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Pre-print version: Please refer to the printed version for referencing:
http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-10308-7_21
E-inclusion in Public Transport: The Role of Self-
efficacy
Günther Schreder
1
, Karin Siebenhandl
1
, Eva Mayr
1
,
1
Danube University Krems, Department for Knowledge and Communication Management,
Research Center KnowComm, Dr.-Karl-Dorrek-Straße 30,
3500 Krems, Austria
{Günther.Schreder, Karin.Siebenhandl, Eva.Mayr}@donau-uni.ac.at
Abstract. Many subgroups in today’s society are not skilled in using novel
technologies. Even everyday technologies pose a barrier to technically non-
skilled people and – if they fail to use them – exclude them from important
parts of daily life. In this paper we discuss the relevance of self-efficacy for the
use of one specific kind of everyday technology: the ticket vending machine.
Results from observations and interviews within the research project InnoMat
are presented to answer the question how self-efficacy influences the ticket
buying behavior and show that this motivational factor leads to an active
avoidance of ticket machines. Negative experiences seem to be one of the
strongest influences, which indicate that the group of technically non-skilled
users should be given special attention when developing a new generation of
ticket vending machines.
Keywords: e-Inclusion, self-efficacy, digital divide, ticket vending machine,
public transport, usability, accessibility
1 Motivation
Some social groups are disadvantaged by novel technologies either in using or
having access to them or in resources and skills needed to effectively participate in
the digital society. This phenomenon is referred to as the digital divide. Problems not
only include potential limitations in gathering information e. g. from the internet, but
also difficulties due to the increasing need to use digital devices in everyday life.
Bank opening hours are shortened as ATMs sprout; in public transport, ticket counters
are substituted by ticket vending machines. While it might still be easy to maintain a
normal life without using a personal computer or participating in newly created forms
of communication (like virtual communities, blogs and so on), being unable to
withdraw money or to buy a ticket for public transport is a severe restriction.
The InnoMat research project
1
sought to develop a design framework for a new
generation of ticket machines in order to best meet the needs of different user groups.
1
The InnoMat project was funded by the Austrian Federal Ministry for Transport, Innovation
and Technology’s “Ways2go” (Innovation and Technology for Evolving Mobility Needs)
Pre-print version: Please refer to the printed version for referencing:
http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-10308-7_21
The aim of the project can be characterized as a contribution to e-inclusion by “design
for all”: with regard to groups who often face barriers in using public transport
systems in everyday life the target group was defined with senior citizens, people with
limited affinity for technology and disabled people.
The first step was to identify the special needs and requirements of the target group
in using public transport systems based on the insights from relevant literature.
Specific needs of disabled persons are mostly connected to questions of accessibility,
such as the existence of voice-output for visually impaired persons or the optimal
height of hardware elements to allow wheelchair users the access to the machine. A
similar approach can be found concerning the group of senior citizens who are often
seen as persons with reduced physical and mental abilities due to their age. Relevant
design aspects therefore include the contrast of screens, the size of (virtual) buttons
and text, the speed of required input and so on.
As important as these factors may be, older people (but not only them) are likely to
face further problems that are not identified as easily: Research into ticket queues at
12 major stations in Great Britain supports this assumption. Among those who could
have bought their ticket from a machine the decision to purchase at the counter was
driven by a lack of confidence in using the machine as well as a lack of confidence in
the ability to select a ticket [1].
ÖBB’s (Austrian Rail) sales statistics indicate that elderly people use ticket
machines less frequently than other groups [2]: 63 % of senior citizens purchase
tickets from a ticket machine, while 31 % opt to go to a ticket counter. ÖBB
passengers under the age of 26 use ticket machines almost exclusively (91 %), while
holders of regular travel cards (“Vorteilscard”) or family travel cards use ticket
machines relatively frequently (69-74 %).
