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Project massive: Self-regulation and problematic use of online gaming


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A longitudinal design was employed to collect three waves of survey data over a 14 month period from 2790 online gamers. Respondents were asked questions about their gaming activity, motivations, personality, social and emotional environment, and the effect gaming has had on their lives. Prospective analysis was used to establish causal and temporal linkages among the repeatedly measured factors. While the data provide some indication that a player's reasons for playing do influence the development of problematic usage, these effects are overshadowed by the central importance of self-regulation in managing both the timing and amount of play. An individual's level of self-regulatory activity is shown to be very important in allowing them to avoid negative outcomes like problematic use. The role of depression is also discussed. With responsible use, online gaming appears to be a healthy recreational activity that provides millions of people with hours of social entertainment and adaptive diversion. However, failure to manage play behavior can lead to feelings of dependency.
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Project Massive: Self-Regulation and Problematic
Use of Online Gaming
A. Fleming Seay, Ph.D.
School of Information
University of Texas
One University Station, Austin, TX 78712
Robert E. Kraut, Ph.D.
Human Computer Interaction Institute
Carnegie Mellon University
5000 Forbes Ave, Pittsburgh, PA 15213
A longitudinal design was employed to collect three waves
of survey data over a 14 month period from 2790 online
gamers. Respondents were asked questions about their
gaming activity, motivations, personality, social and
emotional environment, and the effect gaming has had on
their lives. Prospective analysis was used to establish causal
and temporal linkages among the repeatedly measured
factors. While the data provide some indication that a
player’s reasons for playing do influence the development
of problematic usage, these effects are overshadowed by the
central importance of self-regulation in managing both the
timing and amount of play. An individual’s level of self-
regulatory activity is shown to be very important in
allowing them to avoid negative outcomes like problematic
use. The role of depression is also discussed. With
responsible use, online gaming appears to be a healthy
recreational activity that provides millions of people with
hours of social entertainment and adaptive diversion.
However, failure to manage play behavior can lead to
feelings of dependency.
Author Keywords
Online Games, Addiction, Depression, Social Integration,
Self-Regulation, MMORPG, Play Motivation.
ACM Classification Keywords
H.5.0. Information interfaces and presentation (e.g., HCI):
In 2003 approximately 430 million people worldwide, or
7% of the world's population, played video games [35].
Over one quarter of these individuals did so online and that
number as a percentage of total video gamers continues to
grow. In the United States, half of all Americans age six
and older play video games [11]. Worldwide gaming
hardware and software revenues have more than doubled
since 1996, reaching $31.37 billion in 2003. This compares
to $34.2 billion in revenue for the film industry in 2003
[17,15]. The gaming population also continues to diversify.
The average age of the video game player in 2004 was 29,
and 39% of gamers were female [11]. The average 13 - 24
year old in the United States watches 13.6 hours of
television per week compared to 16.7 hours spent using the
internet for activities other than email [15]. The average
adult spends 28 hours a week watching television compared
to average weekly video game play of 7.6 hours [11]. It is
reported that people who play massively multiplayer online
games do so for an average of 15 hours per week, with
weekly play in excess of 30 hours not uncommon [31,33].
One reason for the popularity of online games is that they
meld the fun and challenge of video games with the social
rewards of an online community. Participation in online
communities allows us to stay in touch with old friends,
meet new people, learn, and share information [29]. It also
enables self-exploration and discovery as users extend and
idealize their existing personalities or try out new ways of
relating to one another that can positively affect real life
relationships [32,4]. On the other hand, some fear that
virtual communities detract from social activity and
involvement in the real world, replacing real social
relationships with less robust online substitutes and causing
users to turn away from more traditional media [20,25].
A Question of “Addiction”
It is logical that such a large industry with widening appeal
and an expanding rate of use would have some non-uniform
effects on its participants. Reports in the popular media
continue to suggest that the design and content of certain
games are responsible for the detachment, depression, and
even addiction that some players experience. Some have
estimated that 10% of online game players are addicted to
the activity, an extrapolation from the
survey finding that 10% of all users of the internet are
addicted to it [34,13,16]. An internet search for “gaming
addiction” yields lists of physical and psychological
symptoms from dry-eyes and carpal tunnel syndrome to
“problems with school or work,” offered as indicative of
problem usage behavior [27]. Some clinicians claim that
online game players “don’t have normal social relationships
anymore” and play online games in order to cover feelings
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CHI 2007 Proceedings • Games April 28-May 3, 2007 • San Jose, CA, USA
of anger, depression and low self-esteem [26]. Under
increasing public and governmental scrutiny, a major
gaming industry group in Korea has laid out a multi-part
initiative aimed at combating overuse of online games
through education, monitoring software and the
establishment of treatment and rehabilitation centers.
Anecdotal evidence also continues to mount. Support
groups and online communities like EverQuest Widows and
Spouses Against EverQuest are available on the web, full of
stories about damaged and destroyed relationships.
Communications of the ACM published an editorial on the
deleterious impact online gaming has on undergraduates,
particularly computer science majors, in the United States
[23]. In addition, there do exist truly tragic stories, like that
of the clinically depressed young man, described by many
who knew him as addicted to EverQuest, who killed
himself following an extended session of play [24]. Clearly
there is something here worthy of study; the first challenge
is to determine how to approach it.
A Shift in Terminology
In the popular media, addiction to online games has been
likened to pathological gambling, eating disorders and drug
dependency [26]. In addition, and in spite of the
protestations of leading thinkers in interactive
entertainment, both marketing departments and the critical
media within the games industry also talk about their
games’ “addictive” qualities with pride [1]. More often than
not, statements made about “addictive gameplay” refer to a
desirable quality of the experience marked by incremental
reinforcement, perseverance in adversity, and desire to
continue; to play “just one more”. For most, the experience
of an “addictive” game is much the same as that of a “page
turner” novel; you don’t want to put it down, and it is hard
to keep track of time while engaged with it. Clearly, this
type of an immersive and rewarding entertainment
experience is precisely what the consumer wants and what
the developer wants to create. Addiction of this kind could
easily be recast as engagement, the state of being
delightfully attracted to and enwrapped in an experience
In contrast, addiction can also be used to describe the state
of powerlessness a person experiences when, despite
attempts to stop or reduce their usage, they are unable to
walk away from a game (or substance, or behavior) even in
the face of persistent and deleterious effects on their life.
Given the various pejorative, disputed, and clinically laden
connotations of the word “addiction”, we have chosen to
refer to self-described pre-occupation with and inability to
withdraw from gaming as problematic use of online games.
We do this not to refer to addiction euphemistically, but to
dissociate the phenomenon under study from the state of
biochemical dependency most closely associated with the
word “addiction.” For the purposes of the present study,
problematic use can be operationalized as consumption of
an entertainment product in such amounts or at such times
that it causes demonstrable problems in the user’s real life
extreme enough to cause an individual to identify and
report them [7]. Under this definition, online gaming would
become problematic when it dominates and displaces other
behaviors, leads to conflict, or when inability to play causes
anxiety. Some players, even those spending upwards of 40
hours a week gaming, might have euphoric gaming
experiences, play for long periods, and think about gaming
even when not doing it, but suffer no ill effects as a result.
