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The glasses stereotype revisited: Effects of glasses on perception, recognition and impressions of faces

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Abstract

In face perception, besides physiognomic changes, accessories like eyeglasses can influence facial appearance. According to a stereotype, people who wear glasses are more intelligent, but less attractive. In a series of four experiments, we showed how full-rim and rimless glasses, differing with respect to the amount of face they cover, affect face perception, recognition, distinctiveness, and the attribution of stereotypes. Eyeglasses generally directed observers’ gaze to the eye regions; rimless glasses made faces appear less distinctive and resulted in reduced distinctiveness in matching and in recognition tasks. Moreover, the stereotype was confirmed but depended on the kind of glasses – rimless glasses yielded an increase in perceived trustworthiness, but not a decrease in attractiveness. Thus, glasses affect how we perceive the faces of the people wearing them and, in accordance with an old stereotype, they can lower how attractive, but increase how intelligent and trustworthy people wearing them appear. These effects depend on the kind of glasses worn.

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... The social and personality effects of wearing eyeglasses are dependent on age, gender, educational level, and other demographic factors that should be considered in assessing eyeglasses' social and personality impact [6]. Previous studies assessed the impact of wearing eyeglasses on different self-esteem measures in people from western societies [7][8][9][10]. However, no previous study assessed the social impacts of wearing eyeglasses in Arabic populations, especially college students. ...
... Most of the previously conducted studies were done on western samples using images from their societies and cultural norms, and their findings were variable. Previous studies assessing the impact of eyeglasses on self-image showed the negative impact of eyeglasses on attractiveness [5,10], and this was consistent with our study. Graham and Ritchie in their recent experiment on British participants did not find a significant difference in social traits, including attractiveness, between faces with and without eyeglasses [7]. ...
... Graham and Ritchie in their recent experiment on British participants did not find a significant difference in social traits, including attractiveness, between faces with and without eyeglasses [7]. The shape of the face and the eyeglasses were among the factors that influenced the judgment of attractiveness [10,14]. ...
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Introduction Several studies investigated the effect of wearing eyeglasses on self-esteem measures; however, most of these studies were conducted on western populations. We aim to assess the perception of attractiveness, confidence, and intelligence of young people of college-going age with and without glasses among university students. Methods This was a cross-sectional study conducted in five main Jordanian universities. We designed a survey with photos of four people with and without glasses (a total of eight photos). Participants rated the photos on a scale of 10 regarding attractiveness, confidence, and intelligence. Results A total of 517 participants were included in this study. We found significantly higher ratings for all domains of pictures without glasses compared to the same pictures with glasses. Moreover, participants not wearing glasses provided significantly higher attractiveness scores for most pictures not wearing glasses. Conclusion In our study on Jordanian college students of Arabian ethnicity, we found that eyeglasses may have a negative impact on a person’s image in regard to attractiveness, confidence, and intelligence.
... Other studies explored how additional items placed on the face, such as glasses, could impact personality, appeal and intelligence perception [3,15]. In particular, Leder et al. [15] showed that people may judge faces with glasses as less attractive, but more trustworthy and intelligent. ...
... Other studies explored how additional items placed on the face, such as glasses, could impact personality, appeal and intelligence perception [3,15]. In particular, Leder et al. [15] showed that people may judge faces with glasses as less attractive, but more trustworthy and intelligent. ...
... We grouped our main hypotheses by our main trait categories: Personality, Appeal, Intelligence and Emotion (see Table 1). Our hypotheses regarding Personality were directly driven by previous work findings on face perception, with the assumption that participants would associate modulations of their face width and eyes size with judgements of trustworthiness, dominance and aggressiveness similarly as in previous face perception studies [6,10,11,15,22,35]. Our hypotheses regarding Appeal were similarly based on previous findings highlighting connections between attractiveness, cuteness and face width and eyes size. ...
... In Terry and Kroger's study (1976), these evaluations were particularly true when survey participants did not wear glasses or contacts themselves. A study by Leder et al. (2011), confirmed that the use of eyeglasses can reduce attractiveness, but perception was dependent on the type of glasses. Their study found that rimless glasses made faces appear less distinctive, but not necessarily less attractive (Leder et al. 2011). ...
... A study by Leder et al. (2011), confirmed that the use of eyeglasses can reduce attractiveness, but perception was dependent on the type of glasses. Their study found that rimless glasses made faces appear less distinctive, but not necessarily less attractive (Leder et al. 2011). Alternatively, glasses were associated with higher rates of perceived goodness, trustworthiness, and heightened intelligence (Hellström and Tekle 1994;Leder et al. 2011;Terry and Krantz 1993). ...
... Their study found that rimless glasses made faces appear less distinctive, but not necessarily less attractive (Leder et al. 2011). Alternatively, glasses were associated with higher rates of perceived goodness, trustworthiness, and heightened intelligence (Hellström and Tekle 1994;Leder et al. 2011;Terry and Krantz 1993). However, Lundberg and Sheehan (1994) found that ratings of intelligence were not affected by the presences of glasses on the stimulus/target person. ...
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The purpose of this study was to examine impressions of persons wearing hearing aids (HA) and glasses. A survey consisting of impression formation measures was administered to 569 participants. Factor analysis and a series of T-tests were used to examine the effect of wearing glasses and hearing aids on first impressions. T-tests indicated significant differences between the control and glasses style for both the male and female model. Male and female control models (without glasses) were rated more positively. Another series of t-tests between hearing aid styles and the control indicated significant differences for the heavier, more visible hearing aid with the control model being rated higher on every factor except “reliable”. There were almost no significant differences between the control and the light, less visible hearing aid for either the male or the female. Correlations among traits differ as a function of both stimulus person and relevance of trait. Data indicates that different types of hearing aids stimulate varying impressions. The findings have implications for advising potential HA users who are disinclined to wear a device for cosmetic reasons. Findings support other literature on impression formation and the hearing aid effect. However, the findings are encouraging, as hearing aid use has historically been associated with an impression of lower cognitive function, yet participants did not indicate a significant perceptual difference between the hearing aid user and the control, possibly indicating stronger social acceptance.
... Glasses have since been commonly worn by people who perform intellectual or other highly skilled work (Ilardi, 2007). As a result, people associate glasses with a variety of competence-related characteristics, such as success, dependability, and industriousness, and most strongly, intelligence (Harris, 1991;Hellström & Tekle, 1994;Jäckle & Metz, 2015;Leder et al., 2011;Manz & Lueck, 1968;Terry & Krantz, 1993;Thornton, 1943Thornton, , 1944. ...
... Furthermore, attractiveness is generally important for electoral success (Berggren, Jordahl, & Poutvaara, 2010;Lutz, 2010;Praino et al., 2014;Rosar, Klein, & Beckers, 2008), but conservative politicians profit especially from it (Berggren, Jordahl, & Poutvaara, 2017). As glasses also reduce attractiveness (Leder et al., 2011;Lundberg & Sheehan, 1994), the positive effect of glasses may be stronger for liberal politicians and weaker for conservative politicians. Then, it is possible that the glasses effect would be stronger for politicians of the same political orientation as the participants than for problems. ...
... Finally, we aim to demonstrate the process underlying the relation between glasses and electoral success. We predict that the positive effect of glasses is driven by glasses making candidates look more intelligent (Leder et al., 2011;Terry & Krantz, 1993), and perceived intelligence increasing electoral success (e.g., Little et al., 2012;Shephard & Johns, 2008;Todorov et al., 2005). We test this prediction in Study 6 and Study 7, while also focusing on the hypothesized difference between Americans and Indians in the cultural association of glasses with intelligence in Study 6 (Hypothesis 4). ...
Article
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Does wearing glasses hurt or help politicians in elections? Although some research shows that glasses signal unattractiveness, glasses also increase perceptions of competence. In eight studies, participants voted for politicians wearing (photoshopped) glasses or not. Wearing glasses increased politicians’ electoral success in the U.S. (Study 1), independent of their political orientation (Studies 2a and 2b). This positive effect was especially strong when intelligence was important (Study 3), and even occurred if glasses were used strategically (Study 4). However, it did not extend to India (Study 5) due to different cultural associations with glasses (Study 6). Furthermore, while intelligence mediated the effect, warmth did not (Study 7). In summary, wearing glasses can robustly boost electoral success, at least in Western cultures.
... In addition to the positive effects outlined above, negative effects of eyeglasses have also been reported. For example, Leder et al. (2011) found that eyeglasses made the wearers less attractive, which according to the authors could be explained from the perspective of evolutionary psychology as resulting from the association between eyeglasses and poor health (poor eyesight). ...
... These two dimensions are important, but not decisive for evaluating others, which necessitate investigating the effect of eyeglasses on a broad range of personality traits including warmth and competence. Therefore, the present study was designed to investigate 16 personality traits: attractiveness, intelligence, friendliness, competence, likability, cooperativeness, successfulness, trustworthiness, sexiness, elegance, introversion, neuroticism, arrogance, neediness, temperamental, and adultness, which were selected from Study 2 by Swami and Barrett (2011) and Study 4 by Leder et al. (2011). Moreover, we conducted an exhaustive review of the literature and selected these 16 traits for representing a wide range of personality attributes. ...
