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Homophily in online dating: When do you like someone like yourself?

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Psychologists have found that actual and perceived similarity between potential romantic partners in demographics, attitudes, values, and attractiveness correlate positively with attraction and, later, relationship satisfaction. Online dating systems provide a new way for users to identify and communicate with potential partners, but the information they provide differs dramatically from what a person might glean from face-to-face interaction. An analysis of dyadic interactions of approximately 65,000 heterosexual users of an online dating system in the U.S. showed that, despite these differences, users of the system sought people like them much more often than chance would predict, just as in the offline world. The users' preferences were most strongly same-seeking for attributes related to the life course, like marital history and whether one wants children, but they also demonstrated significant homophily in self-reported physical build, physical attractiveness, and smoking habits.
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Homophily in Online Dating:
When Do You Like Someone Like Yourself?
Andrew T. Fiore and Judith S. Donath
MIT Media Laboratory
20 Ames St., Cambridge, Mass., USA
{fiore, judith}@media.mit.edu
ABSTRACT
Psychologists have found that actual and perceived similarity
between potential romantic partners in demographics,
attitudes, values, and attractiveness correlate positively with
attraction and, later, relationship satisfaction. Online dating
systems provide a new way for users to identify and
communicate with potential partners, but the information they
provide differs dramatically from what a person might glean
from face-to-face interaction. An analysis of dyadic
interactions of approximately 65,000 heterosexual users of an
online dating system in the U.S. showed that, despite these
differences, users of the system sought people like them much
more often than chance would predict, just as in the offline
world. The users preferences were most strongly same-
seeking for attributes related to the life course, like marital
history and whether one wants children, but they also
demonstrated significant homophily in self-reported physical
build, physical attractiveness, and smoking habits.
Author Keywords
Online personals, attraction, computer-mediated
communication, online dating, relationships
ACM Classification Keywords
H5.3. Group and Organization Interfaces; Asynchronous
interaction; Web-based interaction.
INTRODUCTION
Online personal advertisements lengthier, more detailed
descendants of newspaper personal ads have grown
rapidly in recent years. In August 2003, personals Web sites
in the United States drew 40 million unique visitors — half
the number of single adults in the U.S. (Mulrine 2003).
These online personal ads have shed their stereotype as
matchmakers for the awkward and now claim a prominent role
in the social lives of millions of users. Researchers have
studied online friendships and romantic relationships from
psychological and sociological perspectives (Lea & Spears
1995, Walther 1996, McKenna et al. 2002), and they have
examined the personals ads that appear in print publications
(Bolig et al. 1984, Ahuvia & Adelman 1992). This paper
describes a quantitative examination of the characteristics for
which online dating users seek others like them.
NATURE OF ONLINE PERSONALS DATA
We analyzed data from one online dating system in
particular. Through an agreement brokered by the Media
Laboratory with an online dating Web site (the “Site”), we
obtained access to a snapshot of activity on the Site over an
eight-month period, from June 2002 through February
2003. The data included users’ personal profile information,
their self-reported preferences for a mate, and their
communications via the site’s private message system with
other users. Anonymous ID numbers distinguished unique
users.
Table 1 indicates which profile characteristics users could
specify about themselves and about the partners they would
like to meet.
Data about private messages exchanged by the users
included the sender, recipient, subject, text, date and time of
delivery, and whether the recipient had read the message.
USER DEMOGRAPHICS
The Site had 221,800 members as of February 2003, the
end of the eight-month period covered by our snapshot of
the Site’s data. Of these, 69.4 percent (153,942 users) had
fully completed their profiles. A slightly different subset,
25.9 percent of the total (57,362 users), was active during
the eight-month study period that is, they sent or
received at least one message. This active subset was used
for analyses of messaging behavior, but for analyses
involving profile characteristics, it was limited to the 23.8
percent of users (52,857) who were active and had complete
profiles.