We hypothesize that such players might actively manage
their use of entertainment products, ensuring that gaming
remains a positive aspect of their lives. Unfortunately, other
players may not be as successful at managing their
consumption, and allow persistent involvement in online
games to interfere with their everyday life. An individual’s
management of his or her own behavior through techniques
like self-monitoring, evaluation against perceived
standards, and self-administration of behavioral
consequences is referred to as self-regulation.
Rather than presenting a monolithic view that online games
are either bad or good, we predict that different levels of
self-regulatory activity and motivations for play are likely
to yield different consequences for the user. The
individual’s motivation to play and ability to manage their
own behavior promise to be important factors in
determining the outcome of use of online games. This
document examines the relationship of self-regulation and
problematic use, reporting a subset of the findings of a
larger inquiry into the social and psychological impact of
online gaming.
Problematic use of online gaming can be viewed as a
special case of the broader concept of Pathological Internet
Use (PIU). The American Psychological Association
formally recognized Internet Addiction in the late 1990s
and gave it this more clinically precise title. PIU has
become the focus of much interest in recent years. The most
popular definitions and metrics of PIU are adapted directly
from clinical definitions of substance abuse/dependency,
pathological gambling, and impulse control disorders found
in various editions of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual
of Mental Disorders [12, 5, 34, 13, 14].
Brown referred to problem gambling as a type of behavioral
addiction and developed six general criteria to diagnose
them: Tolerance, the need to engage in the problem
behavior for longer periods of time in order to attain the
desired effect; Euphoria, the high brought on by engaging
in the behavior; Salience, the ongoing dominance of the
behavior in thought and action (sometimes divided into
Behavioral and Cognitive Salience); Conflict, the behavior
causing both psychological and environmental discord;
Withdrawal, negative affect associated with periods of
inability to engage in the behavior; and Relapse, resumption
of the behavior despite efforts to stop [5]. As LaRose
observes, deficient self-regulation is both implicit in the
CHI 2007 Proceedings • Games April 28-May 3, 2007 • San Jose, CA, USA
definition of addiction and explicit in the criteria commonly
used to assess it [21].
Charlton discovered that Brown’s six criteria did not
universally load on a Computer Addiction factor [7]. In
fact, only Behavioral Salience, Conflict, Relapse, and
Withdrawal loaded on addiction. The others, Tolerance,
Euphoria, and Cognitive Salience, loaded on a Computer
Engagement factor. This finding suggested that scales based
on Brown’s six factors did not measure a unitary
phenomenon. Instead some of these criteria, commonly
viewed as symptomatic only of clinical dependence, were
more strongly associated with a non-pathological construct,
that of engagement. Engagement can be defined as a state
of deep interest in and involvement with a medium.
Tolerance, euphoria, and cognitive salience are not
inherently pathological in the way that the other four
criteria, behavioral salience, conflict, withdrawal, and
relapse are.
It is not difficult to argue that few would find any level of
the remaining three criteria desirable. Unlike the others,
conflict, withdrawal, and relapse are by their very
definition, undesirable and pathological entities. Physical
and emotional struggle, separation anxiety, and repeated
inability to disengage from a behavior offer few adaptive
interpretations. It is the stark contrast of these three factors
to tolerance and euphoria that drives the bifurcation of
Brown’s criteria, a distinction mathematically demonstrated
by Charlton and shown in Figure 1, below.
Danforth adapted subscales from Charlton’s
Engagement/Addiction Scale, or EAS, to create the EAS-II,
an instrument designed to measure addiction to and
engagement with massively multiplayer games [7,8,10].
The EAS-II is a 28 item instrument comprised of 15 items
from Charlton’s Engagement subscale (e.g. “I feel a sense
of power when I play EverQuest 2”) and 13 from the
Addiction subscale (e.g. “When I am not playing EverQuest
2, I feel agitated”). Deploying the EAS-II with 442 players
of Microsoft/Turbine’s MMOG Asheron’s Call, Danforth’s
results supported the addiction/engagement dichotomy
pointed out by Charlton [10].
Engaged Use Problematic Use
Tolerance Behavioral Salience
Euphoria Conflict
Cognitive Salience Withdrawal
Figure 1. The bifurcation of Brown’s diagnostic criteria for
behavioral addiction.
This research employs the full EAS-II instrument, changing
only the way in which the “addiction” factor is referenced:
as problematic use of online games.
Bandura’s Social Cognitive theory of personality portrays
the human individual as a proactive, self-organizing, and
self-reflecting agent rather than a reactive organism that is
shaped solely by external events and circumstances [2].
Central to this agentic, sociocognitive perspective is the
concept of self-regulation, the ability of an individual to
manage his own behavior through observation, evaluation,
and consequation. Arguments about the design of
potentially harmful forms of entertainment focus heavily on
the content of these objects, but largely ignore the processes
taking place within the consuming individual. Hence, it is
important that any study addressing problematic use of
online gaming examine the role of an individual’s self-
regulatory abilities in managing gaming behavior. These
self control behaviors are often divided into three
interactive classes: self-monitoring, self-evaluation, and
self-consequation [18,2,19,3]. The literature in both
psychology and communications points to the importance
and effectiveness of self-regulation in the identification,
assessment and treatment of both behavioral excesses and
deficits [19,3,21].
In order to illustrate this self-regulatory framework, let’s
examine how self-regulation fits into a personal videogame
play management paradigm. Self-monitoring, or simple
introspective observation of the amount of time one has
spent playing, would presumably have an effect on
subsequent play in that the individual would recognize that
they have been involved in a particular activity for several
hours and may want to consider other concerns. The
inability to recognize how much time one has spent
involved in an activity would be an example of a failure in
self-monitoring, e.g. losing track of time. Self–evaluation of
play would involve an individual comparing their observed
time allotment for gaming to those made to other activities
or by other individuals. For example, a player might notice
that she has been online twice as often as her in-game
friends, suggesting that she may play twice as much as
these other people. Alternatively, she might consider that
she plays during the day at work, but none of her co-
workers or guild mates seem to be online until the evening
hours. This kind of self-evaluation through the comparison
of one’s activities to external standards builds on the self-
monitoring process by utilizing information gained from
self-monitoring. Self-consequation involves the
development of behavioral contingencies that, based on the
outcome of the self-evaluative process, lead to the self-
administration of reinforcement or punishment. For
example, one might deny one’s self a trip to the movies
given a large amount of time spent playing, or treat play as
a reward for the completion of formerly neglected
In the current study, Carey et. al’s Short Self-Regulation
Questionnaire (SSRQ) was used to empirically measure
self-regulatory behavior [6]. Items included in the SSRQ
address all three of the dimensions of self-regulatory
CHI 2007 Proceedings • Games April 28-May 3, 2007 • San Jose, CA, USA
Table 1. Example items from the SSRQ.
behavior discussed above, but measure the construct of self-
regulation in a mathematically unitary fashion. The SSRQ
contains 31 items that the respondent rates on a 5-point
Likert-type scale from Strongly Agree to Strongly Disagree.
