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Why the Internet is Bad for Democracy

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Abstract

The Internet is not simply a set of interconnected links and protocols---it is also a construct of the imagination, an inkblot test into which everyone projects their desires, fears, and fantasies. Some see enlightenment and education. Others see pornography and gambling. Some see sharing and collaboration. Others see spam and viruses. Yet when it comes to the impact on the democratic process, the answer seems unanimous. The Internet is good for democracy. It creates digital citizens active in the teledemocracy [1] of the Electronic Republic [2] in the e-nation [3]. But this bubble, too, needs to be pricked.

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... However, Noam (2005) identified the following as reasons why the Internet is bad for democracy, including that since everyone benefits from the reduction in the cost of political activities occasioned by the Internet, that advantage could inevitably engender a more expensive process where everyone is simultaneously speaking with no one listening. There is the inevitable information clutter occasioning the need for louder messages and inevitable distortions and simplistic messages. ...
... Twitter and facebook accounts are, among others, being used for a continuing conversation with the online community locally and in the Diaspora for the obvious purpose of positioning. This has had the collateral effect of generating its share of clutter and distortion as Noam (2005) has noted. In each case opposing views designed to trumpet the electability of particular candidates are promoted depending on the platform and sponsor, to the detriment of the opposition. ...
... «Will the Internet Be Bad for Democracy?») [34] стверджує, що більшість аналітиків роблять так звану помилку композиції, тобто плутають мікроповедінку з макрорезультатами: вони вважають, що, якщо щось корисно для окремої людини, то воно також корисно і суспільству в цілому, коли воно це використає. Е.М. ...
... І в цьому сенсі надії, покладені на Інтернет, -це ще одна ланка в ланцюгу надій. Можливо, наївних, але безумовно, таких, що облагороджують» [34]. ...
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Шляхом проведення епістемологічної оцінки в статті здійснено спробу подолання утопічних й дистопічних міркувань, які превалюють в судженнях щодо впливу Інтернету на організацію публічної сфери, а також проведено постмодерністський перегляд теорії Ю. Габермаса з точки зору сучасної медіа-революції. Обґрунтовано формування не-егалітарної мережевої публічної сфери, яка постає як паралельні дискурсивні арени, на яких члени соціальних груп виробляють і розповсюджують контрдискурси, що в свою чергу дозволяє їм формулювати опозиційні інтерпретації власних ідентичностей, інтересів та потреб. Зроблено висновок про те, що демократія виявляє себе не стільки в кібер-просторі, скільки через реальну структуру суспільних відносин, що дозволяє виконувати ряд завдань, серед яких розвиток інституту громадського діалогу та формування соціальної солідарності. Разом з тим вказано, що відбувається значне послаблення символічної влади традиційних відправників повідомлень (інститутів влади), що здійснюють управління за допомогою історично закодованих соціальних практик (як-то: політична ідеологія, релігія, традиційні цінності). Вказано на ряд факторів, які компрометують репрезентативність віртуальної сфери, а саме: нерівність доступу до інформації, фрагментація політичного дискурсу, мімікрія до існуючої політичної культури, а не створення нової. Підкреслено вагому перспективу в розробці життєздатних варіантів цифрового майбутнього й конфігурації моделей позитивних зрушень.
... However, some authors have been sceptical, even from the early days, about the potential impact of the Internet. Some have even made suggestions that the Internet can be bad for democracy (Noam 2005). The presidential election in South Korea in 2002 offers some very interesting insights into the interplay between the Internet and politics. ...
... It is argued that these inequalities will act to reinforce the existing social structures, rather than bringing freedom and equality to all individuals (Agre 2002). Another theory suggests that the Internet, instead of connecting individuals, will act as a fragmenting influence, destroying established communities which are the very basis for participatory democracy (Noam 2005). ...
