireability, and job suitability than both a female preschool teacher and a preschool teacher with an unspecified gender. There were no differences between perceived competence of men and women in caregiving positions when competence was assessed. Implications for the factors that predict adverse reactions to and penalties against men in caregiving occupations, as well as interventions to combat the potential negative effects of such penalties on men's interest in caregiving careers, are discussed.
... Brand personality serves as a competitive advantage that differentiates the brand from its competitors by creating unique consumption experience through associating symbolic meaning to goods and services (Aaker 1997;Fournier 1998;Keller 1993 (Costrich et al. 1975;Jackson and Cash 1985). ...
Branded service encounters, in which various aspects of frontline employees are strategically aligned with the firm’s brand positioning, can be achieved along several dimensions such as employee appearance, manner, and personality. While previous research has mainly focused on behavioral traits of employees, this research examines the employee’s physical appearance in association with the brand personality trait across two studies. Study 1 shows that salesperson look-brand personality congruence enhances brand affect by inducing positive affect. Specifically, a brand-congruent look of a salesperson increases positive affect among customers by confirming their prior expectations about what a salesperson of a certain brand should look like as a brand representative. Study 2 reveals that the positive impact of salesperson look-brand personality congruence on brand affect is significant only for customers with high social anxiety whereas this effect disappears for those with low social anxiety. These findings extend previous research on branded service encounters by showing why and when frontline employees’ physical appearance shapes customers’ affective responses toward the brand.
... In addition, we tend to dislike people who disconfirm our stereo types (Costrich, Feinstein, Kidder, Maracek, & Pascale, 1975;Deaux & Lewis, 1984;Jackson & Cash, 1985, but not Jackson, MacCoun, & Kerr, 1987. In one study, females who acted in masculine ways were evaluated less positively than females who behaved in femi nine ways (Costrich, et al., 1975). Another study found that women who performed well in gender atypical jobs were unfavorably eval uated by male supervisors (Reskin & Padavic, 1988). ...
Explores the stereotypes, prejudices, and discriminatory behavior of individuals and the manner in which these cognitions, feelings, and behaviors both affect others and are affected by others. Stephan and Stephan suggest measures to help overcome bias and improve intergroup relations that utilize techniques for eliminating stereotypes, reducing prejudice, and resolving conflicts in real-world situations. Designed to enrich all of our lives by combatting preconceptions, this book makes a significant contribution to our understanding of ourselves and others.The authors look at school desegregation in the United States as an extended case study. Throughout the book, they address social identity theory; culture shock and ethnocentrism; the effectiveness of deterrence, negotiation, mediation, and unilateral de-escalation; as well as the contact hypothesis.
... Individuals can be penalized when they violate gender stereotypes (Heilman, 2012). Compared with women, men are more likely to be penalized for passiveness (Costrich, Feinstein, Kidder, Marecek, & Pascale, 1975) and modesty (Moss-Racusin, Phelan, & Rudman, 2010). Men who violate the agentic stereotypes suffer backlash by being perceived as weak and unrespectable (Heilman & Wallen, 2010). ...
Forgiveness has been regarded as a sign of power, yet empirical evidence is mixed. This research seeks to resolve this inconsistency by looking into how and from whom forgiveness is expressed. Integrating theories on forgiveness, communication, and gender role, we hypothesized and found, in two experiments, that a third party's perception of forgiver power is jointly influenced by forgiveness expression (explicit vs. implicit) and forgiver gender. Female forgivers were perceived as less powerful than their male counterparts when forgivers expressed implicit forgiveness, whereas this gender difference was not found when forgivers expressed explicit forgiveness. Perceived forgiver power, in turn, positively influenced third parties' cooperation with the forgiver in subsequent interaction. This research represents an initial step to understanding forgiveness from a communication perspective. It demonstrates the social implications of forgiveness on uninvolved third parties. Our findings also resonate with several others in showing that forgiveness does not always yield interpersonal benefits.
... A possibility is that male raters will show more simplified, valence-laden impressions of women than of men, given prior studies showing stronger endorsement of gender stereotypes by male than female raters Swim, Aikin, Hall, & Hunter, 1995;Williams & Best, 1990). Another possibility is that male and female raters will form similar impressions across face genders, given prior studies showing no effect of participant gender on gender-stereotyping (Costrich, Feinstein, Kidder, Marecek, & Pascale, 1975;Deaux & Lewis, 1984;Eagly & Steffen, 1984;Goldberg, 1968;Hagen & Kahn, 1975;Moss-Racusin, Dovidio, Brescoll, Graham, & Handelsman, 2012). A final possibility is that female raters will show more simplified, valence-laden impressions of women than of men, given prior studies showing a higher level of genderstereotyping (e.g., negative evaluation of women with counterstereotypical traits) by female than male raters (Garcia-Retamero & López-Zafra, 2006;Goldberg, 1968;Parks-Stamm, Heilman, & Hearns, 2007;Rudman, 1998 Stimuli. ...