Example items are presented in Table 1.
Note that these items address usage of the general processes
of self-regulation and are not specific to online gaming. It is
important to keep in mind that the same self-regulatory
functions can and do operate at various levels of a person’s
behavioral hierarchy at the same time; in several domains at
once from pursuit of life goals to more granular behaviors.
Finally, a note on what is being regulated. When one
chooses to play is as important as how much, as even a very
short session undertaken at an inappropriate time (perhaps
to delay a responsibility or escape / avoid a stressful
situation) can be problematic. Clearly, avoidance behaviors
can be adaptive, but when undertaken at inappropriate times
or with excessive frequency they can be harmful. As such,
regulation of the impulse to play is just as important as
regulation of the amount of play.
Given the preceding discussion of problematic use and self-
regulation, we are ready to explore some hypotheses
regarding their interrelation.
Hypothesis I – Self-Regulatory deficits will predict the
development of problematic use.
This hypothesis makes the simple claim that deficits in self-
regulation contribute to the development of addiction to
online games. By measuring this relationship
longitudinally, we will examine the temporal relationship of
these factors.
Hypothesis II - Certain play motivation factors will
distinguish players who are more susceptible to problematic
The literature on player motivation indicates that certain
player motivations, particularly Escapism are cross-
sectionally associated with increased levels of problematic
use [31,33]. An adaptation of Yee’s Facets scale including
the Achievement, Escapism, Roleplaying, Manipulation,
and Relationship types was employed to determine whether
play motivation is predictive of problematic use in the same
way that social and personality factors predict susceptibility
to depression.
Hypothesis III- The effect of self-regulatory deficits on
problematic use will interact with depression.
This hypothesis is designed to evaluate the role of
depression in the relationship between self-regulation and
problematic use. Specifically, this hypothesis addresses the
effect of depression on the self-regulatory processes. It
hinges on a significant depression by self-regulation
interaction in the presence of a main effect of self-
regulation on problematic use. This result would support
the claim that the effect of self-regulatory deficits on
problematic use may be moderated by depression. In this
model, depression is not a cause or necessary precursor of
problematic use, but its presence may heighten the effects
of deficient self-regulation on the development of
problematic use.
It has been suggested that depression could moderate the
effect of self-regulatory mechanisms on an individual’s
behavior [19]. In general, depressive affect is related to
self-imposed low expectations and unreasonably high
standards for success (e.g. self-doubt about ability to
succeed paired with inability to set reasonable and
attainable goals). In addition, depressed individuals operate
under the illusory belief that other people share these
lowered expectations and unrealistic standards for them.
Under such a paradigm, self-evaluation and self-
consequation can easily break down. Adaptive self-
evaluation is predicated on the identification of useful
standards of comparison. Further, if one makes some form
of reinforcement contingent on meeting an unrealistic
standard, the individual will soon identify the goal as
unattainable and, where possible, circumvent the
contingency, thereby giving up any therapeutic effects it
may have had if performed as designed. Even under
conditions of success, where the individual negotiates the
behavioral contingency as designed, depressed individuals
are less likely to view the outcomes as sufficiently
reinforcing to merit repetition. Depressed individuals tend
to be low in expectancy to achieve goals, and apt to
evaluate themselves negatively. Simply, depression lessens
one’s belief in their ability to manage their own behavior
and blunts the capacity to identify success and enjoy its
With respect to online game play, the effectiveness of self-
regulatory activities on amount and timing of play may be
reduced for depressed individuals. This suggests a
moderation model in which depressive affect interacts with
self-regulatory deficits to exacerbate problematic play
behavior. Without question, deficient self-regulatory
behavior can logically lead to problematic use. However, it
is the non-additive effect of higher depression and low self-
Short Self Regulation Questionnaire Sample Items
I usually keep track of my progress toward my goals.
It’s hard for me to notice when I’ve “had enough”
(alcohol, food, sweets).
I have personal standards, and try to live up to them.
When I’m trying to change something, I pay a lot of
attention to how I’m doing.
I usually only have to make a mistake one time in order
to learn from it.
CHI 2007 Proceedings • Games April 28-May 3, 2007 • San Jose, CA, USA
regulation that is of principal interest here. Depression was
measured by the Center for Epidemiologic Studies
Depression Scale (CES-D).
During the spring of 2002, contextual inquiries with 15
experienced online gamers were conducted to support the
creation of a 69-item web survey. Following a period of
analysis and refinement, a new web survey was created and
deployed repeatedly between September of 2004 and
November of 2005. The three waves of longitudinal data
collection lasted 3-4 months each, and were separated by 3-
4 month periods. Participants were solicited through posts
in popular gaming forums and websites. Most of the
respondents played Massively Multiplayer games on the PC
platform, but the sample included a large number of players
from other genres and platforms (e.g. gaming consoles like
Microsoft’s XBox and Sony’s Playstation 2).
Figure 2. Predictors used in modeling problematic use
Prospective analysis was used to evaluate the longitudinal
effects of the factors contained in the predictor blocks
above on the dependent variable of interest, problematic
use. In prospective analysis, a regression equation is built in
which a lagged predictor variables are used to model a
future value of the dependent variable of interest [9].
Initially a lagged value of the dependent variable itself is
entered into the regression equation alone. For example, a
regression equation modeling problematic use for a given
time period is created using only the participant’s
problematic use score from the previous time period, or
wave of data collection. Next, each predictor block is added
to the regression equation incrementally. If a predictor
block adds nothing to the model, that block is removed. It is
important to note that the dependent variable is modeled
using values of the predictor block variables collected
during the previous wave. This technique allows inspection
of the unique variance in the dependent variable accounted
for by the lagged variables, over and above that accounted
for by the previously measured value of the dependent
variable. Prospective analysis exposes those predictors that
add explanatory power to the model in excess of that
generated by the lagged dependent variable. The values of
all predictors are centered so that the size of their effects
can be compared to one another.
A total of 4490 unique respondents participated in the
Project Massive survey from pilot to final wave.
Information on the number of participants by wave and
when each wave was conducted is presented in Table 2.
Wave Participants Returning Start End
Pilot 1836 n/a Mar-02 Dec-02
1 1503 n/a Sep-04 Dec-04
2 1089 397 Apr-05 Jul-05
3 790 331 Oct-05 Nov-05
Table 2. Number of participants by wave with collection dates
The cross-sectional results presented in this section are
drawn from an aggregate pool of 2790 records containing
data from the first time a given participant responded to the
survey regardless of wave.