Article
This paper examines the impact of the Internet on politics in South Korea. Many have noted the Internet's political potential due to its versatile nature as a communication medium. However, recent studies are beginning to show the influence of the Internet to be more moderate than expected initially. South Korea represents a very interesting case because of its extremely high Internet penetration rate and its youthful democracy. Two specific cases – a political fan-club called 'Rohsamo' and the Internet news medium 'Ohmynews' – have attracted particular attention mainly because of their perceived pivotal role in the 2002 presidential election. In this paper the part played by Rohsamo and Ohmynews in Korean politics is examined. While the research does not support claims which place the Internet as a revolutionary political force, it shows that the Internet has the potential to be a major player in South Korean politics.
... The final view sees the Internet as a wildcard that is unpredictable and therefore potentially harmful to organizations. Authors taking this view, such as Noam (2005), Wilson (2007), Lofgren and Willim (2006), and Burke (2007) will be called Techno-skeptics here. This perspective is not anti-technology per se, but instead takes a more skeptical view about the promises made related to the technology and cautions against over reliance on what is, essentially, and unproven commodity. ...
... Walking a middle ground between the two, Sclove (1995) argues for an open dialogue about the potential positive and negative impacts of the technology to reach a societal understanding of the risks involved. Some of these risks are outlined by Noam (2005), who cautions against expecting positive outcomes for democracy through the Internet, stating that negative outcomes are just as likely if caution is not applied to predictions related to the technology. ...
... Many commentators share the opinion of Jensen (2003b), who argues that the Internet can contribute to revitalizing the public sphere. However, more pessimistic voices are concerned that the Internet may lead to information clutter, and that political information may become distorted and simplistic (Noam, 2005). Skepticism is also expressed by Koch (2005), pointing out that "the Internet is a place filled with political artifacts, largely without discourse and dialogue. ...
Article
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The phenomenon of eParticipation is receiving increasing attention, demonstrated by recent technology implementations, experiments, government reports, and research programs. Understanding such an emerging field is a complex endeavor because there is no generally agreed upon definition of the field, no clear overview of the research disciplines or methods it draws upon, and because the boundaries of the field are undecided. Using conventional literature review techniques, we identify 131 scientific articles considered important for the field's theoretical development. This sample provides the starting point for a grounded analysis leading to the development of an overview model: the field of eParticipation seen from a researcher's perspective. The model provides structure for understanding the emerging shape of the field as well as an initial indication of its content. It also provides the basis for developing research agendas for the future.
... Optimists believe that the growth of the Internet will foster more democratic behavior among citizens and even weaken dictatorial regimes, 66 while skeptics argue that there is more hype than real change. 67 Although there is a positive correlation between measures of democracy and Internet diffusion in most countries, there is still no convincing evidence that there is any causal relation between the two. 68 While scholars such as Benkler argue that the Internet has created an environment where it is increasingly difficult for governments to suppress democratic aspirations of citizens, 69 there are others such as Kalathil and Boas who argue that in extreme authoritarian regimes, the impact of the Internet on democracy is more nebulous. ...
Article
The 2007 Saffron Revolution in Burma was in many ways an unprecedented event in the intersection between politics and technology. There is, of course, the obvious: the event marks a rare instance in which a government leveraged control of nationalized ISPs to entirely black out Internet access to prevent images and information about the protests from reaching the outside world. At another level, it is an example of an Internet driven protest which did not lead to tangible political change. On deeper reflection it is also of interest because of the complex interaction between eyewitnesses within the country and a networked public sphere of bloggers, student activists, and governments around the globe. To that end, this case study examines the root causes, progress, and outcomes of the Saffron Revolution and attempts to parse out the extent to which technology may have played a useful or detrimental role in the unfolding of events. The case concludes with some initial hypotheses about the long-term impact of the protests and the role of the Internet in highly authoritarian states.
... However, many authors have been cautious and less optimistic about the Internet. Instead, they have denounced the digital exclusion and the cooptation of democratic potentials by stronger and hegemonic players (Margolis and Resnick, 2000;Noam, 2002;Castells, 2013). In recent decades, for example, social networks that were initially celebrated as democratic tools became targets of closed regimes as in the case of the Arab Spring in 2013. ...