Impressions from faces are consequential, shaping important social outcomes. Prior studies of first impressions have shown that these impressions are highly correlated with each other and that a simple dimensional space – evaluation on perceived valence/trustworthiness and power/dominance – underlies these correlations. However, these studies have ignored potential differences in the evaluation of male and female faces. Here, using multiple datasets of faces and data-driven computational modeling of impressions, we show that a) impressions of women are less differentiated and more valence-laden than impressions of men and b) these impressions are based on similar visual information, which is evaluated differently for men and women. With respect to the first main finding, female face impressions are more highly correlated with each other and are better explained by the first dimension of impressions – representing valence – than male face impressions. With respect to the second main finding, first, models of impressions of dominance and trustworthiness derived from ratings of male faces were similar to models derived from ratings of female faces. Second, both male- and female-based models were equally successful in manipulating impressions of both male and female faces; and this was the case for both synthetic and real faces. These findings highlight the importance of social categorization in person impressions and suggest that women are more likely to be evaluated negatively to the extent that their looks do not conform to gender stereotypes.
... Perceptive stereotypes address how men and women should be, rather than how they actually are (Burgess & Borgida, 1999). Women who do not show "female" attributes and men who do not show "male" attributes are considered less healthy psychologically than those who do (Costrich, Feinstein, Kidder, Marecek, & Pascale, 1975). Similarly, an outgoing woman, who can market herself to prove her worth, and who exhibits qualities socially reserved for men, is not well received (Rudman, 1998). ...
This research focuses on how the gender composition of a multinational board and linguistic gender marking gaps between home and host countries impact the extent of cross-border M&A activity. We argue, both theoretically and empirically, that the presence of female directors impacts cross-border M&As. Using an instrumental variable approach, we demonstrate that this effect is causal. Innovatively, we measure gaps in linguistic gender marking between home and host countries, and find that larger gaps also reduce cross-border M&As. Finally, we show that small gaps in linguistic gender marking moderate the effect of female presence in boardroom on cross-border M&As.
... Tskhay et al., (in press) -Charisma in everyday life -Please do not distribute without permission 11 to persuasion (e.g., Carli, 1999;Costrich, Feinstein, Kidder, & Marecek, 1975;Eagly & Karau, 2002;Heilman, 1981). Specifically, because women are stereotyped as warmer than men, we expected that the affability component of charisma would positively predict persuasion for women, but not for men, due to better stereotype fit (see Eagly & Karau, 2002). ...
Although both scholars and lay people are fascinated with charismatic individuals, relatively few theorists have attempted to define charisma. Much of the empirical research examining charisma has focused on leadership. Even within that literature, however, theorists have focused on charisma's outcomes, leaving unarticulated what charisma actually is. Here, we tested an operational conceptualization of charisma in the context of everyday life. Specifically, we proposed that charisma is composed of the interpersonally focused dimensions of influence (the ability to guide others) and affability (the ability to make other people feel comfortable and at ease). We validated this conceptualization in a series of studies. In Studies 1-3, we used exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses to construct a short 6-item measure of charisma, the General Charisma Inventory. Next, in Study 4, we used round-robin evaluations and informant reports to establish the interpersonal nature of charisma. Finally, we examined the incremental validity of the scale in the context of dyadic interactions and tested the impact of charisma on perceptions of persuasiveness from voices. We found that (a) lay people possess a consensual conception of charisma; (b) charisma consists of a composition of quantifiable dimensions; (c) charisma is distinct from other constructs of interest to psychologists and leadership theorists; (d) charisma is observable; and (e) assessments of charisma predict real world outcomes. Thus, the current work not only comprehensively conceptualizes and measures charisma as an empirical construct, but also demonstrates its potential importance for the routine interactions that people experience every day. (PsycINFO Database Record
... Breheney and colleagues suggest that this may indicate a bias against female defendants in insanity cases. In contrast to the work by Wirth and Bodenhausen (2009) described above, the findings by Breheney and colleagues may speak to perceived gender stereotype inconsistency, whereby females are often thought to be gentle and not typically dangerous, and participants may therefore punish gender deviance (e.g., Costrich, Feinstein, Kidder, Marecek, & Pascale, 1975). Specifically, if a woman did commit the act in question [which is not disputed in insanity cases], then this characteristic of criminality, combined with mental illness, would not fit femininity-stereotypes-therefore she may be more likely to be perceived as blameworthy compared to male counterparts (Maeder & Dempsey, 2013). ...