... Our results show, for the first time, that shapes influence personality judgements in a metaphor-consistent manner. Furthermore, the result did not support the claim that eyeglasses made the wearers less attractive (Leder et al. 2011). One possible explanation for this finding could be that stimuli used in the present study had extreme shapes. ...
Article
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Previous studies have shown that eyeglasses influence facial impressions created by wearers. Both positive and negative effects of eyeglasses have been reported. According to the conceptual metaphor theory, shapes and personality judgements are closely related. Nevertheless, the effects of facial and eyeglasses shapes on facial impressions have received little attention. In this study, participants were randomly divided into a round or a square face condition. Then, they were asked to report their impressions regarding three line drawn faces with no eyeglasses, round eyeglasses, or square eyeglasses. Results indicated that shapes of eyeglasses and faces influence facial impressions in a metaphor-consistent manner. Theoretical implications of these findings are discussed. © 2018 Springer Science+Business Media, LLC, part of Springer Nature
... Typically, participants are shown a set of face images and are then presented with test images, to which they are asked to respond 'old' (i.e. the face appeared in the first set) or 'new' (i.e. it had not previously been seen). Recognition accuracy was impaired when a face initially seen with glasses is shown without glasses in the recognition phase, and vice versa (Leder et al., 2011;Patterson & Baddeley, 1977;Righi et al., 2012;Terry, 1993Terry, , 1994. As one might expect, this detriment was also apparent when sunglasses were used (Hockley et al., 1999;Vokey & Hockley, 2012). ...
... Diamond and Carey (1977) asked children to match images with varying types of disguise, finding that the younger children placed too much weight on matching these artificial clothing additions, to their detriment. Finally, Leder and colleagues (Experiment 2; Leder et al., 2011) considered simultaneous matching, where at least one of the two faces was presented without glasses. Importantly, in their experiment, the 'glasses' and 'no glasses' photographs were virtually identical, passport-style images. ...
... We utilise regular glasses rather than dark glasses or sunglasses, and importantly, we use unconstrained images. As mentioned earlier, matching passport-style photographs, where the only difference is the presence or absence of glasses, is trivial for participants (Leder et al., 2011). The use of images that incorporate real-world variability allows us to address how people may be affected by glasses in realistic viewing contexts above and beyond the inherent difficulties that come with matching unconstrained images. ...
Article
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Could a simple pair of glasses really fool us into thinking Superman and Clark Kent are two different people? Here, we investigated the perception of identity from face images with a task that relies on visual comparison rather than memory. Participants were presented with two images simultaneously and were asked whether the images depicted the same person or two different people. The image pairs showed neither image with glasses, both images with glasses, and ‘mixed’ pairs of one image with and one without glasses. Participants' accuracies, measured by both percentage correct and d′ sensitivity, were significantly lower for ‘mixed’ trials. Analysis of response bias showed that when only one face wore glasses, people tended to respond ‘different’. We demonstrate that glasses affect face matching ability using unconstrained images, and this has implications for both disguise research and authenticating identity in the real world.Copyright
... It is possible that with a more naturalistic sample, inferences from faces might be cued by multiple different facial attributes rather than by consistent cues. For exam-ple, both attractiveness (Zebrowitz & Rhodes, 2004) and the wearing of glasses (Leder, Forster, & Gerger, 2011) individually cue intelligence, but it is unclear whether their effects remain in combination, to form a kind of 'facial intelligence prototype', or rather, show more complicated interactions or even cancel each other out. If multiple cues are inconsistent, indicating possibly different routes to the same trait judgement, then attempting to model these cues as lying on a small number of unitary dimensions would seem to have less utility. ...
... Moreover, at present the models largely only consider physical cues; yet, social or cultural stereotypes should also affect trait judgements (e.g. the wearing of glasses as indicating intelligence: Leder et al., 2011). A more naturalistic sample should preserve more of this information, allowing us to determine if the dimensions can account for these stereotypes as well as physical features. ...
... For example, the skin-tones of the feminine and low dominance averages are lighter than their masculine and high dominance counterparts (Oosterhof & Todorov, 2008). Also interesting are cues which emerge but have not yet been integrated into the face evaluation modelling approach: for example, the high intelligence and low attractiveness face averages appear to have glasses, agreeing with previous stereotyping research (Leder et al., 2011;Thornton, 1944). The current study adds to this previous research by providing converging evidence for these cuetrait links from the averaging and morphing procedures. ...
Article
Three experiments are presented that investigate the two-dimensional valence/trustworthiness by dominance model of social inferences from faces (Oosterhof & Todorov, 2008). Experiment 1 used image averaging and morphing techniques to demonstrate that consistent facial cues subserve a range of social inferences, even in a highly variable sample of 1000 ambient images (images that are intended to be representative of those encountered in everyday life, see Jenkins, White, Van Montfort, & Burton, 2011). Experiment 2 then tested Oosterhof and Todorov's two-dimensional model on this extensive sample of face images. The original two dimensions were replicated and a novel 'youthful-attractiveness' factor also emerged. Experiment 3 successfully cross-validated the three-dimensional model using face averages directly constructed from the factor scores. These findings highlight the utility of the original trustworthiness and dominance dimensions, but also underscore the need to utilise varied face stimuli: with a more realistically diverse set of face images, social inferences from faces show a more elaborate underlying structure than hitherto suggested.
... In the mid-20th century, Secord first suggested that impressions can also be formed from contextual social inferences; for example, the inference that people who wear glasses are often clever (Secord, 1958). Indeed, people wearing glasses do look more intelligent (Leder et al., 2011;Sutherland et al., 2013). Stereotypes of social groups (for example, that nurses are generally healthy and nice) can also be found in impressions of faces (for example, faces that look healthier and nicer are thought to look more like nurses) . ...
... Cultural learning clearly affects facial impressions. For example, glasses emerge spontaneously as a cue to impressions of intelligence in a data-driven model ; experimental studies also confirm that glasses cue intelligence (Leder et al., 2011). People also readily form impressions of modern occupational stereotypes, such as a nurse or banker, from facial cues (Imhoff et al., 2013;Oldmeadow et al., 2013). ...
Article
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Impressions from faces are made remarkably quickly and they can underpin behaviour in a wide variety of social contexts. Over the last decade many studies have sought to trace the links between facial cues and social perception and behaviour. One such body of work has shown clear overlap between the fields of face perception and social stereotyping by demonstrating a role for conceptual stereotypes in impression formation from faces. We integrate these results involving conceptual influences on impressions with another substantial body of research in visual cognition which demonstrates that much of the variance in impressions can be predicted from perceptual, data‐driven models using physical cues in face images. We relate this discussion to the phylogenetic, cultural, individual and developmental origins of facial impressions and define priority research questions for the field including investigating non‐WEIRD cultures, tracking the developmental trajectory of impressions and determining the malleability of impression formation.
... McKelvie presented the faces for 3s each (20 faces, 10 with glasses & 10 faces without glasses) and had the participants return seven days later for the recognition phase of the study. Leder et al. (2011) found that wearing rimless glasses resulted in faces appearing less distinctive; however, rimless glassed increased perceived trustworthiness, but did not decrease attractiveness. Most importantly, they found that ability to match faces was significantly worse when one face was shown with glasses and one without. ...
... Eggleston et al. (2020) found that ratings of intelligence were higher for people seen wearing glasses, even when the participants were instructed to ignore the glasses and when viewing time was very short. Gerger et al. (2017), Leder et al. (2011) found that individuals wearing glasses were rated higher on successfulness and intelligence than those not wearing glasses. These results suggest that people may make rapid inferences about an individual based on whether the person is wearing glasses. ...
Article
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Demographic trends indicate an increasing elderly population accompanied by an increase in the prevalence of individuals with Alzheimer's disease (AD). These trends are likely to result in increasing numbers of elderly individuals who wander away from home or care facilities. There is limited research on the efficacy of systems for alerting the public about missing elderly individuals, such as Silver Alerts (SA). Previous research on SAs was limited to alerts featuring White senior citizens. The present study is the first to extend SA research to Black senior citizens. A sample of college students (N = 210) viewed a mock SA along with a short video of a "missing" couple and later attempted to recognize the two individuals from a series of photos. The male and female targets were shown in the SA either together or separately and with or without glasses, and participants were shown photos with and without glasses. The results indicated no effect of whether the couple was shown together or separately, but participants were more likely to recognize the missing male without glasses when he had been shown without glasses in the SA. The female target was recognized more often when wearing glasses than when not wearing glasses, irrespective of how she had been shown in the SA. The results suggest that the appearance of the target at encoding and at recognition may affect ability to identify the target, but that such effects may depend on individual characteristics. Supplementary information: The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s12144-021-02531-8.
... Wearing spectacles to correct refractive errors is integral to the improvement of vision, productivity and quality of life. However there are many psychosocial perceptions about the wearing of spectacles among people especially young adults [6][7][8][9][10][11]. Generally, ignorance of refractive errors and the benefits of using spectacles to relieve symptoms could be said to be one of the main causes of not wearing spectacles [12,13]. ...