Participants ranged in age from 11 to 70 with an average
age of 28 (M=27.98). Males comprised 88% of the sample,
with 327 female respondents making up the other 12%.
74.8% of respondents had jobs or were self-employed. 49%
of the respondents were single, 41% were married, and 21%
of the respondents had children.
The mean number of hours spent playing online games per
week was 21.7. As is shown in Figure 3, the distribution is
skewed to the right, with a sizable minority of players
(~15%) indicating they play more than 54 hours per week.
Figure 3. The average hours played per week
On average respondents spent 36% of their weekly online
time playing by themselves, 33% of it playing with
members of their player organization, 15% playing with
online friends not in their guild, 18% playing with
CHI 2007 Proceedings • Games April 28-May 3, 2007 • San Jose, CA, USA
N~2600 Engaged Use Problematic Use
Play Hours .263 .318
Depression .085 .380
Loneliness .076 .284
Self-Regulation -.014 -.345
Game Affinity .404 .086
Table 3. Cross-sectional correlation of certain measures with
Engaged and Problematic Use
strangers, and 6% just “hanging out” logged in with no
intention to play.
Table 3 offers discriminative statistical evidence in favor of
the conceptual distinction between problematic and
engaged use. Though both outcomes are associated with
hours of play, we see a rather stark contrast in the usage
outcomes’ associations with the other measures. Only
problematic use is associated with depression, loneliness,
and self-regulation. Engaged use shows no relationship with
these measures, but does show positive correlation with
game affinity, a simple measure of how much the player
likes the game they play.
Table 4 shows the zero order correlations of problematic
use with the player motivation factors. The correlation with
self-regulation and hours of play per week are also shown.
Problematic Use
Escapism .370 (2669)
Achievement .297 (2657)
Manipulation .228 (2656)
Relationship .102 (2663)
Roleplaying -.006 (2648)
Hrs of play / week .318 (2677)
Self-Regulation -.345 (2489)
Table 4. Correlates of Problematic Use
A Longitudinal Model of Problematic Use
The number of respondents participating in at least two
waves of the survey was 499. This is the pool of
participants from which we are able to make longitudinal
models, since we have at least two waves of data from each
of them.
Table 5 shows a longitudinal regression model of change in
problematic use over time. This model accounts for roughly
53% of the variance in problematic use (adjusted R2 (372)
=0.525). The relatively strong negative main effect
associated of self-regulation demonstrates a longitudinally
negative relationship between self–regulation and
problematic use. That is, individuals reporting high levels
of self regulatory activity at a given time period report
lower levels of problematic usage of video games at the
next time period.
Estimate S.E. p value
Intercept 2.940 0.045 0.000
Problematic Use (Lagged) 0.677 0.049 0.000
Block 1 - Controls
Female -0.011 0.109 0.918
Age -0.009 0.040 0.822
Intelligence -0.064 0.039 0.108
Attractiveness 0.071 0.046 0.122
Block 2 – Types of Play
Achievement 0.039 0.040 0.327
Escapism 0.075 0.044 0.086
Roleplaying 0.046 0.040 0.255
Manipulation -0.092 0.045 0.044
Relationship -0.074 0.042 0.080
Hours 0.071 0.050 0.157
Affinity 0.072 0.040 0.072
Block 3 – Types of Use
Engaged Use -0.061 0.049 0.210
Self-Regulation -0.132 0.053 0.013
Block 4 – Social Dimensions
Play w/ RL Friends 0.011 0.039 0.787
Block 5 - Depression
Depression 0.077 0.051 0.138
Self-Reg * Depression 0.113 0.032 0.000
Hours * Game Affinity -0.080 0.038 0.038
Table 5. Regression model predicting Problematic Use
Conversely, it indicates that those individuals reporting
lower levels of self-regulatory activity are likely to report
increases in problematic use the next time data is collected.
This result fully supports the prediction made in Hypothesis
I, clearly indicating that individuals who actively monitor
and manage their behavior in general are less likely to allow
their involvement in online gaming to cause them real life
While there still appear to be near significant trends for a
collection of player motivations (Escapism, Manipulation,
and Roleplaying), these effects are altered in both size and
significance by the introduction of Self-Regulation and the
interactions. Overall, Escapism is associated with increases
in problematic use while Relationship play and
Manipulation are associated with decreases. These effects
are changed slightly with the introduction of Self-
Regulation into the model.
CHI 2007 Proceedings • Games April 28-May 3, 2007 • San Jose, CA, USA
Figure 4. A plot of the Self-Regulation by Depression
Interaction on Problematic Use
The effect of Manipulation remains significant, but the
positive effect of Escapism and the negative effect of
Relationship play are dampened, becoming only marginally
significant. The negative effect of Manipulation play on
problematic use indicates that players who are motivated to
play by their enjoyment of harassing and annoying others
are likely to report lower levels of problematic use at a
second time period than those players less inclined to
behave in such a manner.
The interaction of self-regulation and depression indicates
that depression moderates the effect of self-regulatory
behavior on problematic use. At lower levels of depression,
self-regulation has the negative effect on problematic use
illustrated by its main effect. However, as depression
increases above mean levels, the effect of self-regulation on
problematic use is eliminated. Simply, depressive affect
reduces the effectiveness of the self-regulatory processes,
rendering the individual less able to manage their own
behavior and more likely to experience problematic use.
This result offers specific support for Hypothesis III, which
posits the exact moderating relationship obtained here. This
interaction is plotted in Figure 4.
The Hours by Affinity interaction is plotted in Figure 5. It
illustrates that how much a player likes a game will
moderate the effect that hours of weekly play has on
problematic use. At low levels of affinity, hours of play has
a strong positive effect on problematic use. However, at
higher levels of game affinity, increases in hours of play
have no effect on problematic use levels. This suggests that
players who enjoy and have high regard for the game that
they play can play it for many hours each week without
feeling that the activity is causing them any problems.
However, individuals who continue to play a game that they
view negatively or do not like for many hours each week
report higher levels of problematic use.
Figure 5. A plot of the Hours of Play by Game Affinity
Interaction on Problematic Use.
It is important to note that even though cross-sectional
analyses show an association between hours of play and
problematic use, hours of play (or amount of consumption)
in and of itself is not predictive of problematic use. This
result further discounts simple “media effects” models in
which amount of exposure is determinant of the outcome of
use. Along with the zero order correlation described earlier,
this indicates that while hours of play may have a positive
cross-sectional relationship with reports of problematic use,
it does not have longitudinally predictive power. Simply, a
large amount of play is certainly associated with
problematic use cross-sectionally, but is not predictive of
future problematic usage issues, particularly in situations
where the player enjoys the game that they are playing (e.g.
high game affinity).
As discussed earlier, Danforth used a seven-factor
personality inventory, including the Big Five plus
Attractiveness and Negative Valence, which showed little
predictive value with respect to the development of
“addiction” [10]. This result has been replicated in the
current study. The final model presented in Table 5 reflects
the removal of five of the seven personality factor from the
model due to their lack of contribution to the model fit.