This study sought to examine the potential impact of defendant gender and mental illness type on Canadian juror decision making by manipulating the gender (man, woman) and mental illness (substance abuse disorder, schizophrenia, bipolar, depression) of the defendant in a second-degree murder case involving an insanity plea. Participants read a trial transcript that included definitions of second-degree murder and the not criminally on account of mental disorder (NCRMD) defense. Participants then provided a verdict (guilty or NCRMD) and completed various scales measuring attributional judgments, perceptions of the defendant, and perceived dangerousness. Contrary to expectations, NCRMD was chosen over a guilty verdict in the majority of cases. Findings also indicated that participant decisions and perceptions regarding defendants diagnosed with substance abuse disorder differed from the other mental illness groups. The gender of the defendant had an influence on participants' perceptions of internal attributions, and the perceived stability of criminal behaviors. Results suggest that perceptions of mental illness influence verdicts in NCRMD cases, and that defendant gender plays a role in participants' perceptions of defendants. These findings contribute to the scarce literature on mental illness in the Canadian court system. Future research should examine the interaction between juror gender, defendant gender, and mental illness in insanity cases.
... These sanctions continue throughout women's lives, as laboratory studies indicate that observers tend to rate assertive women more negatively (Butler & Geis, 1990;Costrich, Feinstein, Kidder, Marecek, & Pascale, 1975;Heilman, Block, Martell, & Simon, 1989), and people give women with directive leadership styles more negative evaluations than those with participatory styles (Eagly, Makhijani, & Klonsky, 1992). Men also find a woman less persuasive when her speaking style is more "task oriented" (as opposed to "people oriented") (Carli, LaFleur, & Loeber, 1995). ...
This dissertation expands our understanding of gender harassment in organizations by investigating how conformity to masculine gender norms affects risk of gender and heterosexist harassment for working women. In Studies 1 and 2, I explore the definition and dimensions of gender harassment by developing a multifaceted conceptualization and measurement instrument of gender harassment. In Study 3, I use the scale to explore how deviating from individual- and contextual-level dominant gender norms predicts women???s risk for being targeted with gender-based hostility. This challenges the common legal and organizational practice of privileging sexualized forms of sex-based harassment, while neglecting gender and heterosexist harassment. To address these questions, I use survey data of working women in Michigan who are diverse with respect to occupation, race, and sexual orientation.
In Study 1, I convened a panel of subject matter experts to brainstorm behaviors covering the full content domain of gender harassment, which they later sorted into categories. To tap these categories, I combined survey items from the existing literature with new items. In Study 2, we administered these items to 425 working women. Principal components and confirmatory factor analyses of these data revealed an underlying five-factor structure, reflecting both new and extant themes from the literature. This work culminated in an 18-item scale, assessing five dimensions of gender harassment: sexist behavior, crude behavior, work/family policing, infantilization, and gender policing. This multidimensional conceptualization of gender harassment, coupled with the new measure, offers a more nuanced understanding of women???s harassment experiences in organizations
In Study 3, I used the scale created in Studies 1 and 2 to explore how individual-level gender deviance (i.e., masculine appearance, masculine role conformity, and minority sexual orientation) and context-level gender deviance (i.e., job-gender context) relate to gender harassment and heterosexist harassment. Results were consistent with predictions. Conformity to masculine gender norms related positively to gender harassment. Minority sexual orientation was related more frequent experiences of heterosexist harassment. This study supports theories that workplace harassment of women is not rooted in sexual desire, attraction, or romance. Instead, these are behaviors used to penalize gender-nontraditional women, or those who are seen as ???deviant.???
... When others violate these expectations, they can be met with feelings of surprise or even moral disapproval, based on whether the actions violate beliefs about what people normally do or beliefs about what they "ought" to do (Cialdini & Trost, 1998). For example, passive women and aggressive men are perceived as more popular and well-adjusted than when the characteristics are reversed (Costrlch, Feinstein, Kidder, Marecek, & Pascale, 1975), affective satisfaction and compliance of patients are higher when female doctors are passive, rather than aggressive or dominant (Burgoon, Birk, & Hall, 1991;Schmid Mast, 2004), and leaders who behave in gender-congruent ways are perceived as more effective (at least in male participants; Rojahn & Willemsen, 1994). ...
We encounter others in need everyday. Often we may feel a twinge of their suffering, and sometimes we offer help or support. However, not every individual in need elicits these feelings, and people vary widely in the types of targets they choose to help. According to the Perception-Action Model of empathy (PAM; Preston & de Waal, 2002), the neural substrates that give rise to first-hand experiences of an emotion also underlie the understanding of that emotion in another. Therefore, an observer???s ability to understand and empathize with a target depends on the extent to which they have compatible representations of the target???s state. This dissertation investigates these predicted interactions between the personal representations of observers and the various emotional displays of targets, focusing on how these interactions impact empathic, physiological, and prosocial responses. Chapter 2 and Chapter 3 demonstrate that individual differences in associations between females and sadness predict preferential giving to sad, distraught female hospital patients compared to more positive resilient females. Chapter 4 examines empathic, prosocial, and physiological responses in females with and without a history of depression, determining whether observers who have experienced intense negative affect empathize and give the most help to patients who express the most negative emotion. Overall, the findings suggest emotion representations differ across individuals and these differences influence the types of targets people empathize with and help.