To identify possible reasons for avoidance of ticket machines the role of the users´
confidence in their abilities to successfully buy a ticket at the vending machines will
be investigated. Insights into this aspect of the digital divide should allow creating a
new generation of ticket vending machines which should not only be easy to use
without much experience with novel technology, but also reduce subjective fears
associated with potential failure to use them.
A tendency to avoid novel technologies and a lack of technological knowledge can
build barriers that effect mobility and lifestyle. This certainly holds true for elderly
people and other socio-economic groups disadvantaged by the digital divide as they
especially rely on public transport [3].
2 Theory
From the mid-90s on studies showed that age, gender, ethnicity, social status,
education and income are the major socio-economic indicators for the societal gap
research programme. In a project managed by ÖBB Personenverkehr AG, the Danube
University Krems (Department for Knowledge and Communication Management), Plot EDV-
Planungs- und Handels Ges.m.b.H. and AlliedPanels Entwicklungs- und Produktions GmbH
developed the framework for a new generation of ticket vending machines.
Pre-print version: Please refer to the printed version for referencing:
http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-10308-7_21
that exists in the usage of digital technologies. While the discussion of the digital
divide was focused on the access to the internet and the necessary hardware, strategies
of inclusion showed that users´ lack of know-how seems to contribute to the
emergence of the digital divide as well. It is argued that a rather poor usability of
novel technologies combined with few or completely missing experiences with digital
technologies in school or workplace as well as a lack of support by social networks
lead to a reduced chance of acquiring adequate skills [4].
The question of so-called technological literacy [5], which includes the ability to
use not only computers and consumer electronics products but also everyday items
like cash and ticket machines, becomes more relevant among older generations.
People born before 1939, for example, did not have any opportunity to learn how to
use digital technologies at school or in the workplace [6].
In addition to senior citizens, some other groups are also disadvantaged by the so-
called “secondary digital divide” that emerges due to reduced technological literacy
[7]: people with lower levels of education and members of ethnic minorities number
relatively frequently among those with little experience of technology. Gender,
income level and occupation are also seen as predictors of a lower level of
technological literacy [8], [9].
Furthering opportunities for learning and skill acquisition might seem invaluable;
still a remarkable part of the population is actively avoiding the use of computers and
the internet. In the representative German Online Nonusers Survey [10] 234 (54%) of
the 501 nonusers stated that they did not want to connect to the Internet. A variety of
reasons are listed in Figure 1. It should be noted that only half of the nonusers (47%)
rejected private computer use partly due to financial limits, whereas the more
numerous answers pointed at a lack of interest or need or a general dislike. Van Dijk
and Hacker [4] see these results as an argument for not neglecting motivational
factors contributing to the digital usage gap.
Fig. 1. Reasons for not using the internet [10].
According to Eastin and LaRose [11] social cognitive theory offers an alternative
to the socio-economic explanations normally used when discussing the digital divide.
“Self-efficacy is a person’s belief in her capabilities to organize and execute the
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courses of action required to produce given attainments”. [12] People with lower self-
efficacy display less motivation to engage in a task than do those with higher self-
efficacy. A correlation between learning to use computers and self-efficacy was
demonstrated by Karavidas, Lim and Katsikas [13], indicating that computer self-
efficacy also depends on the subjective feeling of having made progress during
training.
In [8] “computer self-efficacy” was an important predictor for the use of technical
devices, while being influenced by "computer anxiety” as a mediator. For persons
with a low level of self-efficacy the probability of using the technology was generally
reduced. Additionally, persons with a high level of computer anxiety had less
experience with computers and the internet and used these technologies for a smaller
number of different activities. The combination of both resulted in an active
avoidance of technological devices. As senior citizens are frequent among the
described group, the authors stressed the importance to use technology that allows
senior citizens to experience success so that they are able to build up confidence in
their abilities.
Following these ideas the focus of this study is to answer some research questions
closely related to self-efficacy: Do the users´ or non-users´ beliefs to be able to
successfully buy the ticket show any relevancy concerning the purchase process? Are
any negative experiences connected to buying tickets at the machine? Furthermore the
research team sought to identify those elements of the current ticket machines that
have the strongest effects on users’ perception of their ability to cope with them.