Thesis
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The objective of this study is to examine the development of socio-technical accountability mechanisms in order to: a) preserve and increase the autonomy of individuals subjected to surveillance and b) replenish the asymmetry of power between those who watch and those who are watched. To do so, we address two surveillance realms: intelligence services and personal data networks. The cases studied are Spain and Brazil, from the beginning of the political transitions in the 1970s (in the realm of intelligence), and from the expansion of Internet digital networks in the 1990s (in the realm of personal data) to the present time. The examination of accountability, thus, comprises a holistic evolution of institutions, regulations, market strategies, as well as resistance tactics. The conclusion summarizes the accountability mechanisms and proposes universal principles to improve the legitimacy of authority in surveillance and politics in a broad sense. PREFACE, INTRODUCTION; PART 1 Chapter 1. Theoretical Framework; 1.1. On the forms of power 1.1.a. Restraining power: About the importance of controlling the uncontrollable. 1.1.b. Executing power: The aporia between exceptionality and normalization 1.1.c. Justifying power: A brief epistemological history 1.1.d. Constructing power: In the name of security 1.2. On surveillance: Real metaphors and perspectives 1.3. On privacy: Basic remarks 1.4. On accountability: The art of squaring the circle Chapter 2. Methodology and Operationalization 2.1. Hypothesis 2.2. Operationalization PART 2 Chapter 3. Accountability in the realm of intelligence 3.1. Intelligence 3.2. Authoritarian legacies 3.2.a. The Spanish authoritarian legacy 3.2.b. The Brazilian authoritarian legacy 3.3. Intelligence institutional paths 3.3.a. The Spanish path: SECED, CESID, CNI 3.3.b. The Brazilian path: SNI, SAE, ABIN-SISBIN 3.4. Internal control 3.5. Legislative control 3.6. Judicial control 3.7. Accountability of third dimension 3.8. The media role and civil society Chapter 4. Surveillance and intelligence: connecting the points 4.1. Surveillance metaphors and intelligence 4.2. Intelligence and the management of subjects 4.3. Intelligence accountability and legitimate resistance PART 3 Chapter 5. Accountability in the realm of personal data 5.0. Personal data 5.1. State regulations 5.1.a. Personal data protection in Spain 5.1.b. Personal data protection in Brazil 5.2. Market strategies 5.2.a. Internet and data business 5.2.b. Accountability of big market players 5.2.c. Further approaches: algorithms, privacy by design, and oligopolies 5.3. Civic agency 5.3.a. Ironic stream 5.3.b. Deliberative stream 5.3.c. Agonistic stream 5.3.d. Despair stream Chapter 6. Surveillance and personal data: connecting the points 6.1. Surveillance metaphors and personal data 6.2. Personal data and the management of subjects 6.3. Personal data accountability and further resistance PART 4 “Postscript” on the societies of surveillance; Metanarratives for resistance I. Icarus model II. Sisyphus model III. Orphic model The desert is advancing: Accountability revisited CONCLUSION References Appendices
... Demgegenüber stehen skeptische Stimmen, die entweder lediglich eine Spiegelung der bereits vorhandenen Muster von Partizipation und Deliberation vermuten (Margolis et al. 2000), bei der die Handlungsmuster der Online-Welt sich kaum von denen der Offline-Welt unterscheiden. Andere halten gar einen Qualitätsverlust demokratischer Prozesse für möglich. 2 So könnte das Funktionieren der Demokratie durch die neue Technologie unterminiert werden (Sunstein 2011), das Rationalitätsniveau der politischen Debatten abgesenkt und im Netz nur noch die schrillen und vereinfachten Stimmen zu hören sein (Eisel 2011;Noam 2005). Weiterhin wird angezweifelt, dass das Netz tatsächlich mehr Inklusivität und auch Gleichheit der Stimmen produziert (Hindman 2009). ...