... Most psychosocial perceptions to spectacle wear, however, usually results in non-use of spectacles. are as follows: labelled style, vision, avoiding and seeking [8,17]. Style touches on the importance of appearing stylish and getting approval from others. ...
... Previous studies have shown that the wearing of eyeglasses has both positive and negative influences on wearers' impressions of their facial image. Regarding the negative side, Leder, Forster, and Gerger (2011) for example, found that eyeglasses made wearers less attractive. On the positive side, Guéguen and Martin (2017) reported that passersby on the street agreed to be interviewed more often when the interviewers wore eyeglasses in actual field settings. ...
... Two pictures of round and square eyeglasses (the independent variables), and a questionnaire on personality traits (the dependent variables) were used. The traits were selected from Study 2 by Swami and Barrett (2011) and Study 4 by Leder, Forster, and Gerger (2011). A one-way ANOVA (betweenparticipants design) was used to analyze the difference between the two conditions. ...
... In our study only 18% of our sample wore eyeglasses in their portrait, yet it is estimated that 57% of the adult American population wear glasses (Newport, 2000). Eyeglasses have been linked with lower perceived forcefulness (Terry & Krantz, 1993) and attractiveness (Leder, Forster, & Gerger, 2011). Nonetheless, they are also associated with intelligence (Leder et al., 2011), competence (Terry & Krantz, 1993), and higher professional status (Gu eguen, 2015). ...
... Eyeglasses have been linked with lower perceived forcefulness (Terry & Krantz, 1993) and attractiveness (Leder, Forster, & Gerger, 2011). Nonetheless, they are also associated with intelligence (Leder et al., 2011), competence (Terry & Krantz, 1993), and higher professional status (Gu eguen, 2015). In the PhotoFeeler (2014) study, eyeglasses had a moderate positive effect on perceived competence and likeability. ...
Article
LinkedIn is the largest professional social network site in the world, designed for professional networking, job seeking, and recruitment. The current study explores visual self-presentation in LinkedIn user portraits. LinkedIn portraits serve alongside explicit data posted in users’ profiles as a tool for professional self-presentation, yet they have hardly been studied. In the absence of scientific recommendations, non-academic websites offer recommendations for the optimal portrait. In this study, we aimed, first, to identify the common features of LinkedIn portraits and to determine whether they adhere to the popular recommendations found on the Internet. Second, we offered grounded hypotheses suggesting that LinkedIn portraits, and other features of LinkedIn accounts, would show gender and occupational differences. Using a representative city in the United States, 480 LinkedIn portraits and accounts were selected and analyzed. Results indicate that LinkedIn portraits display common features and tend to adhere to popular recommendations. Women were more likely than men to signal emotions, whereas men were more likely to signal status. No occupational differences were detected. The findings suggest that two opposing forces shape self-presentation in LinkedIn portraits. Specifically, social norms, corporate culture, and popular advice drive users to display standard business-like portraits, while gender-related self-expression inspires users to display their uniqueness and attractiveness. These pioneering findings can inform scholars and practitioners on impression management processes in professional online settings.
... Another item that can alter facial traits is eyewear. A certain amount of research has long been reported on changes in social traits due to spectacles [22][23][24]. Unlike glasses, sunglasses, which occlude the upper half of the face, including the eye area, block both sunlight and gaze. Surprisingly, few studies have examined the effects of sunglasses on perceived social traits from faces. ...
Article
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Many studies conducted after the COVID-19 pandemic have examined the relationship between changes in social traits, such as attractiveness and wearing face masks. However, most studies examine the effect of wearing face masks at a single time point, and the time effect is not known. Additionally, few studies address wearing sunglasses, another facial occluding item. This study examined the effects of facial occluding (unoccluded face, face masks, sunglasses, or both) on perceived attractiveness, trustworthiness, and familiarity at two time points, September 2020, six months after the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, and April 2022, almost two years later, using Japanese higher and lower attractive faces. Results showed that only lower attractive faces wearing face masks had a time effect on attractiveness and familiarity and no time effect on social traits in higher attractive faces. Perceived all social traits were the highest for unoccluded faces, and faces wearing face masks had the same level of attractiveness and familiarity as unoccluded faces. Perceived trustworthiness was higher for unoccluded faces, faces wearing face masks, sunglasses, and both sunglasses and face masks, respectively. Additionally, faces wearing both sunglasses and face masks had the lowest perceived all social traits. These findings suggest that the positive and time effects of wearing face masks are limited in Japan, suggesting a greater positive impact of unoccluded faces. They also suggest that the negative impact of wearing sunglasses is significant.
... Although there are studies showing the impact of different types of facial occlusion on facial impressions of personality (e.g., Bartolini et al., 1988;Graham & Ritchie, 2019;Hellström & Tekle, 1994;Leder et al., 2011;Santos & Young, 2011;Terry & Krantz, 1993), fewer studies have focused on identifying the facial features (or combinations thereof) that uniquely predict judgments on both of the central dimensions of trustworthiness or dominance, or on whether and how these judgments are affected by occlusions of the bottom-face region. Given the impact of face occlusions on facial impressions, it is an empirical question whether the concealment of bottom-face features by masks (i) disturbs the general process of trait inferences -by interfering with both trustworthiness and dominance judgments -and/or (ii) interferes more with one dimension relative to the other. ...
Article
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Recognizing the role that facial appearance plays in guiding social interactions, here we investigated how occlusions of the bottom-face region affect facial impressions of trustworthiness and dominance. Previous studies suggesting that different facial features impact inferences on these traits sustain the hypothesis that wearing a face mask will differently affect each trait inference. And specifically, that trustworthiness impressions will be more disrupted by this type of face occlusion than dominance impressions. In two studies, we addressed this possibility by occluding the bottom face region of faces that were previously shown to convey different levels of dominance and trustworthiness, and tested differences in the ability to discriminate between these trait levels across occlusion conditions. In Study 1 faces were occluded by a mask, and in Study 2 by a square image. In both studies, results showed that although facial occlusions generally reduced participants’ confidence on their trait judgments, the ability to discriminate facial trustworthiness was more strongly affected than the ability to discriminate facial dominance. Practical and theoretical implications of these findings are discussed.
... Specifically, the match or mismatch of encoding and test conditions might influence whether occlusions impair recognition. For instance, sunglasses occluding the region of the eyes impair target recognition more when encoding and test conditions mismatch (i.e., when the target is initially seen with glasses and subsequently shown without glasses or vice versa) than when the target is shown in both encoding and test with sunglasses (e.g., Leder et al., 2011;Patterson & Baddeley, 1977;Righi et al., 2012;Terry, 1993Terry, , 1994. Also, the presence of occlusions during encoding might be more detrimental than during retrieval, as removing the glasses during testing decreases accurate facial identification more than adding them (Douma et al., 2012). ...
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Previous research has mostly approached face recognition and target identification by focusing on face perception mechanisms, but memory mechanisms also appear to play a role. Here, we examined how the presence of a mask interferes with the memory mechanisms involved in face recognition, focusing on the dynamic interplay between encoding and recognition processes. We approach two known memory effects: (a) matching study and test conditions effects (i.e., by presenting masked and/or unmasked faces) and (b) testing expectation effects (i.e., knowing in advance that a mask could be put on or taken off). Across three experiments using a yes/no recognition paradigm, the presence of a mask was orthogonally manipulated at the study and the test phases. All data showed no evidence of matching effects. In Experiment 1, the presence of masks either at study or test impaired the correct identification of a target. But in Experiments 2 and 3, in which the presence of masks at study or test was manipulated within participants, only masks presented at test-only impaired face identification. In these conditions, test expectations led participants to use similar encoding strategies to process masked and unmasked faces. Across all studies, participants were more liberal (i.e., used a more lenient criterion) when identifying masked faces presented at the test. We discuss these results and propose that to better understand how people may identify a face wearing a mask, researchers should take into account that memory is an active process of discrimination, in which expectations regarding test conditions may induce an encoding strategy that enables overcoming perceptual deficits.
... 322-323). This presentation first telegraphs Quinn's intelligence through the visual signs of her scientific lab coat and glasses (eyeglasses being a well-worn and visually understood signal of intelligence (Leder, Forster, & Gerger, 2011), semiotic signals of stability and seriousness that then contrast with the other elements of her appearance. ...
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how fans approach Quinn's appearance, identifying with and aspiring to be like the character. Focusing on the changes in Quinn's costume and visual presentation, this article describes how cosplayers (practitioners of public costume play) link outer appearance to inner self and appropriate elements of Quinn's costume for their own practice. Anchored in a humanities perspective that includes philosophy, beauty theory and fan studies, this article provides a close reading of the canonical figure's visual representation and how that representation is used by cosplayers in the United States and Mexico to express fan identity.