2 Methods
With the aim of learning from users’ actual experiences, the project team decided to
observe the usage and specifics of the machines currently being used at Austrian
railway stations. Interviews gave additional information and helped to identify
particular problems and elements that currently hinder use.
2.1 Observations
The main aim of the observations was to identify those people who had problems in
using the ticket machines. The observations took place at two different railway
stations, one in Baden (Austria), one at a major station in Vienna (Südbahnhof). The
observation period was two hours each, periods covered weekdays and weekends. A
total of 50 people were observed as they used the ticket machines. The subjects were
categorized into three age groups: “young” (up to about 30 years of age), “middle-
age” (30-60) and “old” (over 60).
Following the question of self-efficacy special attention was paid on how
decisively subjects made their selection, whether they demonstrated any unusual
behavior or showed signs of nervousness, how often they corrected or cancelled their
input, and whether they actually managed to successfully purchase a ticket. In the
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case of customers who corrected or cancelled, the page the machine showed at that
time was noted to identify critical steps during the process.
2.2 Interviews
Additionally a total of 65 people (roughly equal numbers of men and women) from all
age groups (15 to 89) were interviewed after purchasing a ticket either at the ticket
counter or from a machine. They were asked about their experiences in using ticket
vending machines and problems they had encountered so far. The interviews took
place on two weekdays at the railway station in Baden (Austria) and on a Friday and a
Saturday at the Südbahnhof in Vienna. To identify their level of affinity for
technology, the subjects were also asked about their use of mobile phones, computers,
cash machines and the internet.
2.3 Log file analysis
A sales data log file analysis was additionally carried out to support the observations
and interviews. Internal logs of an ÖBB ticket machine at Vienna Südbahnhof for the
time between 06:24 and 10:56 a.m. on 14 October 2008 were analyzed.
3 Results
The 50 people observed were split fairly evenly across both genders (45 % men, 55 %
women). One third of these people were classed as “uncertain” by two observers
(inter rater agreement: 100%). In contrast to other passengers, they did not make a
clear and direct selection or seemed to be not sure whether to use the machines and
how to do so. As displayed in Figure 2, the number of young people (i.e. estimated to
be under the age of 30) in the group of “uncertain” users was very low (only four out
of a total of 17), while about half of the middle-aged and elder customers were rated
as “uncertain”.
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0
5
10
15
20
25
determined uncertain
-30
-60
60+
Fig. 2. Number of determined and uncertain customers in the three different age groups.
Almost 70 % of the customers rated as uncertain had to cancel the purchase
process and start again at least once, while nearly two thirds ultimately gave up and
left the machine without purchasing a ticket (Figure 3). This means that the chance for
successfully operating the machine can be predicted to a very high degree during the
first few seconds after a person approached the machine!
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
determined uncertain
bought successfully
had to correct
had to cancel
Fig. 3. Percentage of determined and uncertain customers who bought successfully, had to
correct their input at least once and had to cancel.
We also observed some distinctive patterns of behaviour among members of this
group. They repeatedly watched other customers using the machines and frequently
received assistance from their companions or other customers, e.g. those using the
adjacent machine. Also typically, this group spent a lot of time looking at the
machines from a distance and approached it hesitantly; some members of this group
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cancelled the purchase process and went away from the machine, only to return a
short time later and try again. We also observed that they spent a particularly long
time studying both the launch screen (Figure 4, left) and the options screen (Figure 4,
right).
Fig. 4. Screen shots from the ÖBB ticket vending machines: launch screen (left) and options
screen (right).
Our analysis of the sales data log files indicated that this is a fairly common pattern
of behaviour. Of the 144 purchase processes started during this period, 61 were
cancelled before completion: 54 % at the launch screen and 20 % at the options
screen.