Hypothesis I
Hypothesis I stated that self-regulatory deficits would
predict the development of problematic use. The obtained
significant negative effect of self-regulation on changes in
problematic use supports the prediction made in Hypothesis
I. Those individuals who report low levels of self-
regulatory activity tend to go on to report significantly
higher levels of future problematic use. On the other hand,
those individuals who actively regulate the timing and
amount of their play behavior through self-monitoring, self-
evaluation and self-consequation report significantly lower
levels of future problematic use than their counterparts.
Further, the effect of self-regulation on problematic use is
CHI 2007 Proceedings • Games April 28-May 3, 2007 • San Jose, CA, USA
the largest and most robust of all predictive factors
measured. Clearly, the self-regulatory processes are
essential in allowing online gaming to remain a benign and
enjoyable pass-time rather than an obstructive pre-
occupation. Active self-regulation appears to be a player’s
best defense.
Hypothesis II
Hypothesis II predicted that certain play motivation factors
would distinguish players who are more susceptible to
problematic use. The significant negative effect of
Manipulation offers only minimal support for Hypothesis
II, as it was expected that Escapism and Achievement
would have a significant positive effect.
The significant negative effect of Manipulation on
problematic use is an interesting one. In general, we might
consider this type of “grief play” to arise from a situation in
which the core game mechanic has failed to engage the
player and forced him to pursue other avenues of enjoyment
within the game’s confines. The fact that grief play has a
cross-sectionally positive relationship with problematic use
suggests that in the near term it offers enough reward to
compel some players to over-indulge in its pursuit.
However, the longitudinally negative relationship of grief
play with problematic use supports this notion that, with
time, grief players tend to report lower levels of
problematic use, perhaps due to the diminished enjoyment
associated with repeated manipulative exploits within the
same game or upon the same set of victims and their desire
to find a game they find more enjoyable in general. Such
diminishing returns would not reward a player for repeated
and extended pursuit of manipulation play compared to
escapism and achievement play which are more regularly, if
not almost continuously, reinforced. Given the age and
gender profile of players scoring high on the Manipulation
dimension (young males), one can hope that parental
supervision plays some role in constraining their usage (if
not their in-game behavior) such that it does not become
The Escapism motivation does have a near significant
positive effect on problematic use. This would suggest that
players who are high in the Escapism motivation tend to
report increases in problematic use. What this means is that
the use of online gaming as a curative respite from real
world stressors, while adaptive in moderation, can have
deleterious effects on those who use it in this manner. The
fact that there is no interaction with weekly hours of play
means that responsibility for increased levels of
problematic use lies with the Escapism motivation and not
the hours spent pursuing it. That is, one need not spend
many hours “escaping” but rather resort to the escape
behavior at inappropriate times or in unsuitable situations in
order to feel that the behavior has begun to have negative
effects on their real life. This is not to suggest that
Escapism is a necessarily insidious and maladaptive way to
go about using online games. On the contrary, it is hard to
argue against the relaxing and restorative effects of pursuit
of any recreational activity used to release or relieve
feelings of stress and anxiety. Again, this effect is not quite
significant in the final model, since the variance for which
it accounts is more robustly explained by the self-regulation
factor and the significant interactions.
Another nearly significant effect is that of the Relationship
play motivation. This result suggests that players who use
online gaming as a medium in which to meet people and
interact with them in meaningful social ways report lower
levels of problematic use than those less socially motivated.
It seems that those who view playing as an adaptive social
activity that rounds out their existing social life are less
likely to later report that they feel the activity has been
causing real life difficulty for them.
In sum, the fact that the player motivations were less
predictive of problematic use than expected is not so much
indicative of their descriptive weakness as it is a testament
to the centrality of self-regulation. Without self-regulation
and its interaction with depression in the model,
Manipulation, Escapism, and Relationship all significantly
contribute to the model.
Hypothesis III
Hypothesis III specifically predicted that the effect of self-
regulatory deficits on problematic use would interact with
depression. Explicit support for this hypothesis is provided
by the significant Self-Regulation by Depression interaction
obtained in the problematic use model. This interaction
indicates that depressive affect moderates the effect of the
self-regulatory processes on the development of
problematic use. At lower levels of depression, the self-
regulatory processes work, as indicated by their main effect,
to lower problematic use levels. With increased levels of
depression the negative effect of the self-regulatory
processes are blunted and they become less effective in
preventing problematic use. In this model, depression does
not cause problematic use, but its presence may catalyze
and accelerate the effects of deficient self-regulation on the
development of problematic use.
Recall our earlier discussion of depressive affect and its
relation to self-imposed lower expectations and
unreasonably high standards for success. This can be
characterized as a brutal pairing of self-doubt about one’s
ability to succeed and a tendency to set unreasonable and
unattainable goals. Lack of self-belief paired with inability
to set and evaluate progress toward reasonable goals
undermines the basis of the self-regulatory processes.
Specifically, an overarching tendency to view one’s self
negatively hampers the self-evaluative process. Further, if
one is unable to identify and place value upon self-
evaluative successes, then self-consequation becomes
impossible. Even when one does register a self-evaluative
success, depressed individuals are less likely to view the
rewards of self-consequation as sufficiently reinforcing to
merit repetition [19]. Depression lessens one’s belief in
CHI 2007 Proceedings • Games April 28-May 3, 2007 • San Jose, CA, USA
their ability to manage their own behavior and blunts the
capacity to identify success and enjoy its rewards. The
results obtained in support of Hypothesis III provide
empirical evidence in favor of the notion that depression
undermines the self-regulatory processes through this
mechanism and in doing so makes even those individuals
who do self-regulate vulnerable to problematic usage of
online games.
There are several important limitations to this research that
deserve discussion. Foremost among them are the standard
caveats associated with survey research of this type. All of
the data collected for this study were self-reports. As such,
issues of social desirability and accuracy of response need
to be taken into account. Further, though we have a good
picture of who we did get as respondents, we do not know
anything about those people that were not involved or chose
not to participate in Project Massive. Every effort was made
to ensure that users of a wide number of platforms and
games were included in the study, however most came from
the massively multiplayer genre.
Only one psychological outcome of gaming was addressed in
this study, depression. Though there may be several other
possible negative outcomes (e.g. aggression), one should also
consider the various positive outcomes of play. Happiness,
self-esteem and assertiveness all would make valid additions
to a more general inquiry addressing the psychological
impact of online gaming.
Now that we have reviewed the individual hypotheses, let us
turn to what we have learned more broadly. It seems safe to
say that the data provide no indication that online gaming is a
broadly negative activity. On the contrary, the overwhelming
majority of those surveyed indicate no elevation in
loneliness, depression, or problematic use. This seems to
indicate that, for most, online gaming is an adaptive and
enjoyable, or at least benign, activity.
This study has identified and demonstrated the central
importance of self-regulation in changing problematic
gaming behavior or preventing it from developing altogether.