... Hairstyle and length, facial shape, wearing glasses, having piercings, displaying tattoos, height, body-mass-index/body type, tone of voice, extent of body hair, and even style of clothing choices could all be examined in this context. For example, glasses styles have been found to have differing effects on perceptions of individuals' intelligence and trustworthiness in a non-sales context (Leder, Forster, & Gerger, 2011). How might the wearing of various glasses styles effect sales perceptions, and how would these effects interact with the sporting of a beard? ...
Article
Service and sales personnel researchers have long been interested in the effects of physical appearance on sales and service outcomes. In the current work, we examine a specific physical feature—facial hair. Interestingly, evolutionary psychologists have found that facial hair does not consistently increase perceived attractiveness (Dixson and Vasey, 2012, Dixson et al., 2013), but it does serve as an indicator of masculine traits. The present research examines how males with beards are perceived in a sales/service specific context. We present five studies, in which the power of the beard (versus other facial hair styles or no hair) is evident. Sales personnel with a beard are perceived as having more expertise across various industries; furthermore, increased perceptions of expertise predict higher ratings of trustworthiness and, subsequently, increase consumers’ purchase likelihood.
... Considering an intelligent person to be a nerd, while fearing to be regarded as a nerd themselves (Boekaerts, 2003), might be another impeding presumption, having a negative influence on learning (Chany et al., 2011;Burkley et al., 2009;Dweck et al., 1995;Ommundsen, 2001;Stoeger, 2009). Students who consider an intelligent person to be a nerd, were expected to rate social skills low, and to draw a person wearing glasses, an indispensable part of the stereotype of a nerd (Leder, Forster, & Gerger, 2011). ...
Chapter
Implicit theories of intelligence play a crucial role in our learning, influencing our observations, decisions and actions. Dutch (highly) able seventh grade students were asked to draw an intelligent person and to rate the presence of some characteristics. Cultural background, living area, programs followed at primary education, and gender were taken into account. Overall, an intelligent person was depicted as hardworking, persistent, and talented in Mathematics and Science. To monitor development in gifted education, a follow up study is recommended.
... Considering an intelligent person to be a nerd, while fearing to be regarded as a nerd themselves (Boekaerts, 2003), might be another impeding presumption, having a negative influence on learning (Chany et al., 2011;Burkley et al., 2009;Dweck et al., 1995;Ommundsen, 2001;Stoeger, 2009). Students who consider an intelligent person to be a nerd, were expected to rate social skills low, and to draw a person wearing glasses, an indispensable part of the stereotype of a nerd (Leder, Forster, & Gerger, 2011). ...
... A person's credibility stems from his or her reputation for having extensive knowledge, expertise, and/or honesty and trustworthiness, and much research has been devoted to the persuasive impact of these attributes (see , for a review). Many nonverbal features of the source can influence a message recipient's perceptions of communicator credibility, including a communicator's dominance and physical strength (Toscano et al. 2016), clothing such as uniforms and white coats (e.g., Cialdini 2001), reading glasses (Leder et al. 2011), hoodies (Civile and Obhl 2017), or other physical features such as facial laterality (Okubo et al. 2017), baby-faces versus mature-faces (Brownlow 1992), facial hair, and tattoos (Guido et al. 2014). In this section, we provide some examples that illustrate the process by which source credibility influences persuasion, but focuses on other nonverbal indicators than those listed here. ...
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This article describes the basic mechanisms by which the nonverbal behavior of a communicator can influence recipients’ attitudes and persuasion. We review the literature on classic variables related to persuasive sources (e.g., physical attractiveness, credibility, and power), as well as research on mimicry and facial expressions of emotion, and beyond. Using the elaboration likelihood model (ELM) as a framework, we argue that the overt behavior of source variables can affect attitude change by different psychological processes depending on different circumstances. Specifically, we describe the primary and secondary cognitive processes by which nonverbal behaviors of the source (e.g., smiling, nodding, eye contact, and body orientation) affect attitude change. Furthermore, we illustrate how considering the processes outlined by the ELM can help to predict when and why attractive, credible, and powerful communicators can not only increase persuasion but also be detrimental for persuasion.
... Considering an intelligent person to be a nerd, while fearing to be regarded as a nerd themselves (Boekaerts, 2003), might be another impeding presumption, having a negative influence on learning (Chany et al., 2011;Burkley et al., 2009;Dweck et al., 1995;Ommundsen, 2001;Stoeger, 2009). Students who consider an intelligent person to be a nerd, were expected to rate social skills low, and to draw a person wearing glasses, an indispensable part of the stereotype of a nerd (Leder, Forster, & Gerger, 2011). ...
... By contrast, the effect of eyeglasses on perceived physical attractiveness is not consistent. Several studies reported that eyeglasses made the wearer's appearance less attractive (e.g., Hasart & Hutchinson, 1993;Leder, Forster, & Gerger, 2011;Lundberg & Sheehan, 1994;Terry & Kroger, 1976). On the other hand, some researchers have found that eyeglasses have no effect on physical attractiveness (e.g., Brown, Henriquez, & Groscup, 2008;Lo et al., 2012). ...
... Does talking with another person wearing the glasses impact where participants look or how they perceive the other person? It has been reported that wearing glasses might attract the gaze of an observer and influence the wearer to be perceived as more intelligent 45 and honest 46 , yet not necessarily more attractive 47,48 . However, research on the effects of wearing glasses has relied on judgments of static photographs. ...
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We report the personal eye gaze patterns of people engaged in face-to-face getting acquainted conversation. Considerable differences between individuals are underscored by a stability of eye gaze patterns within individuals. Results suggest the existence of an eye-mouth gaze continuum. This continuum includes some people showing a strong preference for eye gaze, some with a strong preference for mouth gaze, and others distributing their gaze between the eyes and mouth to varying extents. Additionally, we found evidence of within-participant consistency not just for location preference but also for the duration of fixations upon the eye and mouth regions. We also estimate that during a 4-minute getting acquainted conversation mutual face gaze constitutes about 60% of conversation that occurs via typically brief instances of 2.2 seconds. Mutual eye contact ranged from 0 - 45% of conversation, via very brief instances. This was despite participants subjectively perceiving eye contact occurring for about 70% of conversation. We argue that the subjective perception of eye contact is a product of mutual face gaze instead of actual mutual eye contact. We also outline the fast activity of gaze movements upon various locations both on and off face during a typical face-to-face conversation.
... Facial accessories, such as glasses (Leder, Forster, & Gerger, 2011), piercings (Swami et al., 2012), and female cosmetics (Mulhern, Fieldman, Hussey, Lévêque, & Pineau, 2003), significantly influence facial attractiveness as well as the facial features (e.g., symmetry, apparent healthiness). There are intergenerational differences in the use of some facial manipulations (i.e., using an object to change the appearance). ...
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Currently, some Japanese women use a sanitary mask to hide their faces when not wearing makeup, perhaps because they believe that they are more attractive (or less ugly) when wearing a sanitary mask than when not wearing makeup. The present study examined the effect of wearing a sanitary mask on the perception of facial attractiveness. We manipulated the presence or absence of a mask in the main experiments or an occluder (e.g., notebook) in control experiments and asked participants to rate facial images. The results revealed that attractive faces wearing a sanitary mask were perceived as less attractive than the same faces without the mask, contrary to Japanese women's belief. This is the first study to demonstrate a new phenomenon, the sanitary-mask effect, in which observers underestimate the physical attractiveness of a mask-wearing face. Importantly, the pattern of the results of perceived attractiveness was substantially altered when a control object occluded the faces. This suggests that facial occlusion by a sanitary mask has a unique effect, due to occlusion and unhealthiness priming.
... It seems that the familiarity of faces makes those faces more attractive (Peskin and Newell, 2004). We also have not addressed how people differ from each other in their personal evaluation of attractiveness (Hönekopp, 2006) or how standards of attractiveness are influenced by fashion and accessories (Leder, Forster and Gerger, 2011) and culture (Cunningham et al., 2002;Etcoff, 1999;D. Jones and Hill, 1993). ...
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Facial attractiveness influences us in a variety of ways. Not only does it affect which partners we date, mate with or marry, but it also affects how we think about and interact with others. Nearly everyone has experienced how stunning attractiveness captures the eye. And nearly everyone enjoys looking at attractive faces. Moreover, advertisements of consumer products take advantage of the effects of facial attractiveness. The expectation here is that the positive effects of attractiveness would generalize to consumers’ product evaluations (Baker and Churchill, 1977). The preoccupation with attractiveness is also reflected in the considerable effort people put into looking attractive: “In the United States more money is spent on attractiveness than on education or social services” (Etcoff, 1999, p. 6). Thus, a multibillion-dollar industry lives off of the promise of increased attractiveness. It is, however, still unclear what the essence of facial attractiveness really is, but researchers have put considerable effort into revealing what, why and how different factors contribute to attractiveness. In the current chapter, we discuss what makes faces attractive and present some hypotheses on why this might be the case. We also show how our brains process attractiveness and how attractiveness affects various aspects of our experiences and behaviors. What is attractiveness? Throughout this chapter, we use the term “attractiveness” to refer to the aesthetic qualities of faces. Attractiveness is the most commonly used term in scientific studies. This common use of attractiveness is noteworthy because most people typically mention beauty, but not attractiveness, when discussing the aesthetic qualities of faces (Augustin, Wagemans and Carbon, 2012). However, there might be some difference between beauty and attractiveness. Beauty could refer more to aesthetic qualities of a face per se, while attractiveness could refer more to the function of aesthetic qualities of faces – indicating sexual and social qualities of potential mates (Little, Jones and DeBruine, 2011; Senior, 2003; Thornhill and Gangestad, 1999). Additionally, depending on the context, focusing on attractiveness might accentuate different aspects of aesthetic qualities of faces. In a mating context, for instance, sexual qualities might be considered more important for attractiveness evaluations, as compared to a non-mating context. Importantly, when evaluating a face, these aspects yield different motivational and emotional consequences. Thus, in our chapter, we will consider these aspects in the interpretation of results.