The observations suggest strong evidence for the role of uncertainty, but it remains
unclear, whether actual thoughts corresponding to a low self-efficacy are responsible
for this behaviour. Therefore, the results were complemented by interviews with users
and non-users of ticket vending machines.
Similar to the observations most customers interviewed had little problems buying
their tickets from the ticket machine. Of the 65 persons interviewed only 5 have never
used the ticket machines and one person did not even know they existed at all.
Nevertheless 78% of those persons who had at least once used a ticket machine
reported problems or difficulties to understand some aspects of the purchasing
process. The most common negative experiences were problems in operating
machines, such as pressing the wrong keys or buying the wrong ticket, difficulties in
understanding the complexity of the system, and having the impression that the
machines are not always working properly. Problems with payment, such as credit
cards being not accepted or wrong amounts of change were reported as well though
less frequently (see Figure 5).
Pre-print version: Please refer to the printed version for referencing:
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Fig. 5. Percentage of experienced problems reported by customers.
Different age groups clearly had different problems with the machines. While older
passengers with little technical experience reported problems in actually operating the
machines, such problems were rare among younger interviewees: the group of
passengers under the age of 19 reported no problems of this kind at all.
For more information on the role of technological literacy, interviewees were asked
how frequently they used the ticket vending machine and also other everyday
technologies (ATM, mobile phone, computer, internet). The results showed that
seldom use of other everyday technologies is correlated to buying a ticket at the
machine less often (Rho=.21, p<.05, N=64)
Qualitative analysis of the interviews showed that about two thirds of the
customers who experienced operating problems or misunderstanding seemed to
attribute this failure externally, which means they actually spoke of usability
problems, referring to an inflexible system or an overloaded screen. The remaining
third interpreted their failures as a result of their know-how and some of them even
expressed to be helpless in the face of the machine (C17:”It just didn’t work. Each
time I tried I got something different.”). Not surprisingly, all of these customers were
prone to avoid the ticket machines, two persons stated to never use the machine again
after one bad experience with it (C5:“I once tried to buy one, but I was completely
confused and got a wrong ticket.”).
Negative experiences were often combined with an expression of uncertainty:
some people mentioned their fear of inadvertently buying the wrong ticket (M15:
“One of my friends even once bought a ticket for a dog instead of a normal ticket!”)
or paying more out of ignorance (C28: “If you ask me, the counter’s better, because
someone there tells you what’s what. If you buy a ticket from a machine, you might
pay twice as much as you had to!”). This is complemented by a conviction that they
would not be able to buy a ticket from a machine without help (C21: “Nobody showed
me what to do, and I don’t know what I am doing. If I knew how it worked, I would try
it myself.”). It should be mentioned, that even some of those people who used the
ticket machines regularly said that they had only learned to use them with the help of
other passengers (M19: “I sometimes help people who don’t use the trains so often. I
also found the machines difficult to use at first.”)
Pre-print version: Please refer to the printed version for referencing:
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4 Discussion & Conclusions
Our observations and interviews showed that “typical accessibility problems” like
letter size, contrast or button size did not occur even with elder people. In contrast,
most people were able to use the machine without any problems. But to ensure
eInclusion it seems to be important to focus on the problems of those who did not
succeed. For these people our studies revealed a number of serious barriers to the use
of the ticket machines, above all among older and middle-aged passengers.
Especially in these age groups some customers had little confidence in their ability
to successfully buy a ticket at the machine: Often they approached it only carefully
and sometimes even had to cancel their purchase process. When asked why they
avoid the machines, they referred to bad experiences, doubt in their own abilities, and
distrust with respect to the technology. These are clear indicators of low self-efficacy
in the context of using everyday technologies. A similar result was found in Great
Britain [1], where elderly did use the ticket machine only seldom and did confide less
in their own abilities.
When developing a new layout of a ticket vending machine, it will be important to
ensure that people with low technological self-efficacy are given the feeling that they
can buy a ticket easily and without the help of others. A relative easy and intuitive
step is to avoid computer terminology and to use everyday language instead (e.g., yes
instead of ok).