Article
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Zusammenfassung Die wachsende Präsenz und Nutzung digitaler Medien löste mitunter utopische Erwartungen an deren demokratisierendes Potential aus. Aber auch skeptische Stimmen, die eher einen Verlust an demokratischer Qualität vermuten, ließen nicht lange auf sich warten. Hier wird für einen netzrealistischen Zugang plädiert, der die Analyse und Abwägung demokratieförderlicher und -hinderlicher Effekte verfolgt und damit in der Lage ist, die Ambivalenzen aufzuzeigen. Auf dieser Grundlage kann die Wirkung von sozialen Medien in Bezug auf eine Qualitätszu- oder abnahme in Bezug auf zentrale demokratische Prinzipien wie Repräsentation, Partizipation, Responsivität und Öffentlichkeit bewertet werden.
... (p. 26) When the dominant parties actualize their resources for a comprehensive and sophisticated digital presence, they will not only be more active online but their websites will be more functional; in turn, this will attract more traffic (Foot and Schneider, 2006;Noam, 2005). ...
Article
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The article analyzes whether Facebook campaigning is consistent with the Normalization or Equalization hypothesis, drawing on data from the election campaigns for the 20th Israeli Parliament in 2015. We looked at six indicators of Facebook activity (number of fans, number of posts, and scope of engagement [likes, comments, shares, and overall engagement]) of all parties running for the Knesset as well as candidates with realistic electability rankings. We found that a comparison between dominant and peripheral parties across all indicators is consistent with the Normalization hypothesis, but when it is framed in terms of expectations and is forward-looking rather than backward-looking, that is, the difference in Facebook performance is between parties that expect to gain a significant number of seats in the parliament, and those that do not anticipate significant parliamentary achievements.
... Although the Internet enables enhanced exposure to out-group members, users increasingly interact with like-minded individuals (Noam, 2005;Sunstein, 2001). Studies that have focused on political blog readership and linking patterns have generally suggested high levels of social homophily and polarization (Adamic & Glance, 2005), but more in-depth analyses of blog content suggest that cross-cutting dialog occurs nonetheless (Benkler & Shaw, 2010;Hargittai, Gallo, & Kane, 2008). ...
Article
In light of the growing role of social media in conflict management, the current study analyzes the interrelationship of online political participation of Israeli Jews, the frequency of their online contacts with Arabs, and Jews’ perceived social distances from Arabs. The research was conducted through an online survey of a representative sample of 458 Israeli Jews who use the social media at least 3 times a week. Overall, although causation cannot be inferred because of the correlational design of our study, results suggest that frequency of online contacts may positively affect closeness to Arabs in line with contact theory. In keeping with the socialization perspective of political engagement, the findings indicate that the impact of online political participation on social distances from Arabs was mediated by interactions between Jews and Arabs in the social media
... We write and receive fewer pieces of handwritten mail today. Noam (2005) remarks that the flood of electronic messages may reduce their persuasiveness and that in that environment "the most effective means of communications to an elected official-other than a campaign contribution check-becomes the handwritten letter". We do not know if President Bush received the letter or was persuaded by it because he did not offer any response. ...
Article
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Vietnamese Buddhist monk and peace activist Thích Nhất Hạnh has been a leading figure in the promotion of nonviolent practice throughout the world. We examine his concept of engaged Buddhism, theories of nonviolence, and intersections with rhetorical and communication studies. His approach takes nonviolence beyond the realm of refusing to use physical violence to the recognition that language itself can be violent. In order to understand this approach we detail the concepts of interbeing, loving speech, and deep listening. We examine the role of love in Nhất Hạnh’s theory of nonviolence, comparing it with approaches taken by Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King, Jr. Examples are given from many of Nhất Hạnh’s speeches and writings with particular attention paid to a love letter he wrote to US President George W. Bush during the Iraq War. Thích Nhất Hạnh offers the practice of writing a love letter to one’s perceived enemy as a means to persuade for a turn to nonviolence.
... At a glance, this cyber technology seems like a good deal. However, many believe that isn't the case [Noam, 2005;Wainer et al, 2008]. First, the more games and social medias one individual needs would mean that he/she spends more time online to attend them all. ...