Although the Site has a national base of users, they are
distributed differently from the U.S. population on a state-
by-state basis. Heavy use appears in upstate New York, the
Southeast, the Midwest and Great Lakes regions, and
certain secondary urban areas in the West, such as
Sacramento, Calif.
Copyright is held by the author/owner(s).
CHI 2005, April 2–7, 2005, Portland, Oregon, USA.
ACM 1-59593-002-7/05/0004.
2
The overall user population on the Site included more men
(62.8 percent) than women (37.2 percent), but the active
subset analyzed in this work was 55 percent female.
The Site targets heterosexual users; although it allows users
to specify same-sex preferences (e.g., “male seeking
male”), less than one percent of users did so, and many of
these appeared to be data entry mistakes or confusion about
the interface. Because homosexual users were so few, their
behavior would be inadequate to draw conclusions about
gay users’ behavior in online dating environments; thus,
these users were excluded from the analysis.
Within the active subset of users, the median age was 34,
but the male population was slightly older (median 36
years, compared to 33 years for women). Most users were
Caucasian (83.7 percent); African-Americans and Hispanics
each composed approximately two percent of the user
population. Nearly 10 percent chose not to give their race.
For additional demographic descriptors of this data set,
including religion, marital status, number of children,
educational level, smoking habits, drinking habits, physical
build, and physical attractiveness, consult Fiore (2004).
MESSAGES AND CONVERSATIONS
During the eight-month period from June 2002 to February
2003, 29,687 users sent 236,930 messages to 51,348 users.
In total, these messages constituted 110,722 exchanges of
one or more messages between unique pairs of users (a
conversation). However, most of these exchanges were
something less than dyadic: 78.2 percent (86,597) of
conversations consisted of unreciprocated single messages.
Messages were received in a more even distribution than they
were sent; that is, fewer members sent messages than received
them. Users sent and received a mean of 1.50 messages
(median = 0.0) in the eight-month study period. The means are
the same because the same bounded population sent and
received the messages. However, the standard deviation for
number of messages sent was 7.45, as compared to 4.90 for
number of messages received, indicating that messages were
distributed more evenly across the set of recipients than they
were across the set of senders. In total, 29,687 users sent
236,930 messages to 51,348 users.
Of exchanges between a man and a woman, men initiated
the majority of conversations (73.3 percent vs. 26.7
percent); however, their initiations were 17.9 percent less
likely to be reciprocated than those begun by women (20.6
percent reciprocated vs. 25.1 percent for female-initiated; t
= –15.465; d.f. = 50,150; p < 0.001).
Users of both sexes had contact with a median of 2.0 distinct
others. The distribution was wider, though, for men than for
women (mean = 5.3, s.d. = 11.8 for men; mean = 4.2, s.d. = 5.9
for women). Men participated in more communications on
average than women, but we would expect this because the
active subset of users contains more women than men, so the
contacts are spread across a larger number of women.
Overall, the number of dyadic ties per person followed the
familiar “power law” distribution, with many users with
few ties and exponentially fewer with many ties. The mean
number of ties per person was 5.0 (s.d. = 9.04).
As expected from the above finding that men begin most
conversations, men on average initiated more contacts than
they received (mean = 3.3, median = 1.0, s.d. = 7.1 initiated
vs. mean = 1.9, median = 1.0, s.d. = 2.8 received). Women,
on the other hand, initiated fewer contacts than they
received (mean = 1.5, median = 0.0, s.d. = 3.4 initiated vs.
mean = 2.7, median = 1.0, s.d. = 3.5 received).
SEEKING HOMOPHILY: WHICH DIMENSIONS?
Some characteristics are more bounding than others — that
is, users are more likely to seek someone like themselves on
that dimension. For example, smokers might want to find
other smokers more so than people with blue eyes want to
find other people with blue eyes. We would say that
smoking is more strongly bounding than eye color because
people with a given smoking status are less likely to cross
the boundary to choose someone with a different smoking
status than someone with brown eyes would be to choose a
partner with blue eyes.