... However, a slowly growing body of literature suggests that men also encounter backlash when they express gender deviant behavior. For example, men are viewed as less likeable than identical women when they behave modestly on a job interview , or behave pas- sively with a mental health counselor (Costrich, Feinstein, Kidder, Marecek, & Pascale, 1975). Yet the scope, nature, and processes underscoring backlash against gender deviant men remain seriously under-investigated. ...
We investigated the existence, nature, and processes underscoring backlash (social and economic penalties) against men who violate gender stereotypes by working in education, and whether backlash is exacerbated by internal (vs. external) behavioral attributions. Participants (N = 303) rated one of six applications for an elementary teaching position, identical apart from target gender and behavioral attribution type. Male applicants were rated as more likely to be gay, posing a greater safety threat, and less likeable (but not less hireable) than identical female applicants. Perceived sexuality and threat mediated target gender differences in likeability. Unexpectedly, behavioral attributions did not interact with target gender, suggesting that providing internal attributions may not exacerbate men's backlash. Implications for backlash theory and education gender disparities are discussed.
... Geschlechtsrollenstereotype haben sich in vielen Studien als weniger statisch herausgestellt als ursprünglich angenommen (Abele, 2003 (Altermatt, DeWall, & Leskinen, 2003;Athenstaedt et al., 2008;Coats & Smith, 1999;Eckes, 1994a;Eckes, 1994b;Eckes, Trautner, & Behrendt, 2005;Roberts & Donahue, 1994;Vonk & Olde-Monnikhof, 1998 Zum einen gilt das Selbst als strukturell multipel und prozedural flexibel (Athenstaedt et al., 2004;Deaux & Major, 1987;Hannover, 1997;Hannover, 2000;Markus & Wurf, 1987;Martin, 2000;Suh, Moskowitz, Fournier, & Zuroff, 2004 Wegweisend für den Geschlechterstereotypenansatz im Bereich der kulturellen Forschung sind zweifelsohne die Arbeiten von Hofstede (1980; (Butler & Geis, 1990;Costrich, Feinstein, Kidder, Marecek, & Pascale, 1975;Rudman, 1998;Rudman & Glick, 1999;Tepper, Brown, & Hunt, 1993) -die Einschätzungen also weiterhin wenig liberal sind . So konnte Rudman (1998;Rudman & Glick, 1999; (Bem, 1974, S. 155-156). ...
Das Geschlechtsrollenselbstkonzept, das sich im Laufe der Sozialisation in Auseinandersetzung mit den vorherrschenden Vorstellungen der umgebenden Kultur entwickelt, steht in Beziehung zu Affekten, Kognitionen und Verhaltensweisen in einer Vielzahl von Bereichen. Bisherige GSK-Instrumente messen jedoch nahezu ausschließlich den positiven Aspekt von Maskulinität und Femininität. Die Definition des allgemeinen Selbstkonzepts gibt diese Limitierung auf positive Valenz nicht vor, und aus gesundheitspsychologischer Sicht sowie der Gruppenforschung ist die Bedeutung negativer Eigenschaften zur Selbstbeschreibung bekannt. Vor diesem Hintergrund wurden sieben aufeinander aufbauende Studien durchgeführt mit dem Ziel ein neues Instrument zu entwickeln, deren Items zum einen kulturell aktuellen Eigenschaften zur Selbstbeschreibung entsprechen und zum anderen die Valenzunterschiede dieser Merkmalsbeschreibungen berücksichtigen. Nach einer kritischen empirischen Überprüfung des deutschen BSRI, um Schwächen der Items ausschließlich positiver Valenz aufzudecken, wurde eine neue Skala entwickelt, die von Beginn an auch negative Selbstbeschreibungen berücksichtigte um der Komplexität des geschlechtlichen Selbst gerecht zu werden. Aufgrund der Einschätzungen zur Typizität und sozialen Erwünschtheit sowie mit ersten Resultaten aus der Selbstbeschreibung wurde die Auswahl der Items für die Teilskalen vorgenommen. In zwei weiteren Studien wurden schließlich die vier neu entwickelten Teilskalen des neuen GSK-Inventars einer Validierung unterzogen. Jeder der Teilskalen wurden theoriegeleitet spezifische Konstrukte zugeordnet und es konnte nachgewiesen werden, dass alle Teilskalen ihren eigenen Beitrag zur Vorhersage psychologischer Konzepte leisten können. So standen beispielsweise die negativen maskulinen Eigenschaften in engerer Beziehung zu Aggressivität und machtbezogenen Werten als die positiven Aspekte der Maskulinität. Als Ergebnis dieser Entwicklung stehen am Ende vier kurze, unabhängige, reliable Teilskalen, die positive als auch negative Aspekte von Maskulinität und Femininität abbilden und mittels sehr unterschiedlicher psychologischer Erlebens- und Verhaltenskonstrukte validiert wurden, die die Unabhängigkeit der Skalen belegen und diese für einen Einsatz in der Forschung empfehlen. Die Einführung einer individuellen Wertkomponente im Zuge der Selbstbeschreibung, angelehnt an das bekannte Erwartungs-mal-Wert Modell der Motivations- und Einstellungsforschung, und die daraus mögliche multiplikative Verknüpfung von Selbsteinschätzung und persönlicher Wichtigkeit der Eigenschaften konnten den Aufklärungswert in Bezug auf unterschiedliche Validierungskonstrukte dagegen nicht verbessern und wurden daher nicht ins das Instrument integriert.