Additionally it is necessary that the purchase process in some way resembles their
cognitive scripts of this process. While a salesman at the ticket counter can easily
adjust the sales process to the customers’ diverse cognitive scripts, the ticket machine
is not as flexible. It only meets one possible cognitive script – the programmer’s. This
poses a barrier to people whose cognitive scripts are not addressed. To meet their
needs as well, the ticket machine’s interface could be split up into two modes: A fast
purchase mode and a step-by-step-mode that leads customers through the purchase
process and poses only one question after the other.
A considerable number of users were clearly already daunted by the multiple
options offered on the launch screen which may have caused problems because of the
rather unstructured, large amount of options it provides. The problem gets worse for
users who are not familiar with the fare systems of Austrian Rail and the local
transport services that sell their products on the same machines. The relevant fare and
discount options have to be entered before some products can be selected. As initial
steps, the choice of options could be better structured and a clearer visual demarcation
between higher level menu elements could be introduced. Furthermore, special
knowledge of the fare system should not be necessary to buy a ticket. Therefore it
would also be worth considering which of these factors could be calculated
automatically in the background without the need for user input.
Design examples gathered from systems currently in use in other countries provide
some clues to a more user-friendly graphic design: the French ticket machines show
that it is possible to reduce the number of options on the launch screen while
maintaining a maximum of possible interactions (buying and exchanging tickets for
national and international journeys, printing tickets bought online, see Figure 6).
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Fig. 6. Start screen of the French ticket machines by SNCF.
A further barrier was encountered on the screen offering a so-called suggested
route that can be partly modified by the user. An increased number of users cancelled
the process on this screen, indicating that they either felt overwhelmed by the
information they were asked to provide or did not succeed in changing the
information in the way they wanted. The Austrian system displays the choices made
by customers as a virtual ticket in the left part of the screen. To make changes, it is
necessary to start at the top and to proceed in only one direction (see Figure 4, right).
It could be observed that some people tried to make changes by touching the left,
virtual ticket area. In the Netherlands, this problem does not exist as the buttons also
serve as information about the choices already made and changes are possible in any
order (see Figure 7). A demonstration of the system is available at http://www.ns.nl.
Fig. 7. Options screen of the Netherland’s ticket machines by NS.
In further development phases of the new generation of ticket machines, an
iterative usability engineering approach is planned: To support the user-driven design
methods, hard- and software mockup testing, laboratory tests with scenario machines
and (partial) working systems will be conducted with multiple users to ensure a
Pre-print version: Please refer to the printed version for referencing:
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barrier free and easy to use prototype. This prototype will be evaluated in laboratory
experiments and field observations including users with high and low self-efficacy.
The suggested improvements in the design and the usability of ticket vending
machines will not only help people with low technological literacy, but also ease the
purchase process for all customers. In addition to the improvement of the design,
further measures should be taken to facilitate the access for people with low self-
efficacy, as the results by Karavidas et al. [13] suggest: at-home-trainings, local
support, information leaflets and advertisements can reach also those, who might even
avoid the railway station. An easy-to-use system will not only facilitate access to
public transport systems for people with low technological affinity, but could be a
chance to develop positive attitudes towards digital technology in general.
Many projects and ideas follow the approach of accessibility in order to support
and promote the mobility of these socio-economic groups by providing accessible
computer-based technologies and information services. Certainly the physical barriers
to access will be eliminated, but barriers like limited acceptance and limited affinity
for technology still remain. In addition, failing to use everyday technology can
decrease their feeling of mastery for technology in general. However, if everyday
technologies enable mastery and the user gains a feeling of success, self-efficacy can
be increased in the long run and might also reduce the perceived barriers with other
kinds of media. Thereby, easy-to-use everyday technologies can contribute to the
inclusion of technically non-skilled people in the eSociety. The project Innomat
provides an example how a neglected factor, the users’ self-efficacy, can be taken into
account and can improve the design beyond existing approaches.
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