Conference Paper
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Formation of identity is very important in adolescence. However, as technology develops to be more and more complex, one aspect in adolescent’s life has grown to be more important, that is online-self. In their online interaction, just like in any other social interaction, individuals—in this case adolescents—expect to be seen as well as behave in some specific ways. In order to do so, they create a set of attributes that are unique and different from their own offline-self. For example, an individual can be so timid in real life, and yet he/she can be very active and open in one’s online presence. Often, this discrepancy leads to many problems, including too much time spending online to nurture their online-self and neglecting one’s real life’s obligations. This study aims to elaborate this phenomenon. Subjects are asked about their ideal self as well as online and offline real self. This study will elaborate three main problem, such: 1). Are online and offline-self are significantly differ? 2). If they are different, how are they usually different and why would these differences needed? 3). Which one is more preferable and similar to their ideal self? Keywords: Online and Offline Self, Identity.
... Opponents of the commonly accepted yet debatable view that the Internet sustains democracy, including Noam (2005), have sought to warn against positivist thoughts suggesting political dialogue has, in some countries, increased as a direct result of augmented digital participation. He concludes: "The Internet does not create a Jeffersonian democracy. ...
Chapter
In today’s increasingly innovative and globalized world, it is impossible to ignore the dominance of an emerging new form of journalism characterized by rapid reporting, interminable interactivity and ubiquitous multimedia content sharing and customization. Indeed, digital technologies have had a profound effect on the way news content is perceived, produced, shared and analysed. It therefore is by no surprise that the emergence of citizen journalism has not escaped scientific scrutiny (see Allan and Thorsen, 2009; Benkler, 2006). Produced in a matter of seconds, news can be shared instantly across the world, with the supremacy of citizen-inspired content becoming an overriding feature of contemporary news production. The etymology of “citizen journalism” barely needs to be studied anymore as the term is widely used and commonly accepted. But in a world where any computer or mobile phone owner is potentially a news publisher, concerns will be raised about the long-term reliability and expediency of news and content produced by non-professional actors in a technologically deterministic and fast transforming world of journalism. It is against this background that this book uses a case-to-case analysis of citizen journalism practices, based on specific studies from sub-Saharan Africa, with a view of scrutinizing this palpable emerging force — which, thanks to the ubiquity of new media technologies, continues to gather significant momentum in Africa and beyond — and investigating positivistic claims linking technological revolution to democratic changes.
... overload of information and countless distractions of non-political content. Similarly,Noam (2005) warns about the negative consequences of misinformation and that an increase in the quantity of information enabled by the internet does not automatically increase the quality of information. Moreover, the publishing of political opinions and face recognition tools online opens gates to opinion registration and electronic surveillance(Morozov, 2011). ...
Thesis
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The objective of this thesis is to gain knowledge about citizens’ online political participation in contemporary democracies. Some scholars have regarded the internet as a potential remedy to decreasing levels of traditional political participation. This is partly because the internet expands the political participation repertoire for citizens. On the one hand, entirely new forms of participation, like hacktivism, emerge online. On the other hand, the internet revitalizes older forms of political participation, such as petitioning and political discussion. This thesis concerns how citizens use these latter forms of political participation. When political participation moves online, it becomes interwoven with a central characteristic of the internet; anonymity. Once a greatly debated topic regarding the secret ballot, online anonymity has now revived a discussion about the effects of anonymity on human behavior, or more specifically, political behavior in terms of online political participation. This thesis sheds light on how citizens use anonymity within the context of e-petitioning and political discussion.
... Si los cambios dependiesen únicamente de la aplicación de tecnología, al día de hoy, ya no habría problemas educativos. Pero no es así, existe algo más: "internet no es únicamente un conjunto de enlaces y protocolos interconectados, es también un constructo de la imaginación" (Noam, 2005). Su uso depende también de la idea que tengamos de ella. ...
... The Internet's effect on democracy and the political process has been much debated by many scholars (Barnett, 1997;Castells, 2011;Kalathil & Boas, 2010;Noam, 2005;Norris, 2001). For the most part, observers do not believe the Internet will impact democracy in a positive or negative way. ...