... The effect of eyeglasses as a marker of attractiveness is ambiguous. It is considered that eyeglasses contribute to lower physical attractiveness more often that to higher physical attractiveness (Macintyre and West, 1991;Patzer, 2006), although they may have a favorable impact on perceived intelligence (Alley and Hildebrandt, 1988;Leder et al., 2011). It is assumed that females choose mates accordingly to phenotypic traits indicating males' health status and their genetic quality (Roberts and Little, 2008). ...
Article
Objectives Married people live longer and are healthier than unmarried people. This can be explained in terms of marriage protection and marriage selection. The aim of the present study was to examine the direct effect of marriage selection on health status.Methods Data were collected from the archives of the Lower Silesian Medical Center (DOLMED) in Wrocław, Poland. The sample consisted of 2,265 adult (never married or currently married) men. Subjects were assigned to categories for selected variables, including age, level of education, military category upon conscription, height, hearing acuity, and visual acuity. Military category, objective data gathered upon military conscription at age 18, was used to assess initial health status. To identify any relationships between marital status and health status, generalized linear models with binomially distributed dependent variable were used.ResultsThe never-married subjects were more likely to have been assigned to lower military categories, which indicates that their health status at age 18 was inferior to those conscripts who would later marry. Hearing acuity and visual acuity were generally worse in never-married subjects than in married subjects. Never-married subjects were also more likely to be short and less likely to be tall.Conclusions The results provide evidence for direct health-related marriage selection in men between 25 and 60 years of age. Poor health status reduces the likelihood of marriage. Am. J. Hum. Biol., 2014. © 2014 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
Article
Facial information is essential in daily life, but relatively little is known about whether seeing a face improves people’s decision quality. This experimental paper studies the loan-approval decisions based on the historical cash-loan data with real repayment outcomes and exogenously varies whether and how a borrower’s facial information is provided. We find that facial information does not improve subjects’ decisions, despite the fact that it can predict repayment behavior in a machine-learning algorithm. This is because subjects have various biases in evaluating facial photos, and they rely excessively on facial information in making the loan-approval decisions. This paper was accepted by Yan Chen, behavioral economics and decision analysis.
Article
On Airbnb, profile photos play a crucial role in decision-making. This paper examines how hosts’ profile photos—specifically, gender, facial expression and the presence of sunglasses—affect guests’ intentions to trust and book. An experiment was conducted to seek both close- and open-ended responses (N=524), the former analyzed statistically and the latter thematically. According to the quantitative results, female hosts were preferred to males. Positive facial expressions outperformed neutral ones. A significant interaction effect emerged such that the positive effect of a positive facial expression was stronger when sunglasses were present (vs. absent). Moreover, a mediated moderation was identified: The interaction between facial expression and the use of sunglasses on intention to book was mediated by intention to trust. Themes from the qualitative analysis complement and extend the quantitative results. Overall, the paper adds to the literature on online profile photos in the context of peer-to-peer tourism and hospitality platforms.
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Few studies investigated the effects of facial characteristics on stereotyping in the business context. Using a 2 (beard/no beard) x 2 (acne/no acne) x 2 (tie/no tie) x 2 (eyeglasses/no eyeglasses) between subjects’ design, two representative samples of 364 and 711 participants rated different stimuli of male subjects on dimensions of competence, warmth and hireability. Based on 4,215 observations, results show acne has a negative and eyeglasses a positive effect on both competence and warmth. Wearing a necktie has a positive effect on competence and a negative effect on warmth. Finally, beardedness has a negative effect on warmth. We also observe that competence has a greater effect on hireability than warmth. We discuss the findings in the context of theoretical and managerial implications for male job applicants as well as HR practices.
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Our upbringing and education influence not only how we present and distinguish ourselves in the social world but also how we perceive others. We apply this central sociological idea to the social media context. We conduct a large-scale online study to investigate whether observers can correctly guess the education of others from their Facebook profile pictures. Using the binomial test and cross-classified mixed-effects models, we show that observers can assess the education of depicted persons better than chance, especially when they share the same educational background and have experience with the social media. We also find that posting pictures of outdoor activities is a strong signal of having higher education, while professional photographs can obscure education signals. The findings expand our knowledge of social interaction and self-expression online and offer new insights for understanding social influence on social media.
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We investigated the effect of wearing glasses and sunglasses on the perception of social traits from faces and on face matching. Participants rated images of people wearing no glasses, glasses and sunglasses on three social traits (trustworthiness, competence and attractiveness). Wearing sunglasses reduced ratings of trustworthiness. Participants also performed a matching task (telling whether two images show the same person or not) with pairs of images both wearing no glasses, glasses or sunglasses, and all combinations of eyewear. Incongruent eyewear conditions (e.g., one image wearing glasses and the other wearing sunglasses, etc.) reduced performance. Further analysis comparing performance on congruent and incongruent eyewear trials showed that our effects were driven by match trial performance, where differences in eyewear decreased accuracy. For same-eyewear-condition pairs, performance was poorer for pairs of images both wearing sunglasses than no glasses. Our results extend and update previous research on the effect of eyewear on face perception.
Chapter
„Wie Du kommst gegangen, so wirst Du auch empfangen“, diesen Kernsatz bürgerlicher Erziehung haben sicher viele noch im Ohr, zumal man ihn vor allem in der pubertären Trotzphase zu hören bekam. Trotzdem trifft die Aussage zu, und wer im Beruf ernst genommen werden will, muss sie beherzigen. Heute mehr denn je, denn gerade in vermeintlich lockeren Zeiten lauern viele Fallstricke.
Conference Paper
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Wooden glasses has been a phenomenon among youngster and public figure. This phenomenon occurs because the wooden glasses is considered to be able to bring a unique impression and differentiate itself from the other. As tropical country, Indonesia has potential as a timber producer. No wonder wood used for various kinds of necessity. From craft products, furniture, home decor, to small products like accessories. The eco-design as a concept as well as the use of natural material as raw materials are increasingly preferred. As the result, the demand for environment friendly products are increased. The type of wood that is usually used for wooden glasses is teak, Indian Rosewood, and ebony wood. In East Java itself, other kind of timber which have almost the same characteristics and potentially used as wooden glasses material is wood coffee. They included into hard wood and has enough elasticity power. But unfortunately, the lack of utilization of this wood by people in East Java makes wood coffee have less economic value. Wood coffee is considered as production waste of coffee powder and coffee beans and mostly used as firewood. The method used in this research is the literature review to understand the basic theory. Then the next method is persona, used to analyze the behavior and lifestyle of potential customers. It is filled with pictures, photos or material which contains the atmosphere, the theme, and colors. It aims to know the harmony of its perspective and design concept. The concept of this design is ‘diver’. This concept is selected in order to reduce public opinion that wooden glasses is weak against water. And to show that wooden glasses can be used for non extreme water activity.
Research Proposal
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The lack of utilization of wood robusta coffee (coffee canephora) by the East Java citizen resulting in a lack of its economic value. Coffee wood is regarded as production waste which is used as firewood. While the wood coffee has the potential to produce a styling products especially a glasses, so we need a research of coffee wood and its use against glasses The research methods used include literature method used to know the utilization of coffee coffee as a product material, some experiments to know the characteristics of the coffee wood, and artifact analysis to explore the concept of design. From the analysis results can be obtained that the concept of the product is DIVER. This concept is selected in order to reduce the public opinion against wooden glasses and its water resistance. To show that wooden glasses can be used for water activity.
Article
Several studies have shown that people photographed wearing eyeglasses were perceived more positively as to intelligence and honesty. However, the effect of wearing glasses on behavior and in real face-to-face relationships has never been examined. In two studies, interviewers wearing or not wearing eyeglasses were instructed to ask people in the street to respond to a survey. It was found that the compliance rate increased when the interviewer wore glasses. In the first study, the positive effect of eyeglasses was reported with both male and female participants and with both male and female interviewers; it was also observed in participants of different age groups. A second study confirmed the positive effect of eyeglasses on compliance with the survey request and indicated that the interviewer with eyeglasses was perceived as being more conscientious by the participants. Theoretical and practical interests are discussed.