Companies are using online professional networks at an increasing rate to find qualified candidates to interview for job openings. Although recommendations published on these sites can provide valuable information and influence hiring decisions, the information may suffer from credibility issues due to the medium by which it is shared. In this study, we investigate whether including a discussion of a candidate’s weakness in a recommendation may be an effective way to increase the perceived credibility of the recommender and thereby improve the candidate’s chance of receiving an interview. We surveyed hiring managers and recruiters to collect data to measure the impact different recommendations have on their decisions. Our findings show that including a discussion of weakness in a recommendation increases the perceived credibility of the recommender, which has a positive effect on the candidate’s likelihood of being interviewed. However, when the discussion of weakness counters common gender-based expectations, it is harmful. When the discussion of weakness is consistent, it is helpful. Furthermore, we find that the physically attractive candidates (as shown in their profile picture) are harmed regardless of the weakness discussed. We investigate this further and find that additional discussion of the candidate’s strengths can reduce the negative impact of the discussion of weakness, but only if the strengths are consistent with common gender-based expectations.
Voice-enabled personal assistants like Google Home have been adopted by the masses (Hoy 2018). As speech is the main channel for communication between humans (Flanagan 1972) and is an innate human behavior (Pinker 1994), interacting with a voice interface is intuitive and easy (Cohen et al. 2004). Studies conducted under the Computers Are Social Actors (CASA) paradigm indicate that speech-output and interactivity are two main factors to elicit social reactions in users (Nass et al. 1993). Users have been shown to adopt human principles like conformity and gender stereotypes when interacting with computers (Nass and Moon 2000). As voice assistants are able to send social cues, we assumed that subjects would show social reactions towards a Google Home smart speaker. Focussing on the social norm of conformity, we measured if participants show more conformal behavior towards the voice assistant depending on their own gender and the gender of the assistants’ voice. A laboratory experiment with 62 participants was conducted. Participants interacted with a Google Home speaker that either used a male or a female voice to present them with different social dilemma situations. In addition, the voice assistant always argued for participants to choose the less likely (as determined in a pretest) of two possible choices presented. Results show a significant interaction effect on conformity between voice assistant gender and participant gender. Female participants chose significantly more options recommended by a female voice assistant meaning female participants did show conformal behavior. Regarding gender stereotypes, the voice assistant was rated differently by participants depending on the gender of its voice. A female assistant was rated as significantly warmer while a male assistant was rated to be significantly more competent in line with previous findings on gender stereotypes in human-human communication (Spence and Helmreich 1979).
This study examines if gender bias affects the recruitment process for top managerial positions in Chile. Using conjoint analysis, we evaluate how recruiters, a sample of 114 business postgraduate students, ranked a set of multi-attribute profiles, showing their preferences among profiles and the trade-off among attributes they are willing to do.
A modified version of ambivalence-amplification hypothesis was applied to a situation involving possible sex discrimination. The modified hypothesis stated that people would have a more polarized reaction to the positive and negative behaviors of an opposite-sex individual than to a same-sex individual. Male and female subjects saw four videotaped segments in which a judge made some comments toward a defendant. The four segments showed male and female judges making positive or negative comments. Subjects rated their liking for the judge after each segment. Results were consistent with the polarization hypothesis.
Purpose
Non-suicidal self-injury (NSSI) is reasonably common, particularly among young people with prevalence rates of up to 25 per cent reported. Many factors contribute towards NSSI, including depression, anxiety and history of abuse and NSSI is a risk factor for suicide. Many people who engage in NSSI do not seek help, potentially due to concern about sigmatising attitudes. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the impact of gender and disclosure on stigmatising attitudes towards individuals who engage in NSSI.
Design/methodology/approach
Participants were 384 first-year university students (77.4 per cent female; mean age 19.50 years (SD=3.53)) who completed measures of stigmatising attitudes in response to vignettes featuring individuals who engaged in self-harming behaviour. Vignettes varied in the gender of the individual as well as whether the NSSI was disclosed or not.