The results clearly indicate that self-regulation is important in
shielding the user from problematic use and reducing or
eliminating problematic use once it arises.
We are now be able to speak with some confidence about
what does not cause problematic use and what helps prevent
it, leveraging this information to explain why some players
describe themselves as “addicted” while others remain
adaptively engaged. The results of Project Massive indicate
that self-regulatory activity is essential in addressing
problematic usage. These self-regulatory findings can inform
the design of informal personal strategies and formal
software systems aimed at helping players and developers
alike manage play behavior and protect against problematic
use. Further, these findings and their implications are
applicable to the more general case of internet dependency.
If they are not already an important part of our present,
online communities like those that exist in and around online
games will become an immense force in our future. They will
come to affect many aspects of our lives; how we
communicate, how we learn, how we relax, what we buy,
and even whom we trust. Understanding the effects that
participation in these digital communities has on the day-to-
day lives and well being of those who participate in them is
imperative as we strive to ensure that humanity is
empowered and not ensnared by the technologies that we
create. Project Massive is a small but important step in that
First and foremost, the authors would like to express their
sincere gratitude to the 4490 survey participants without
whom Project Massive would never have been possible. The
first author is forever in the debt of the following individuals
for their contributions to this work: John Bailey, Katie
Bessiere, K.C. Blackburn, Matt Blythe, Ed Castronova,
Richard Catrambone, Darren Gergle, Larry Hodges, Scott
Hudson, William Jerome, Sara Kiesler, Cliff Lampe, Kevin
Sang Lee, Jeff Nichols, Amy Ogan, Sarah Pressman, Paul
Resnick, Michael Scheier, Jesse Schell, Irina Shklovski,
Dmitri Williams, Jake Wobbrock, and Nick Yee.
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... Studies investigating the psychosocial correlates of problem gaming have provided insight into some of the motivational factors which tend to distinguish problematic gamers. Specifically, studies of the psychological factors associated with GD have identified the "escape" motive, the tendency to use gaming as a means of escape from other problems (e.g., anxiety, depression or other problems in life), as a major predictor of problem gaming (Ballabio et al., 2017;Yee, 2006;Xu et al., 2012;Billieux et al., 2013;Kardefelt-Winther, 2014;King & Delfabbro, 2019;Ko et al., 2009;Seay & Kraut, 2007;Andreassen et al., 2016). In addition, competition (Montag et al., 2019;Király et al., 2015;Ballabio et al., 2017), fantasy (Király et al., 2015;Zsila et al., 2018), and coping motives (Király et al., 2015;Zsila et al., 2018;Kuss et al., 2012) have demonstrated a significant positive association with IGD symptoms. ...
... In addition, competition (Montag et al., 2019;Király et al., 2015;Ballabio et al., 2017), fantasy (Király et al., 2015;Zsila et al., 2018), and coping motives (Király et al., 2015;Zsila et al., 2018;Kuss et al., 2012) have demonstrated a significant positive association with IGD symptoms. Studies of social factors report that GD is associated with lower social competence (Liau et al., 2015;Lo et al., 2005), increased loneliness (Seay & Kraut, 2007;Lemmens et al., 2011;Yu et al., 2022), and poorer quality parent-child relationships (Schneider et al., 2017;Ballabio et al., 2017). Individuals reporting these risk factors may be motivated to participate in the virtual community associated with a game to compensate for lack of real-world social connections and support (Lemmens et al., 2011). ...
Full-text available
The boundary between highly engaged and problematic video gaming is often debated in the behavioral addictions field. The present study assessed whether quality of life, motivational and protective factors may differentiate high-frequency gamers (i.e., those who play 30+ hours per week) who did, and did not, meet the DSM-5 criteria for gaming disorder (GD). A total of 403 respondents completed an online survey including standard measures of GD, gaming motivation, quality of life (QOL), and protective factors for behavioral addiction (e.g., adequate sleep and healthy diet). Respondents with GD scored lower on all QOL measures and were more strongly motivated to use gaming to escape problems. Fewer protective factors were identified in GD cases, with an inability to balance gaming with sleep being the largest significant difference between the two groups. High-frequency gaming appears most likely to be problematic if it is used to escape real-world problems or prioritized over important everyday activities.
... 6,7 Because people invest considerable time and effort in their passions, 8 previous research has mostly focused on negative well-being outcomes in relation to time spent playing, 9 yet other evidence suggests that how people engage with video games might better explain the relationship between passion and well-being. 10 Using the theoretical frameworks of Dualistic Model of Passion and self-regulation, the current research sought to advance our understanding of how passion for gaming is associated with well-being by examining the mediating roles of self-regulation ability and time spent gaming. ...
... 27 As such, it is important to look beyond time spent playing video games and consider how players are able to regulate themselves to fit video game play in with their other activities. 10 ...
Video games can satisfy people's basic psychological needs of autonomy, competence, and relatedness. This may lead them to develop a passion for the activity, which can be harmonious or obsessive. These different types of passions are associated with different well-being outcomes: harmonious passion (HP) is associated with positive effects such as Satisfaction with Life (SWL), obsessive passion (OP) is associated with adverse effects such as psychological distress. Although time spent playing video games has sometimes been found to be a predictor of poor well-being, there is a lack of understanding in its role in explaining the relationship between passion and well-being compared with other factors. Self-regulation is an important factor in predicting habits, including video game play. In this cross-sectional study (N = 182), we investigated whether self-regulation or playtime better mediated the associations between different passion orientations and well-being (i.e., SWL, global subjective well-being, and psychological distress) among video game players. A path analysis revealed that people with higher HP for video games reported higher levels of self-regulation and those with higher OP for video games reported lower levels of self-regulation. Our findings also indicate that self-regulation provides a more comprehensive explanation for the relationship between passion and well-being. Overall, this study provides further support for the importance of self-regulation as a determinant of well-being in video game players rather than more arguably surface-level metrics such as time spent playing. These findings have implications for game developers and clinicians who design interventions for individuals who may experience unregulated video game play.
... Additional studies found self-regulation to be related to lower depression, anxiety and stress among university students (e. g., Park, Edmondson, & Lee, 2012) or low psychopathological symptoms and better interpersonal relationships (Tangney, Baumeister, & Boone, 2004). Self-regulation skills also emerged as predictors of avoiding problematic use of the Internet and alcohol (Sebena, Orosova, & Benka, 2013;Seay & Kraut, 2007). Lower levels of self-regulation functions were found to be a risk factor for experiencing alcohol-related consequences and for reductions in alcohol use and consequences over time for heavier drinking college students (Hustad, Carey, Carey, & Maisto, 2009). ...
... Hussain and Griffiths (2009) confirmed that adolescents who played games repeatedly felt more isolated and lonelier. Seay and Kraut (2007) showed that playing games directly increased adolescents' loneliness. Lemmens et al. (2011) also suggested that lonely individuals are more likely to engage in games excessively. ...