Article
In a cohort of Swedish men (N = 45.906), we found that men with myopia had higher levels of intelligence and education than men with emmetropia and both these groups had higher levels than men with hyperopia. The educational advantage of myopia was reduced by 47–66 percent when adjusting for intelligence but still remained significant. When adjusting for intelligence hyperopes had a higher level of education than emmetropes. Hyperopes also had the highest level of education compared to their level of intelligence. The reversal in the difference between hyperopes and emmetropes when adjusting for intelligence could be seen as an example of Lord's paradox, possibly due to hyperopes having a higher level of intelligence than emmetropes with the same intelligence test score.
Chapter
„Wie Du kommst gegangen, so wirst Du auch empfangen“, diesen Kernsatz bürgerlicher Erziehung haben sicher viele noch im Ohr, zumal man ihn vor allem in der pubertären Trotzphase zu hören bekam. Trotzdem trifft die Aussage zu und wer im Beruf ernst genommen werden will, muss sie beherzigen. Heute mehr denn je, denn gerade in vermeintlich lockeren Zeiten lauern viele Fallstricke. Wie wichtig die richtige Kleidung geworden ist, zeigt als extremes Beispiel die Existenz von Career Gear National, New York, einer 1999 gegründeten Hilfsorganisation, die ehemaligen Häftlingen und Obdachlosen Anzüge samt feinen Hemden, Krawatten und Manschettenknöpfe für deren Vorstellungsgespräche schenkt. Denn schon die richtige Kleidung steigert die Chancen in der Businesswelt und im Leben. Wie der perfekte Business-Auftritt die eigene Persönlichkeit und Kompetenz unterstreicht, ist Thema dieses Kapitels. Sie erfahren, mit welcher Kleidung, welchen Materialien und Farben, welchem Schmuck und welchen Accessoires Sie zu welchem Zeitpunkt die richtige Wahl treffen, um gut empfangen zu werden, mit konkreten Tipps für Männer und Frauen.
Book
Fabian Kirsch geht im Rahmen von zwei experimentellen Studien der Frage nach, wie sich das Tragen roter Kleidung und Kleidung in der persönlichen Präferenzfarbe des Betrachters/der Betrachterin auf die Wahrnehmung verschiedener Personenaspekte, insbesondere auf die physische Attraktivität, auswirkt. Weiterhin gibt der Autor einen Überblick über die aktuelle Attraktivitäts- sowie farbpsychologische Forschung und diskutiert methodische Besonderheiten im Schnittpunkt dieser beiden Forschungszweige. Für die individuelle Farbpräferenz zeigte sich ein positiver Zusammenhang zur Attraktivitätswahrnehmung. Die spezifische Wirkung der Farbe Rot hängt von dem Geschlecht der Versuchsperson, deren sexueller Orientierung und dem Geschlecht der betrachteten Zielperson ab.
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Several researchers have reported that people photographed wearing eyeglasses were perceived as being more intelligent and honest than people who were not wearing them. In this study, conducted in France, I tried to replicate this effect using a forced-choice situation. Participants viewed a photograph of a male target wearing, or not wearing, eyeglasses and were instructed to estimate his socioprofessional group using a well-known French list. Results showed that, compared with the target without eyeglasses, the target wearing eyeglasses was more frequently associated with a higher status socioprofessional group and less often with midstatus or low-status socioprofessional groups. These results confirmed that a common cue of facial appearance is sufficient to activate a stereotype of social group membership.
Conference Paper
This study builds on our previous work on beardedness [1] and ex-plores whether wearing spectacles in a LinkedIn profile picture affects a female candidate’s prospects of being invited for a job interview and whether this is contingent on the type of job vacancy. Results of a 2 (spectacle use: spectacles versus no spectacles) x 3 (job type: expertise, trustworthiness, attractiveness) experiment conducted among 139 participants show that bespectacled candi-dates are perceived as having more expertise and –to our surprise- also being more attractive than candidates not wearing spectacles. Moreover, a candidate’s perceived credibility is a significant predictor of the intention to invite the can-didate for a job interview. Theoretical and practical implications of these find-ings are discussed.
Article
Research on Asian Americans' experiences of racism has examined the impact of generation status and ethnicity. This study investigates how phenotypic and physical appearance characteristics are implicated in self-reports of racialization and social anxiety in Asian American college students (n = 170) who completed measures of psychological distress, well-being, and racialization (e.g., Subtle and Blatant Racism Scale; Yoo, Steger, and Lee, 2010). Participants' digital photographs were analyzed to test whether specific physical characteristics correlated with self-reported distress. Results suggest eyeglasses and darker skin tone are strongly associated with greater reports of racialization and psychological distress in Asian American college students.
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The bad genes and anomalous face overgeneralization accounts of facial preferences were tested by examining cue validity, cue utilization, and accuracy in judging health and intelligence from faces in the upper and lower halves of the distributions of attractiveness and its components: averageness, symmetry, and masculinity. Consistent with the bad genes hypothesis, facial attractiveness, averageness, symmetry, and male face masculinity each provided valid cues to intelligence and/or health for faces in the lower but not the upper halves of the distributions of these facial qualities. Consistent with the anomalous face overgeneralization hypothesis, attractiveness and its components were utilized as cues not only for faces in the lower halves of the distributions, but also for those in the upper halves. Intelligence and health were judged accurately for faces in the lower but not the upper half of the attractiveness distribution, and attractiveness mediated this accuracy at all ages except adolescence. Since adolescence is the prime mating age, the latter finding raises questions about the utility of attractiveness as an evolved mechanism to ensure the selection of high quality mates.
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Four questions were addressed concerning perceptions of babyfaced individuals from infancy to older adulthood: (1) Do perceivers make reliable babyface judgments at each age; (2) does a babyface have the same effects on trait impressions at each age; (3) are the effects of a babyface independent of the effects of attractiveness; and (4) what facial maturity features are associated with babyface ratings, and do these features predict trait impressions? Ratings of portrait photographs revealed that perceivers reliably detect variations in babyfaceness across the life span. Facial measurements revealed that large eyes, a round face, thin eyebrows, and a small nose bridge characterized a babyface. Trait impressions showed a babyface overgeneralization effect at each age: Babyfaced individuals were perceived to have more childlike traits than their maturefaced peers, and this effect was independent of attractiveness. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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Thirty-two photographs of male faces, four for each combination of the presence and absence of glasses, hair, and beard, were rated by 75 judges on 23 scales, assessing the typicality for 15 occupations as well as eight personal qualities. The effects of facial attributes on ratings formed characteristic profiles for the different scales. The pattern of correlations between facial attributes and factor scores from a factor analysis of the ratings indicates that the judges associated wearing glasses with intellectualism and goodness, being bald with idealism, and wearing a beard with unconventionality and goodness. In two further experiments, judges were to identify each of three faces with one of three or four occupations; the results confirmed the operativeness of the profiles from the rating experiment.
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Recent research has shown that rapid judgments about the personality traits of political candidates, based solely on their appearance, can predict their electoral success. This suggests that voters rely heavily on appearances when choosing which candidate to elect. Here we review this literature and examine the determinants of the relationship between appearance-based trait inferences and voting. We also reanalyze previous data to show that facial competence is a highly robust and specific predictor of political preferences. Finally, we introduce a computer model of face-based competence judgments, which we use to derive some of the facial features associated with these judgments. KeywordsFirst impressions-Voting-Political decision making-Face perception-Social cognition
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PsyScope is an integrated environment for designing and running psychology experiments on Macintosh computers. The primary goal of PsyScope is to give both psychology students and trained researchers a tool that allows them to design experiments without the need for programming. PsyScope relies on the interactive graphic environment provided by Macintosh computers to accomplish this goal. The standard components of a psychology experiment—groups, blocks, trials, and factors—are all represented graphically, and experiments are constructed by working with these elements in interactive windows and dialogs. In this article, we describe the overall organization of the program, provide an example of how a simple experiment can be constructed within its graphic environment, and discuss some of its technical features (such as its underlying scripting language, timing characteristics, etc.). PsyScope is available for noncommercial purposes free of charge and unsupported to the general research community. Information about how to obtain the program and its documentation is provided.
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Recent research shows a strong effect of adaptation on gaze perception: Adaptation to faces with eye gaze constantly diverted in one direction subsequently impairs the perception of that gaze direction. A previous study on the neural correlates of this effect found that N170 amplitudes to test faces were strongly attenuated following adaptation. ERP modulations as a function of gaze direction adaptation, however, were found only later (250-350 ms). Here, we used a new paradigm to study the exact nature of both the gaze direction-invariant N170 attenuation effect and the direction-specific effects in later time windows. We compared the ability to classify gaze direction before and after adaptation to direct gaze (control condition) or to eye gaze diverted to the right (adaptation condition). Behavioral results clearly replicated earlier findings of an impaired perception of eye gaze directed to the adapted side. The ERP analysis confirmed an insensitivity of the N170 to gaze adaptation, suggesting that reported attenuations resulted from adaptation to generic face information irrespective of gaze direction. Occipitotemporal ERPs ∼250-350 ms showed direction-specific modulations with most positive amplitudes in response to stimuli gazing in the direction of adaptation. Finally, there was an effect in the parietal late positive component ∼400-600 ms, which we interpret as a neural correlate of adaptation-induced novelty detection.