Article
The Internet and Social Network Sites (SNSs) have created spaces where groups and individuals can communicate, collaborate, and mobilize. These new spaces are important for civic actors, especially in repressive political environments, because they significantly lower costs and remove impediments that may affect collective action. Collective identity is a strong predictor of collective action and mobilization in social movements and civil society groups. This article examines the civil society sector in Sudan via an analysis of the communication patterns and online networks of two organizations. The research investigates how shared grievances among individuals may create a sense of community and collective identity, consequently leading to collective action. The Internet and SNSs serve as facilitators for this collective action.
... The first school can be labeled "optimistic" (Barlow, 1996;De Sola Pool, 1983;Grossman, 1995;Hauben & Hauben, 1997), arguing that the Internet enables enhanced exposure to out-group members due to reduction of costs in creating and maintaining online contacts with different individuals widely dispersed across the globe (Schumann, Van Der Linden, & Klein, 2012;Walther, Hoter, Ganayem, & Shonfeld, 2015;White & Abu-Rayya, 2012). However, scholars such as Noam (2002), Shapiro (1999), and Sunstein (2001) argue that as a result of the radical abundance of online content and social media platforms, users would increasingly interact with like-minded individuals. Although the Internet drastically reduces obstacles for expression, it also encourages users to associate with individuals and groups with whom they share common interests and opinions. ...
Article
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One of the key questions addressed by the study of online social media is whether or not they facilitate cross-cleavage communication between users of different nationality, ethnicity, religiosity, and other group affiliations. This study contributes to the literature by addressing communication across religious cleavages, which has scarcely received attention. The study is based on 97 semistructured interviews of a layered sample. Of the respondents, 40 were secular (21 men and 19 women), 28 Modern Orthodox (14 men and 14 women), and 29 ultra-Orthodox (11 men and 18 women). We found that groups differing by their majority/minority status and type of religious observance used the Internet for different purposes. Many secular respondents (members of the majority group in Israel) were motivated to make contact on social media by social needs. On the other hand, ultra-Orthodox respondents (members of the minority group) were exclusively focused on professional objectives as a motivation to use social media. Consequently, their online behaviors were quite different and they more frequently encounter people from groups differing by type of religious observance through social media.
... Si los cambios dependiesen únicamente de la aplicación de tecnología, al día de hoy, ya no habría problemas educativos. Pero no es así, existe algo más: "internet no es únicamente un conjunto de enlaces y protocolos interconectados, es también un constructo de la imaginación" (Noam, 2005). Su uso depende también de la idea que tengamos de ella. ...
Chapter
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El trabajo gira en torno a la pregunta ¿dónde está esa exigencia educativa añadida sobre internet? Más que esperar la próxima innovación tecnológica, es necesario hacer una lectura pedagógica de internet como estadio de desarrollo social y cultural en la educación. Como entorno que es, internet no es factor accesorio en el aprendizaje, es parte de su explicación, de su avance o limitación. Si no existe aprendizaje al margen del entorno, entonces es necesario redefinir en el aprendizaje en internet, entre otras cosas, la matriz básica de interacción educativa estándar: la relación profesor-alumnos, propia de la cultura del aula. Los flujos de interacción en internet son tan distintos –para bien o mal- a los flujos de comunicación en el aula que exigen un encuadre para hablar de ellos. A este encuadre le llamamos Zona Red de Aprendizaje (ZRA). Pensar la educación en internet, por tanto, es pensar en el aprendizaje alojado en un proyecto comunicativo en red. Sobre estos flujos en red se vienen gestando otras formas de coordinación humana, por ejemplo, en la ciencia -ciencia ciudadana- y el consumo –consumo colaborativo, no confundir con economía “colaborativa” corporativa- desde donde cabe pensar en otras oportunidades educativas más abiertas y en red. Como se señala en el libro: “En general, la pregunta que obliga la zona red de aprendizaje (ZRA) no versa sobre una aplicación concreta en internet, sino sobre la oportunidad de aprendizaje basado en la coordinación colaborativa reticular. Esto es, la ZRA alude a la red de coordinación social que tejemos con otros al aprender en internet” (Suárez, 2018, 130). Se trata de hacer significativa en internet la pregunta ¿con quién aprender?