To determine the bounding strength of categorical and
bucketed descriptors in the data set, we compared the
Attribute
Type
Online handle
Gender
Age
Height
Location (city, state, postal code)
Physical build
Drinking habits
Smoking habits
Educational level
How many children u ser has
How many children u ser wants
Marital status
Pets owned
Pets preferred
Self-rated physical attractiveness
Race
Type of relationship sought
Religion
Importance of age in a partner
Importance of height in a partner
Textual self-description
[Type: Free text, Categorical, Continuous, Bucketed]
Table 1. Profile attributes specified by users about themselves
and about their preferences in a partner
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percentage of contacts between two users who shared the same
value for a characteristic (e.g., “athleticfor the characteristic
“physical build”) with the percentage of contacts we would
expect to share the value if one male user and one female user
from the active user population were paired randomly.
Analytic Approach
On the Site, 32.6 percent of male users and 9.2 percent of
female users report their build as “athletic.” If users were
contacting each other randomly but in heterosexual pairs,
we would expect 0.326 * 0.092, or 3.0 percent, of contacts
to involve two users of athletic build. However, if users of
athletic build sought other such users more often, the
percentage of contacts involving two of these users would
exceed 3.0 percent; if these users avoided each other, the
percentage would be lower.
By summing the probability of sameness across all possible
values of a characteristic, we find an overall probability that
a random pair of one male and one female user will share
the same value for that characteristic. These overall
probabilities are listed in Table 2 as Expected percent same.
The expected sameness for a characteristic varies with the
number of values possible for that characteristic and how
evenly users are distributed among the values. Expected
sameness is higher when the number of values is low, as
with Physical Appearance (“Very attractive,” “Attractive,”
“Average,” Prefer not to answer”), and when many users
have picked the same value for a characteristic, as with
Race (83.7 percent reported “Caucasian”).
Having calculated the expected sameness, we computed the
actual percentage of dyads with the same value for each
categorical characteristic both for all pairwise exchanges
and separately for the subset of reciprocated exchanges.
The absolute value of the difference between the actual
percentage of sameness and the expected percentage of
sameness indicates how much users were deliberately
seeking someone with the same value as themselves.
An actual sameness percentage close to its expected
sameness percentage indicates that users who share a value
for that characteristic did not communicate more often than
we would expect by chance if users were contacting each
other randomly. On the other hand, a large difference
between actual and expected sameness percentages would
indicate that users who share a value for a characteristic
communicated more often than we would expect by chance.
Because we expect statistically a varying likelihood of
sameness for various characteristics, the absolute difference
in expected and actual percentages does not facilitate
comparisons between different characteristics, which have
different expected percentages. Instead, we calculate the
proportion of the actual to the expected percentage sameness
for each characteristic. Table 2 shows these values in
parentheses following the actual percentages for all contacts
Expected Actual percent Actual percent
percent same (all same (recip.
Characteristic same (x) contacts, a1) con. only, a2) t (a2 x)
Marital status 31.6 51.7 (1.64x) 56.0 (1.77x) 76.001†
Wants children 25.1 38.7 (1.54x) 40.5 (1.61x) 48.553†
Num. of children 27.8 38.7 (1.39x) 38.6 (1.39x) 34.352†
Physical build 19.2 24.5 (1.28x) 25.6 (1.33x) 22.435†
Smoking 40.5 50.6 (1.25x) 54.0 (1.33x) 41.979†
Phys. appearance 37.6 46.1 (1.23x) 49.2 (1.31x) 35.886†
Educational level 23.6 28.0 (1.19x) 29.3 (1.24x) 19.360†
Religion 42.4 49.7 (1.17x) 52.6 (1.24x) 31.589†
Race 71.1 81.2 (1.14x) 85.9 (1.21x) 65.808†
Drinking habits 61.2 68.7 (1.12x) 73.4 (1.20x) 42.692†
Pet preferences 34.7 38.5 (1.11x) 39.9 (1.15x) 16.425‡
Pets owned 21.8 23.6 (1.08x) 24.0 (1.10x) 8.038‡
† d.f. = 23,940; p < 0.001 ‡ d.f. = 23,855; p < 0.001
Table 2. Bounding strength of categorical characteristics. Expected percent same indicates the statistically expected percentage of dyadic
pairs who share the same value for the listed characteristic. The expected probability is based on random selection from the male and
female population distributions for the characteristic. Actual percent same indicates the empirical percentage of dyadic pairs who shared
the same value for the listed characteristic, across all contacts and just the reciprocated subset, in which the initial recipient replied.