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Event-related potentials (ERPs) associated with face perception were recorded with scalp electrodes from normal volunteers. Subjects performed a visual target detection task in which they mentally counted the number of occurrences of pictorial stimuli from a designated category such us butterflies. In separate experiments, target stimuli were embedded within a series of other stimuli including unfamiliar human faces and isolated face components, inverted faces, distorted faces, animal faces, and other nonface stimuli. Unman faces evoked a negative potential at 172 msec (N170), which was absent from the ERPs elicited by other animate and inanimate nonface stimuli. N170 was largest over the posterior temporal scalp and was larger over the right than the left hemisphere. N170 was delayed when faces were presented upside-down, but its amplitude did not change. When presented in isolation, eyes elicited an N170 that was significantly larger than that elicited by whole faces, while noses and lips elicited small negative ERPs about 50 msec later than N170. Distorted human faces, in which the locations of inner face components were altered, elicited an N170 similar in amplitude to that elicited by normal faces. However, faces of animals, human hands, cars, and items of furniture did not evoke N170. N170 may reflect the operation of a neural mechanism tuned to detect (as opposed to identify) human faces, similar to the "structural encoder" suggested by Bruce and Young (1986). A similar function has been proposed for the face-selective N200 ERP recorded from the middle fusiform and posterior inferior temporal gyri using subdural electrodes in humans (Allison, McCarthy, Nobre, Puce, & Belger, 1994c). However, the differential sensitivity of N170 to eyes in isolation suggests that N170 may reflect the activation of an eye-sensitive region of cortex. The voltage distribution of N170 over the scalp is consistent with a neural generator located in the occipitotemporal sulcus lateral to the fusiform/inferior temporal region that generates N200.
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In everyday life, human faces are encountered in many different views. Despite this fact, most psychological research has focused on the perception of frontal faces. To address this shortcoming, the current study investigated how different face views are processed, by measuring eye movements to frontal, mid-profile and profile faces during a gender categorization (Experiment 1) and a free-viewing task (Experiment 2). In both experiments observers initially fixated the geometric center of a face, independent of face view. This center-of-gravity effect induced a qualitative shift in the features that were sampled across different face views in the time period immediately after stimulus onset. Subsequent eye fixations focused increasingly on specific facial features. At this stage, the eye regions were targeted predominantly in all face views, and to a lesser extent also the nose and the mouth. These findings show that initial saccades to faces are driven by general stimulus properties, before eye movements are redirected to the specific facial features in which observers take an interest. These findings are illustrated in detail by plotting the distribution of fixations, first fixations, and percentage fixations across time.
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A framework is outlined in which individual faces are assumed to be encoded as a point in a multidimensional space, defined by dimensions that serve to discriminate faces. It is proposed that such a framework can account for the effects of distinctiveness, inversion, and race on recognition of faces. Two specific models within this framework are identified: a norm-based coding model, in which faces are encoded as vectors from a population norm or prototype, and a purely exemplar-based model. Both models make similar predictions, albeit in different ways, concerning the interactions between the effects of distinctiveness, inversion and race. These predictions were supported in five experiments in which photographs of faces served as stimuli. The norm-based coding version and the exemplar-based version of the framework cannot be distinguished on the basis of the experiments reported, but it is argued that a multidimensional space provides a useful heuristic framework to investigate recognition of faces. Finally, the relationship between the specific models is considered and an implementation in terms of parallel distributed processing is briefly discussed.
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The finding that photographic and digital composites (blends) of faces are considered to be attractive has led to the claim that attractiveness is averageness. This would encourage stabilizing selection, favouring phenotypes with an average facial structure. The 'averageness hypothesis' would account for the low distinctiveness of attractive faces but is difficult to reconcile with the finding that some facial measurements correlate with attractiveness. An average face shape is attractive but may not be optimally attractive. Human preferences may exert directional selection pressures, as with the phenomena of optimal outbreeding and sexual selection for extreme characteristics. Using composite faces, we show here that, contrary to the averageness hypothesis, the mean shape of a set of attractive faces is preferred to the mean shape of the sample from which the faces were selected. In addition, attractive composites can be made more attractive by exaggerating the shape differences from the sample mean. Japanese and caucasian observers showed the same direction of preferences for the same facial composites, suggesting that aesthetic judgements of face shape are similar across different cultural backgrounds. Our finding that highly attractive facial configurations are not average shows that preferences could exert a directional selection pressure on the evolution of human face shape.
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Are faces recognized using more holistic representations than other types of stimuli? Taking holistic representation to mean representation without an internal part structure, we interpret the available evidence on this issue and then design new empirical tests. Based on previous research, we reasoned that if a portion of an object corresponds to an explicitly represented part in a hierarchical visual representation, then when that portion is presented in isolation it will be identified relatively more easily than if it did not have the status of an explicitly represented part. The hypothesis that face recognition is holistic therefore predicts that a part of a face will be disproportionately more easily recognized in the whole face than as an isolated part, relative to recognition of the parts and wholes of other kinds of stimuli. This prediction was borne out in three experiments: subjects were more accurate at identifying the parts of faces, presented in the whole object, than they were at identifying the same part presented in isolation, even though both parts and wholes were tested in a forced-choice format and the whole faces differed only by one part. In contrast, three other types of stimuli--scrambled faces, inverted faces, and houses--did not show this advantage for part identification in whole object recognition.
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There is a large literature on the own race bias, the finding that people are better at recognizing faces of people from their own race. Here an own gender bias is shown: Males are better at identifying male faces than female faces and females are better at identifying female faces than male faces. Encoding a person's hair is shown to account for approximately half of the own gender bias when measured using hit and false alarm rates. Remember/know judgements and confidence measures are taken. Encoding a person's hair is critical for having a "remember" recollective experience. Parallels with the own race bias and implications for eyewitness testimony are discussed.
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Four questions were addressed concerning perceptions of babyfaced individuals from infancy to older adulthood: (a) Do perceivers make reliable babyface judgments at each age; (b) does a babyface have the same effects on trait impressions at each age; (c) are the effects of a babyface independent of the effects of attractiveness; and (d) what facial maturity features are associated with babyface ratings, and do these features predict trait impressions? Ratings of portrait photographs revealed that perceivers reliably detect variations in babyfaceness across the life span. Facial measurements revealed that large eyes, a round face, thin eyebrows, and a small nose bridge characterized a babyface. Trait impressions showed a babyface overgeneralization effect at each age: Babyfaced individuals were perceived to have more childlike traits than their maturefaced peers, and this effect was independent of attractiveness.
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The study reports a factor analytic investigation of the interpersonal attraction construct. Two‐hundred and fifteen subjects completed 30 Likert‐type, seven‐step scales concerning an acquaintance. Factor analysis indicated three dimensions of the interpersonal attraction construct which were labeled “task” “social” and “physical.” The results of this study and four replications suggest that the resulting 15‐item instrument can be expected to measure reliably three dimensions of interpersonal attraction.
Article
Distinctiveness contributes strongly to the recognition and rejection of faces in memory tasks. In four experiments we examine the role played by local and relational information in the distinctiveness of upright and inverted faces. In all experiments subjects saw one of three versions of a face: original faces, which had been rated as average in distinctiveness in a previous study (Hancock, Burton, & Bruce, 1996), a more distinctive version in which local features had been changed (D-local), and a more distinctive version in which relational features had been changed (D-rel). An increase in distinctiveness was found for D-local and D-rel faces in Experiment 1 (complete faces) and 3 and 4 (face internals only) when the faces had to be rated in upright presentation, but the distinctiveness of the D-rel faces was reduced much more than that of the D-local versions when the ratings were given to the faces presented upside-down (Experiments 1 and 3). Recognition performance showed a similar pattern: presented upright, both D-local and D-rel revealed higher performance compared to the originals, but in upside-down presentation the D-local versions showed a much stronger distinctiveness advantage. When only internal features of faces were used (Experiments 3 and 4), the D-rel faces lost their advantage over the Original versions in inverted presentation. The results suggest that at least two dimensions of facial information contribute to a face's apparent distinctiveness, but that these sources of information are differentially affected by turning the face upside-down. These findings are in accordance with a face processing model in which face inversion effects occur because a specific type of information processing is disrupted, rather than because of a general disruption of performance.
Article
Face processing relies on configural processing, which is thought to be particularly disrupted by inversion. We compared inversion effects in recognition experiments for three types of stimuli, using faces (Experiment 1) and houses (Experiment 2). Stimuli varied by their colour only (colour), by the spatial relations between components (relational), or by the components themselves (eyes, mouths, doors). For faces, relational versions revealed strong inversion effects, component versions moderate, and colour versions no inversion effect. Recognition of houses revealed no inversion effects at all. We suggest that the inversion effects observed for faces in the component condition are due to relational changes, which must accompany any change in components. This proposal may account for the rather inconsistent effects of inversion reported in the literature. Furthermore, we suggest configural processing seems to be somehow face-specific.