Findings
The results support the attribution model of public discrimination in relation to NSSI stigma. Perceptions of higher personal responsibility for NSSI behaviour and higher levels of danger and manipulation were positively associated with stigmatizing attitudes and behaviours. Male research participants reported significantly higher levels of stigmatizing attitudes and behaviours than females.
Social implications
The level of stigmatising attitudes towards individuals who engage in NSSI is significant and may impact on help-seeking behaviour.
Originality/value
Between 10 and 25 per cent of adolescents engage in some form of NSSI, but only a minority seek help to address this behaviour. This study suggests that attitudes by peers may influence help-seeking. Further research is required outside of tertiary education settings.
Проанализированы результаты зарубежных исследований ассертивного поведения, касающихся его связей с привлекательностью субъекта, локусом контроля, самоопределением и принятием им решений.Установлено, что люди, обладающие высокой ассертивностью, чаще заявляют о себе в положительном ключе, нежели люди с низкой ассертивностью, выше оценивают уровень своего комфорта, пользу для общества и важность ассертивного поведения. Собственная оценка своей внешности статистически значимо влияет на ассертивность индивидов: высокая ее повышает, низкая – понижает.Восприятие ассертивного поведения женщин может отличаться от восприятия ассертивного поведения мужчин. Женщины с высокой ассертивностью оцениваются как менее привлекательные, в сравнении с женщинами средней ассертивности; наиболее низкие оценки они получают от испытуемых женского пола. Оценки ассертивности женщин мужчинами − потенциальными партнерами для свиданий − оказались положительными в противоположность неудобствам, которые женщины могут испытывать из-за своего ассертивного поведения в деловых и профессиональных ситуациях. Интерналы ведут себя более ассертивно, чем экстерналы, причем для мужчин эта взаимосвязь высокозначима.Подтверждена связь между самоопределением учащихся и ассертивностью в целом и с ее компонентами: настойчивостью и большей инициативой. Выявлены статистически значимые корреляции между ассертивностью и качеством жизни, самоопределением, самоэффективностью.Индивиды с высокой ассертивностью успешнее справляются с распознаванием ситуации и ориентацией в проблеме, с нахождением оптимальных решений, и уверены в том, что умеют лучше других находить их. Ассертивные индивиды показали более высокую мотивацию к критике, чем индивиды неассертивные, а высокоассертивные более уверенно заявили о своих способностях к критике и о ее полезности.Автором предложена надежная и валидная методика измерения ассертивности.
An investigation of individual differences in psychological androgyny showed that they interacted with situational variables to alter the balance of leadership between 107 men and 107 women undergraduates in small-group discussions, as predicted. Each group was composed of either all androgynous or all sex-typed members. The 9 leadership measures represented process (e.g., minutes of speaking time), content (e.g., number of substantive suggestions), and peer impressions (e.g., leadership ratings). Results indicate that when dyads were reminded about their gender role beliefs before the discussion, androgynous men and women shared leadership more and sex-typed partners less than comparable dyads without reminder, in which men dominated regardless of androgyny. Providing social support by increasing group size from dyads to tetrads (2 men, 2 women) also increased leadership sharing between androgynous men and women and increased male dominance in sex-typed groups. Androgynous and sex-typed friends were more active than strangers but did not differ from comparable strangers in leadership-sharing patterns. Peer recognition of leadership followed behavior only roughly. Some behavioral differences were unrecognized; some differences that did not exist were reported. (37 ref)
Social perception of emotions is influenced by the context in which it occurs. One such context is a social
interaction involving an exchange of emotions. The way parties to the interaction are perceived is shaped
by the combination of emotions exchanged. This idea was examined by assessing the extent to which
expressions of anger toward a target—which, in isolation, are perceived as signals of high social
power—are influenced by the target’s emotional reaction to it (i.e., reactive emotions). Three studies
show that the angry person was perceived as having a higher level of social power when this anger was
responded by fear or sadness than when it was responded by neutrality or anger. Study 1 indicated that
reactive emotions have a stronger effect on perceived social power when emotions were incongruent with
gender stereotypes. Study 2 indicated that these effects are a result of these emotions serving as reactive
emotions rather than a benchmark against which the angry person’s power is assessed. Study 3 showed
that reactive emotions affect perceived social power by serving as signals of the level to which the high
social power suggested by first person’s expression is confirmed by its target. Comparing effects of
reactive emotions to anger with reactive emotions to sadness, showed that perceived social
power of the expresser is determined by the nature of the expression, with some adjustment caused by
the reactive emotions. This underscores the importance of social interaction as a context for the social
perception of emotions.