... This nuanced position tries to avoid the perception that the World Wide Web only reinforces the status quo' (Margolis and Resnick, 2000). Some critics go as far as to argue that, rather than invigorating it, the Internet could seriously undermine the health of democracy, by providing access to individualized information environments resulting in group polarization, by forcing political arguments that become "distorted, shrill, and simplistic" amongst the array of competing online messages (Noam, 2002). While we reject utopian and dystopian ideas that followed the 90s rhetoric of internet triumphalism, it does not mean that we ignore the increasing dispute and expansion of institutional and especially commercial forces. ...
Conference Paper
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This theoretical article questions to what extent digital flows are articulated to enhance accountability within democratic paths. The aim is to analyze accountability principles across legal frameworks (institutional dimensions), market practices and societal strategies (functional dimensions) at European level. We are focused on the management of personal data in a digital world because data fragments could be deemed as extensions of physical bodies and traditional biopolitics. The article is structured to analyze the cross-references and influences within the triangle state-market-society. This structure apprehends the connections, representations and the limits of accountability regarding personal data. The conclusion summarizes those limits and distinguishes essentialist and deterministic approaches of digital networks as automatic enhancers of accountability principles. Resumen: Este artículo teórico cuestiona hasta qué punto flujos de información digital se articulan para promover principios de accountability dentro de caminos democráticos. Para ello, se considera la administración de la accountability dentro de marcos legales (dimensión institucional) y en las estrategias empleadas por actores del mercado y societales (dimensión funcional) a nivel europeo. El enfoque recae sobre el uso de datos personales como trasfondo del mundo digital ya que esos pueden ser considerados extensiones de cuerpos físicos y de la biopolítica tradicional. El artículo está estructurado para analizar interrelaciones e influencias dentro del triangulo estado-mercado-sociedad. Esta estructura aprehende las conexiones, representaciones y límites de la accountability para crear y procesar flujos digitales. La conclusión sintetiza esos límites y distingue posiciones esencialistas y deterministas sobre las redes digitales como promotores mecanicistas de accountability dentro de principios democráticos.
... Online political citizens represent the same groups who have traditionally been active in the offline political world (IDPI, 2004). While the fact that online political citizens are representative of the already politically aware is cited by some as evidence that the Internet contributes little to political discourse (Sternburg, 2008;Noam, 2002) it is clear that these citizens also use ...
Article
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Agonistic democracy and the narrative of distempered elites: An analysis of citizen discourse on political message forums
... Si los cambios dependiesen únicamente de la aplicación de tecnología, al día de hoy, ya no habría problemas educativos. Pero no es así, existe algo más: "internet no es únicamente un conjunto de enlaces y protocolos interconectados, es también un constructo de la imaginación" (Noam, 2005). Su uso depende también de la idea que tengamos de ella. ...
... Si los cambios dependiesen únicamente de la aplicación de tecnología, al día de hoy, ya no habría problemas educativos. Pero no es así, existe algo más: "internet no es únicamente un conjunto de enlaces y protocolos interconectados, es también un constructo de la imaginación" (Noam, 2005). Su uso depende también de la idea que tengamos de ella. ...
Chapter
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https://digital.fundacionceibal.edu.uy/jspui/handle/123456789/229
... Si los cambios dependiesen únicamente de la aplicación de tecnología, al día de hoy, ya no habría problemas educativos. Pero no es así, existe algo más: "internet no es únicamente un conjunto de enlaces y protocolos interconectados, es también un constructo de la imaginación" (Noam, 2005). Su uso depende también de la idea que tengamos de ella. ...
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From the Publisher:Can our system adapt to the new form of democracy forming via the electronic age? Will the new communication age usher in a nation governed not by professional politicians but by citizens themselves? Grossman answers these questions and many others clearly and provocatively as he brings the features of our rapidly changing political environment into focus.
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