Full-text available
Adolescents often create social relationships with their gaming peers who take on the role of offline friends and peer groups. Through collaboration and competition in the games, the social relationships of adolescents are becoming broader and thicker. Although this is a common phenomenon in online games, few studies have focused on the formation and roles of social capital among adolescent gamers. In particular, longitudinal research that examines the role of social capital in terms of influencing gaming time on adolescent gamers’ psychosocial factors has been minimal. This study was designed to fill this gap to see the long-term effect of social capital among adolescent gamers. Specifically, by using the three-year longitudinal data involving 403 adolescents, we analyzed the effect of gaming time on psychological factors (i.e., loneliness, depression, self-esteem, and life satisfaction) with the moderating role of social capital. Results showed that social capital played a crucial moderating role. In the higher social capital group, gaming time enhanced the degree of self-esteem and life satisfaction. However, a vicious circle was found in the lower social capital group: Gaming time increased the degree of depression but decreased self-esteem, which in turn led to increase in gaming time. These results indicate that games work as an important tool for social capital cultivation among adolescent gamers, which imply successful cultivation of social capital is a key to positive gaming effects. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.
... Along with the growth of the gambling industry and the corresponding increase in approval and convenience, there has also been a rise in the prevalence of pathological and problem gambling, with the rate of disordered gambling among the youths have risen significantly (Gainsbury, 2015). For most individuals, gambling provides a harmless and entertaining diversion from everyday life (Seay & Kraut, 2007). However, gambling has developed into either a problem or a pathological behaviour among the youth (Welte et al., 2009). ...
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Despite the fact that online gambling is increasing among students in low- and middle-income countries, studies on the reasons and attitudes of university students toward gambling and its associated social, economic, and academic implications on their lives have not been adequately explored in the Ghanaian setting. This study employed an exploratory research design to investigate the reasons and attitudes of students toward online gambling and how online gambling has affected their social, economic, and academic lives on campus. An interview guide was used in soliciting data from fifteen participants. The thematic analytical framework was used to analyze the data. The analysis of the empirical data revealed that the ease of making quick money, the anonymous nature of online gambling and a source of entertainment were the main reasons why participants engaged in online gambling. Again, concerning participants’ attitudes towards gambling, most of them were frequent gamblers and gambled four to seven times a week while a few were occasional gamblers who gambled one to three times a month. The study also found that participants who gambled online ended up becoming depressed, had difficulties with sleeping, and barely concentrated in class because of their addictive attitudes towards online gambling. The study further revealed that the academic lives of participants were negatively affected as a result of excessive gambling. The study recommends that the university management should introduce university gambling policies and programmes to regulate gambling among university students and its associated socio-economic and academic implications.
... The protective effects of self-regulation against behavioral addictions, including SA and IGD, has been well documented in both cross-sectional (e.g., Argyriou et al., 2017;Ching & Tak, 2017) and longitudinal studies (e.g., Jeong et al., 2019). For example, a longitudinal study showed that self-regulation helped online gamers to manage the time and effort they spent on games to avoid problematic gaming (Kraut & Seay, 2007). In studies with Chinese student samples, self-regulation has been found to be negatively associated with problem online game use (Yu et al., 2019) and problematic smartphone use (Yang et al., 2019). ...
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Behavioral addictions are associated with detrimental consequences to one’s functioning and wellbeing and hence have raised both public and clinical concerns. Both smartphone addiction (SA) and Internet gaming disorder (IGD) are common types of behavioral addictions, but the former is relatively generic, whereas the latter is behavior specific. This study approaches this topic from an evolutionary theoretical perspective and is the first to apply life history (LH) theory to understanding the interplay among LH strategies, self-regulation processes (i.e., impulse control and goal setting), and behavioral addictions (including both SA and IGD). We recruited 351 Chinese undergraduate students (Mage = 19.33; SD = 1.06) who voluntarily completed an anonymous questionnaire. Results indicated that males had higher levels of IGD than females, although SA results did not vary by gender. As hypothesized, LH strategies were significantly and negatively related to SA and IGD (r = –0.17 and –0.18, p < .001) in those participants with fast LH strategies were more vulnerable to two behavioral addictions. The results of path analysis, however, partially supported the hypothesized mediating effect of self-regulation processes and showed that impulse control, but not goal setting, significantly mediated the effect of LH strategies on the two behavioral addictions The findings extended the application of evolutionary theory in explaining the development of both generic and specific types of behavioral addiction. Moreover, the differential effects of the two specific self-regulation processes on both SA and IGD suggest that, compared to low competence to set goal, a lack of control over one’s impulsion is a more salient factor in the development and/or maintenance of behavioral addiction. Interventions, such as improving self-control, would be potentially effective strategies for Chinese university students vulnerable to behavioral addictions.
... Bunun nedeni, yüz yüze sosyal aktivite yerine çevrimiçi kişilerarası etkileşimler ve ilişkilerde kendilerini daha güvenli, daha etkili, daha özgüvenli ve daha rahat hissetmeleridir. Dijital oyunların problemli kullanımı ile yüksek düzeyde kaygı ve depresyon ile düşük yaşam doyumu arasında bir ilişki bulunmaktadır(Seay & Kraut, 2007;Wenzel, Bakken, Johansson, Götestam, & Øren, 2009). ...
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Oyunlar, çocuk ve ergenlere (adölesanlara) eğitim, fiziksel aktivite, sağlığın korunması ve gelişimi, yaşama hazırlık, boş zamanları değerlendirme ve eğlence gibi çeşitli olanaklar sunmaktadır. Bilişim teknolojilerindeki gelişmelerle birlikte geleneksel oyunlar da yeni bir boyut kazanarak “dijital oyunlar” kavramını ortaya çıkarmıştır. Dijital oyunlar, erken çocukluk döneminden itibaren her yaş grubu tarafından tercih edilirken günlük yaşamlarının vazgeçilmez bir unsuru haline gelmiştir. Dijital oyunlar birçok yönden faydalı olmakla birlikte bilinçsiz, aşırı ve yanlış kullanım ve maruz kalınan problemli içeriklerden dolayı bireyler üzerinde olumsuz etkiler de oluşturabilmektedir. Bu nedenle, bu bölümün amacı, çocuk ve adölesanlarda dijital oyunların yararları, zararları ve riskleri konusunda farkındalık oluşturmaktır. Bu kapsamda, bu bölümde dijital oyunların çocuklar ve ergenlerin gelişimi ve sağlığı üzerindeki etkileri ortaya konulmaya çalışılacak ve ortaya çıkacak zarar ve risklerin önlenmesi için yapılması gerekenler ve alınması gereken önlemler öneriler olarak sunulacaktır.