Uptalk is the use of a rising, questioning intonation when making a statement, which has become quite prevalent in contemporary American speech. Women tend to use uptalk more frequently than men do, though the reasons behind this difference are contested. I use the popular game show Jeopardy! to study variation in the use of uptalk among the contestants' responses, and argue that uptalk is a key way in which gender is constructed through interaction. While overall, Jeopardy! contestants use uptalk 37 percent of the time, there is much variation in the use of uptalk. The typical purveyor of uptalk is white, young, and female. Men use uptalk more when surrounded by women contestants, and when correcting a woman contestant after she makes an incorrect response. Success on the show produces different results for men and women. The more successful a man is, the less likely he is to use uptalk; the more successful a woman is, the more likely she is to use uptalk.
Women’s prominence in the public sphere has always depended, at least in part, on their roles in the private sphere. Despite great advances in recent decades, women are still lagging far behind men in their success in public roles, both as political and community leaders specifically, and more broadly in terms of occupational attainment. To better understand gender inequality in the public arena, we need to delve deeper into what is happening in the home, and look not only at what women themselves are doing, but how women and their male partners are negotiating their lives together.
Men rarely present themselves for treatment because they have identified problems associated with their roles as men. Yet such problems may often be at the core of the difficulties they do present with: difficulties they are experiencing in their marriages, problems with excessive use of alcohol, sexual dysfunctioning, stress-related problems, as well as the full array of psychological difficulties one is likely to encounter clinically. Behavior therapy, while having relevance to an increasingly more diverse set of clinical phenomena, has had little to say directly about problems centered around men’s issues. However, behavior therapy does have a history of flexibility in areas of application, as it provides the clinician with more of a technology than a direction for specific areas of applicability. Behavioral procedures originally developed for one specific purpose have often later been applied to a wide variety of other clinical problems. The newly emerging field of “behavioral medicine” has drawn extensively on behavioral intervention methods for purposes of dealing with various physical disorders. And assertion training, while originally developed with no thought whatsoever as to its utility in dealing with problems associated with the female sex role, has nonetheless been used to help women become more instrumental in their functioning.
The occurrence of stereotyping in psychotherapy traditionally has been minimized. This is particularly true within the more psychoanalytically oriented paradigms in which the dynamics of the individual patient are emphasized, and the patient-therapist relationship is explored within the framework of transferential and countertransferential processes. However, as examination of the psychotherapy process has expanded, its essential characteristics have been seen to include those of any interpersonal, dyadic interaction. Within this context, the question of whether social stereotypes are operative in the psychotherapeutic situation has become an issue. Conceptualizations regarding the manner in which stereotypes shape our views of those with whom we interact have been extended to the psychotherapy relationship.
There is a considerable body of research comparing rates of mental illness for the two sexes. When all categories are combined, it is unclear that either sex has an overall rate greater than the other (Gove, 1980), though there are clear differences in rates for specific forms of psychopathology. Indeed, a current trend is to analyze particular psychopathologies in terms of sex roles in order to better understand and treat them. For example, suggestions have been made that personality disorders, alcohol and drug abuse, and unlawful behaviors may be ways in which men exhibit their emotional distress and psychopathology based on the male sex role (Johnson, 1980; Weissman and Klerman, 1979). In addition, many researchers have interpreted higher rates of depression in women in terms of various aspects of the female sex role (Radloff, 1975; Weissman and Klerman, 1977, Radloff and Cox, 1981).
Trois etudes mettent a l'epreuve l'hypothese d'un lien entre les dispositions de personnalite liees au type sexuel et les attitudes sexuees, ainsi que les comportements discriminatoires a l'egard de l'autre sexe
One of the fundamental beliefs about women and men is that they have different personality characteristics. This belief has persisted to the present day, despite major changes in social conditions, family structures, and occupational roles (Neufeld, Langmeyer, & Seeman, 1974; Ruble, 1983; Werner & LaRussa, 1985). When people are asked to describe the personality traits that are typical of the two sexes, women are characterized as being sympathetic, compassionate, and sensitive to the needs of others, while men are depicted as being assertive, independent, and dominant (Bem, 1974; Rosenkrantz, Vogel, Bee, Broverman, & Broverman, 1968; Spence, Helmreich, & Stapp, 1975).
Research on gender and nonverbal behavior has often focused on sex differences in using nonverbal cues. A conclusion one might draw is that if women would simply adopt the culturally recognized male patterns, they would reap the same rewards. But would they? In this chapter we look at men and women presenting the same nonverbal authority signal, and examine its power to confer leadership status on the two sexes equally.
Over the course of the last two decades, no paradigm in social psychology has had such a profound impact as social cognition. In the area of intergroup relationships, its impact has been to provide a theoretical underpinning for our understanding of prejudice, stereotyping, discrimination, and intergroup contact (Stephan, 1985). While the cognitive approach cannot replace the earlier emphases on the motivational, affective, and moral aspects of intergroup relationships, it can provide new insights into the ways in which prejudice, discrimination, and especially stereotypes develop and change.