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and for reciprocated contacts. The characteristics are listed
in descending order of this proportion, which shows the
relative bounding strength of each.
Findings
Users opted for sameness more often than chance would
predict in all the characteristics examined in this section. This
concurs with the overwhelming evidence gathered by
relationship researchers (cf. Brehm et al. 2002, Fisher 1992)
that actual and perceived similarity in demographics, attitudes,
values, and attractiveness correlate with attraction (and, later,
relationship satisfaction). However, users demonstrate this
homophily to differing degrees for different characteristics.
Dyads were much more likely than chance to choose the
same value for characteristics relating to the life course.
Values for marital status and wanting children were the
same in dyads 64 percent and 54 percent more often,
respectively, than would occur with random pairings. The
number of children users already have was the same in
dyads 39 percent more often than chance. These were the
three most strongly bounding characteristics.
Physical build was the same among dyads 28 percent more
often than chance would predict. This finding rests on
similarity-seeking among a few possible values for build, such
as “average” and “athletic,” that encompass both genders;
many of the other possibilities, like “petite” and “body-
builder,” are strongly gendered and thus very unlikely to be the
same in a heterosexual dyad. Physical appearance, a self-
reported rating of attractiveness, was the same among dyads 23
percent more often than chance. Among lifestyle choices,
including smoking habits, drinking habits, and pet preferences,
only smoking was the same in dyads more than 20 percent
more often than chance would predict. Most dyads (68.7
percent) were the same in drinking habits, but this is because
75.6 percent of men and 77.9 percent of women identified
themselves as “Social/occasional” drinkers. Thus, the expected
probability of sameness was also high for this characteristic,
rendering the high actual similarity unremarkable.
Pets, both general preferences regarding them and specific
pets already owned, proved the least bounding of any
characteristics. Users picked others who shared their
preferences only about 10 percent more often than chance
would predict. Homogeneity on these characteristics did not
matter to users nearly as much as other characteristics.
Religion was the same in dyads 17 percent more often than
chance. More than half of active users of the Site identified
themselves as Christian, and about a third chose “Prefer not to
answer,” a very high percentage compared to other
characteristics. Given the distribution of religions among users
who did answer, we might reasonably presume that a large
number of “Prefer not to answer respondents are in fact
Christians, even if we allow that non-Christians might be more
likely to choose “Prefer not to answer.If this is the case, the
bounding strength of religion might appear lower than it is
because of users’ reluctance to specify their religion. It might
also be true that having similar religiosity is more important
than sharing a specific religion (cf. Williams & Lawler 2003).
The overwhelming majority of dyads (81.2 percent) shared
the same race, but, as with drinking habits, this high rate of
similarity is only moderately better than chance (14 percent).
Because 83.7 percent of users were Caucasian, the rate of
similarity expected by chance was also high, 71.1 percent.
Characteristics were slightly more bounding among the
subset of reciprocated contacts, but the difference was small
and roughly equal across characteristics. Although the
difference is small, it suggests that users were slightly more
likely to respond to an initiation from a more similar other.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
We would like to thank Dan Ariely and Jeana Frost for their
insights in this work.
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