... Although the nature of the present study prevents the establishment of cause-and-effect links, based on previous longitudinal studies (e.g., Rapinda, 2011;Seay & Kraut, 2007), it can be speculated that the deterioration of real contacts during COVID-19 pandemic increased loneliness. Moreover, the lack of knowledge concerning COVID-19 and the uncertainty about when the pandemic will end are likely to have contributed to increased anxiety symptoms, strengthening the dysfunctional recourse to gaming in order to maintain relationships and find relief from anxiety (Chappell et al., 2006;Fazeli et al., 2020). ...
Full-text available
Background: The COVID-19 pandemic has negatively impacted mental health, contributing to increase the feeling of loneliness, the psychological distress, and the gaming involvement. Despite accumulating data in the field of gaming, the research examining the psychological determinants of gaming severity, especially in the unique circumstances of COVID-19 pandemic, is still in its infancy. The aim of the present study was to examine, for the first time, the role of mentalization in gaming and to clarify the pattern of associations between loneliness, psychological distress, and problematic gaming behavior, as well as the mediating role of mentalizing in this relationship during COVID-19 pandemic in Italy. Methods: A total of 466 adults aged 18-29 years completed an online survey including the Internet Gaming Disorder Scale-Short Form, the Reflective Functioning Questionnaire, the UCLA Loneliness Scale, and the Depression Anxiety Stress Scales. Results: Regression analysis showed that male gender, anxiety, hypermentalizing, and loneliness were good predictors of problematic gaming behavior. The path analysis indicated that gender predicted gaming directly, whereas anxiety and loneliness contributed to gaming both directly and indirectly via hypermentalizing. Conclusions: The present study is the first to examine the role of mentalizing in gaming during COVID-19 pandemic and provide insight into the interrelationships between mentalization, psychological distress, perceived loneliness, and problematic gaming behavior, demonstrating that an inaccurate mentalization has a key role in contributing to problematic gaming. The study provides a useful contribution for prevention of gaming severity and indicates that specific intervention on mentalizing could be effective in reducing problematic gaming by reducing levels of both anxiety and perceived loneliness.
... One approach to managing technology abuse is based on intervention. Seay and Kraut [72] incorporated self-regulation mechanisms in the design of games. Other researchers have posited the development of new platforms or add-ons to existing computing services to facilitate intervention. ...
Technology abuse among adolescents refers to the problematic use of technology devices, and the negative impact it can have on lifestyle and one's physical and mental health. This paper reports on in-depth interviews with 15 dyads of adolescent patients, their parents, and four experts with the objective of unraveling the issue of technology abuse. We conducted qualitative analysis aimed at unpacking the contextual factors affecting technology abuse, and differences between adolescents and their parents pertaining to this issue. Our discussions led us to formulate solutions to technology abuse: (1) motivating adolescents by sending timely reminders and providing interactive micro-incentives; (2) promoting communication between adolescents and their parents by sharing usage data related to device usage; and (3) incorporating social supports to complement parental support, while fulfilling the adolescent's social needs. This paper provides valuable insights into the design of technological solutions aimed at mediating technology abuse.
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Yeni Medya sistemi içinde sanal toplulukların çevrimiçi yönelim alanlarından birisi oyun ortamları olarak görülmektedir. Oyun, bireylerin gündelik yaşamlarında ağ hareketleri içerisinde sosyal paylaşım ağlarının dışında en fazla etkileşim kurdukları alanlardır. Kullanıcılar, oyunlar aracılığıyla gerçek dünyadan soyutlanmış alternatif bir dünyaya geçiş yapmaktadır. İnternet tabanlı kullanım alanlarının daha fazla rağbet gördüğü dijital oyunlar, sanal bir kültür alanı olarak bireylerin sosyal ağ ve sanal davranış biçimlerini de şekillendirebilmektedir. Oyun alanları, toplumların uygarlaşma konusundaki düzeylerini göstermesinin yanı sıra, kültürel bilinç ve ortak bir dil kurabilmesinin de en önemli ögesi olarak düşünülmektedir. Günümüzde sanal ağların yayılım gösterdiği bir ekimleme alanı olarak dijital oyun ortamlarının kullanıcılar için manevi kazanımları dışında oyna-kazan modeli çerçevesinde maddi bir kazanç sağladığı da görülmektedir. NFT sistemi, web 3.0 sistemi içindeki dijital oyunlar, kullanıcılara bu alandaki becerilerini sanal cüzdan üzerinden sanal paraya çevirmelerini olanaklı hale getirmektedir. Bu çalışmada, NFT tabanlı dijital oyunların içerik endüstrisi içindeki temel özellikleri ile temel örnekler üzerinden yapısal göstergelerinin analizi yapılmaktadır.
Aims Some researchers suggest that for some people, video game playing is an addictive behaviour similar to substance dependence. Our aim,was to design and validate a scale to measure the problems associated with the apparently addictive use of all types of video games and video game systems, because there is no instrument at the present time that can be used for this purpose. Design We reviewed the DSM-IV criteria for substance dependence and for pathological gambling, as well as the literature on the addictions in order to design a short scale (PVP; problem video game playing) that is quick and easy to apply. Participants The scale was administered to 223 Spanish adolescents aged between 13 and 18 years. The study was carried out in Granada and Algeciras, Spain. Findings Psychometric analyses show that the PVP seems to be unidimensional and has acceptable internal consistency (Cronbach's alpha) at 0.69. The pattern of associations between the scale scores and alternative measures of problem play supports its construct validity (higher total scores in the scale were associated with higher frequency of play, mean and longest times per session, self and parents' perception of playing to excess, and scores in the Severity of Dependence Scale). Conclusions Our results confirm that the excessive use of video games is associated with a number of problems which resemble a dependence syndrome, and the PVP appears as a useful instrument for the measurement of such problems.
The Internet could change the lives of average citizens as much as did the telephone in the early part of the 20th century and television in the 1950s and 1960s. Re- searchers and social critics are debating whether the Internet is improving or harming participation in com- munity life and social relationships. This research exam- ined the social and psychological impact of the lnternet on 169 people in 73 households during their first i to 2 years on-line. We used longitudinal data to examine the effects of the Internet on social involvement and psycho- logical well-being. In this sample, the Internet was used extensively for communication. Nonetheless, greater use of the Internet was associated with declines in partici- pants'communication with family members in the house- hold, declines in the size of their social circle, and in- creases in their depression and loneliness. These findings have implications for research, for public policy, and for the design of technology.
This article presents a social-cognitive theory of substance abuse. The exercise of self-regulatory agency plays a central role in this approach. Perceived self-efficacy is the foundation of human agency. Unless people believe they can produce desired effects by their actions, they have little incentive to act. Self-efficacy beliefs promote desired changes through cognitive, motivational, affective, and choice processes. Perceived self-efficacy exerts its effects on every phase of personal change—the initiation of efforts to overcome substance abuse, achievement of desired changes, recovery from relapses, and long-term maintenance of a drug-free life. Assessments of perceived efficacy identify areas of vulnerability and provide guides for treatment. Substance abuse is a social problem, not just a personal one. Reducing substance abuse also requires policy initiatives and social remedies achieved through the exercise of collective efficacy.