Horner's fear of success test was administered to 303 children between the 4th and 12th grades. There was an increase of fear of success imagery between the 4th and 10th grades and a decrease between 10th and 12th grades. Fear of success was related to sex only during high school, where it was associated with the course of study pursued by students. Thus, in a high school secretarial course, females showed the lowest fear of success while 12th-grade college-prep females showed fear of success higher than secretarial course females and college-prep males. The findings were interpreted as indicating developmental changes in fear of success due to increasing peer affiliation (4th–10th grades) and sex-linked competitive achievement (high school).
This paper discusses the role conflict faced by men who are nurses, in the context of a discussion of social science definitions of male-female roles. The implications of one sex entering another sex's traditionally defined role are discussed and possibilities for future redefinition of male-female work roles are considered with respect to the emergence of the Women's Liberation movement.
EXAMINED THE RELATIONSHIP OF SELF-CONCEPT TO DIFFERENTIALLY VALUED SEX-ROLE STEREOTYPES. ON A QUESTIONNAIRE CONSISTING OF 122 BIPOLAR ITEMS, 74 MALE AND 80 FEMALE STUDENTS INDICATED WHAT TYPICAL ADULT MALES, FEMALES, AND THEY, THEMSELVES, WERE LIKE. RESULTS INDICATE (1) STRONG AGREEMENT BETWEEN SEXES ABOUT DIFFERENCES BETWEEN MEN AND WOMEN, (2) SIMILAR DIFFERENCES BETWEEN THE SELF-CONCEPTS OF THE SEXES, AND (3) MORE FREQUENT HIGH VALUATION OF STEREOTYPICALLY MASCULINE THAN FEMININE CHARACTERISTICS IN BOTH SEXES. CONTRARY TO EXPECTATIONS, DIFFERENTIATIONS BETWEEN SELF-CONSEPTS AND STEREOTYPIC CONCEPTS OF MASCULINITY AND FEMININITY, AS A FUNCTION OF SOCIAL DESIRABILITY, WERE NOT FOUND. (25 REF.) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Gave a sex-role stereotype questionnaire consisting of 122 bipolar items to 79 actively functioning clinicians with 1 of 3 sets of instructions: to describe a healthy, mature, socially competent (a) adult, sex unspecified, (b) a man, or (c) a woman. It was hypothesized that clinical judgments about the characteristics of healthy individuals would differ as a function of sex of person judged, and that these differences would parallel sterotypic sex-role differences. A 2nd hypothesis predicted that behaviors and characteristics judged healthy for an adult, sex unspecified, which are presumed to reflect an ideal standard of health, will resemble behaviors judged healthy for men, but not for women. Both hypotheses were confirmed. (21 ref.) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Reviews the literature on achievement motivation and achievement-related behavior in females in an attempt to identify theoretical relationships and child-rearing antecedents of these variables. The impact of sex-role definitions on achievement striving is examined with particular attention to the hypothesis that females' primary goal is affiliation. Individual differences in integrating achievement striving with sex-role definitions are discussed, and the patterns of variables (e.g., level of aspiration, expectancy of success, and fear of failure) are examined. The literature on parental socialization of achievement orientation is also reviewed. (94 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Concepts of inner direction and of other direction [RIESMAN et al., 1953] are related to sex differences in correlates and antecedents of achievement motivation and behavior. The data support the conclusion that at the present time, American males are other directed in achievement fantasy and action. If the defining criteria of other direction are considered to be: (1) arousal of achievement-related thought and behavior in settings where the participants expect evaluation; (2) lack of continuity over time in achievement-related thought and behavior, and (3) lack of internalization of regulatory mechanisms associated with achievement, the correlates of n Achievement in males are those which Riesman ascribed to the other directed. Data also support the conclusion that those American females who participate in career and professional achievement settings as adults are inner directed. Although fewer women than men pursue intellectual and professional objectives, those who do appear to be guided by internalized goals rather than by evaluation settings.
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Contends that M. S. Horner's study of women's "fear of success" was based on an incomplete design in which males responded to a male cue and females responded to a female cue. It was thus impossible to determine whether negative responses were due to sex of S (suggesting an "intrapsychic" explanation involving fear and conflict particular to females) or sex of actor in the cue (suggesting a "cultural" explanation in terms of both sexes' knowledge of prevailing sex role stereotypes). In the present study 120 10-16 yr old boys and girls responded to male or female cues in a complete design. Both sexes gave more negative responses to the female cue, supporting the cultural interpretation. There was some evidence, however, that affective or psychodynamic factors were also tapped-achievement-related anxiety and conflict in females and hostility in males. The overall frequency of negative responses declined with age. Implications for research on achievement motivation and for social change are briefly discussed.
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