Article
Face recognition is an area where research has increased considerably in recent years, yet theoretical progress has been slow. Here it is argued that by considering the perception and recognition of familiar faces, as well as episodic memory for unfamiliar faces, a functional framework for face recognition can be developed. Experiments using faces, that include tasks analogous to 'visual search' and 'lexical decision' are described, and the processes in operation are compared with those occurring in word recognition. The results allow us to distinguish a number of possible subcomponents for a functional model of face recognition.
Article
People judged as highly attractive are more typical in appearance than people who are judged as less attractive. They are liked better but are harder to recognize because they are more similar to each other. This constellation of results is consistent with current views about the nature of category structure.
Article
Two conditions which both disrupt faces processing, inversion and the transformation of the face into an edge-based line drawing, have each been explained at least partially in terms of a disruption of configural information. Five experiments are reported in which the combined effects of the two manipulations were investigated, to find out how the combination of both affects face processing. Moreover, two different tasks were used: sequential matching of person identity and free identification. The general pattern of result revealed that in both tasks effects of both manipulations are rather additive and thus it is concluded that both manipulations are disruptive through different sorts of information processing. It is discussed how at least two different kinds of configural information are involved in face processing. The comparison of the two tasks, identification and sequential matching, indicates that identification is the more critical condition as it cannot be based on inferences that are probably due to short-term representations of critical features – although both tasks reveal similar results.
Article
Dimensions of the Sense of Coherence (SOC) scale were investigated for chronic pain inpatients and a control group (nurse students) (in all, N=737). Different facets of the SOC scale were examined. The patients were categorized according to prototype profiles: dysfunctional, interpersonally distressed and adaptive copers. Four factors of SOC were analyzed by use of confirmatory factor analysis): potentiality, unpredictability, control of events, trust in self and others. Large group differences were found for ratings related to each of the four dimensions.
Book
Do we read character in faces? What information do faces actually provide? Why do we associate certain facial qualities with particular character traits? What are the social and psychological consequences of reading character in faces? Zebrowitz unmasks the face and provides the first systematic, scientific account of our tendency to judge people by their appearance. Offering an in-depth analysis of two appearance qualities that influence our impressions of others, babyfaceness" and attractiveness", and an account of these impressions, Zebrowitz has written an accessible and valuable book for professionals and general readers alike.The assumption that people's faces provide a window to their inner nature has a long and distinguished history, eloquently expressed in the works of ancient philosophers, like Aristotle, and great writers, like Shakespeare. Zebrowitz examines this assumption, focusing on four central points. She shows that facial appearance, particularly babyfaceness and attractiveness, has a strong impact on how we perceive an individual's character traits and on social outcomes in the workplace, in the criminal justice system, and in other settings. She proposes that facial stereotypes derive from evolutionarily adaptive reactions to useful information that faces can provide. She assesses the accuracy of facial stereotypes in light of plausible links between appearance and character. Finally, Zebrowitz suggests ways to counteract the consequences of reading faces.
Article
Scientists and philosophers have searched for centuries for a parsimonious answer to the question of what constitutes beauty. We approached this problem from both an evolutionary and information-processing rationale and predicted that faces representing the average value of the population would be consistently judged as attractive. To evaluate this hypothesis, we digitized samples of male and female faces, mathematically averaged them, and had adults judge the attractiveness of both the individual faces and the computer-generated composite images. Both male (three samples) and female (three samples) composite faces were judged as more attractive than almost all the individual faces comprising the composites. A strong linear trend also revealed that the composite faces became more attractive as more faces were entered. These data showing that attractive faces are only average are consistent with evolutionary pressures that favor characteristics close to the mean of the population and with cognitive processes that favor prototypical category members.
Article
20 male and 20 female undergraduates rated photographs of people wearing glasses as more intelligent and less attractive than those not wearing glasses. Men were more critical in their judgments and were rated as more attractive. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
Sex differences in the stereotype of eyeglasses were investigated via a three-part questionnaire administered to 217 adults. In the first part, subjects viewed one of five males or five females wearing glasses or not and rated this individual on a number of descriptors as well as guessing his or her three favorite pastimes. In the second part male and female subjects with and without glasses were compared on self-evaluations of the same descriptors and activities. They also responded to open-ended questions concerning their reasons for using spectacles and contact lenses and the effects of these visual correctives on their self-perceptions and the perceptions of others. In the third part subjects evaluated a typical woman and a typical man with glasses on the same descriptors. These three methods of identifying sex differences in stereotypes of eyeglasses produced somewhat conflicting results. Photographs with glasses were judged as less attractive and sexy, but males considered the typical woman with glasses as sexier and more attractive than the typical woman without glasses. Generally, people with glasses were considered to be more intelligent and intense, and the stereotypes of the typical woman and man with glasses were highly positive. Women with glasses were viewed as more feminine and men with glasses as more masculine. Although wearing glasses affected the self-concept of females more than males, there was little evidence that they experienced a more negative “spectacle image” than males.
Article
Two studies examine the ability to recognize previously seen persons embedded among foils. Subjects in Study I tried to identify 20 persons among 20 foils (an easy task), whereas subjects in Study II tried to identify 50 persons among 50 foils (a difficult task). There were three independent variables: the stimulus person’s eyeglasses and sex, and the subject’s depth of processing. The first two independent variables were varied by photographs of males and females with or without glasses; depth of processing was manipulated by having subjects either judge traits (deep) or describe appearance (shallow) of the stimulus persons during the initial exposure phase. Responses were scored for “hits,” and “false alarms,” and these were transformed intod’ and β indices. Generally speaking, eyeglasses hindered facial recognition; deep processing facilitated the difficult recognition task more than the easy task; and there was a same-sex advantage in recognition. Analyses of subjects’ judgments suggest that glasses lessen attractiveness and discriminability.
Article
The study reports a factor analytic investigation of the interpersonal attraction construct. Two‐hundred and fifteen subjects completed 30 Likert‐type, seven‐step scales concerning an acquaintance. Factor analysis indicated three dimensions of the interpersonal attraction construct which were labeled “task” “social” and “physical.” The results of this study and four replications suggest that the resulting 15‐item instrument can be expected to measure reliably three dimensions of interpersonal attraction.
Article
Adaptation influences perception not only of simple stimulus qualities such as motion or colour, but also of complex stimuli such as faces. Here we demonstrate contrasting aftereffects of adaptation to facial age. In Experiment 1, participants adapted to either young or old faces, and subsequently estimated the age of morphed test faces with interpolated ages of 30, 40, 50 or 60 years. Following adaptation to old adaptors, test faces were classified as much younger when compared to classifications of the same test faces following adaptation to young faces, which in turn caused subjective test face "aging". These aftereffects were reduced but remained clear even when facial gender changed between adaptor and test faces. In Experiment 2, we induced simultaneous opposite age aftereffects for female and male faces. Overall, these results demonstrate interactions in the perception of facial age and gender, and support dissociable neuronal coding of male and female faces.
Article
According to evolutionary psychology people prefer curved objects. We provide evidence that preferences for curved objects might be biologically motivated, but can also be, at least partly, modulated by fashion, trends or Zeitgeist effects. In four studies, participants (n1=38, n2=40, n3=38, n4=38) rated the curvature and appreciation of car models for ten 5-y periods (1950-1999). A parabolic function of curvature, with the lowest curvature for 1980s designs, was documented. Further, appreciation followed this parabolic trend. We revealed adaptation effects as plausible candidates for triggering such changes in preference. In sum, as appreciation of curvature changes dynamically over time, any study aiming to find static and general principles of liking regarding curvature is confounded with Zeitgeist effects.
Article
Classically, it has been presumed that picture-plane inversion primarily reduces sensitivity to spacing/configural information in faces (distance between location of the major features) and has little effect on sensitivity to local feature information (e.g., eye shape or color). Here, we review 22 published studies relevant to this claim. Data show that the feature inversion effect varied substantially across studies as a function of the following factors: whether the feature change was shape only or included color/brightness, the number of faces in the stimulus set, and whether the feature was in facial context. For shape-only changes in facial context, feature inversion effects were as large as typical spacing inversion effects. Small feature inversion effects occurred only when a task could be efficiently solved by visual-processing areas outside whole-face coding. The results argue that holistic/configural processing for upright faces integrates exact feature shape and spacing between blobs. We describe two plausible approaches to this process.
Article
A familiar face is instantly recognized in a crowd. This cannot be achieved through a feature by feature comparison of the observed face with either an average face (norm-based model of face recognition) or with a set of similarly constructed faces stored in memory (exemplar-based model of face recognition). A modified norm-based model is thus proposed. Instead of memorizing an average face, the normal variations for each facial feature are used to construct a multidimensional volume of face-space devoid of unusual features, here defined as features whose metrics lie below the 5th or above the 95th percentiles for that feature. A face consisting of 100 independently variable features will thus have, on average, 10 unusual features. Face identification then becomes exception-reporting. It requires only 10 such rare features to render a given face a one in 10(13) faces (P=0.05(10)=9.8 x 10(-14)). In a world containing 6.7 x 10(9) people, such a face would be unique. Faces remembered in this way can have their unusual features exaggerated or attenuated without loss of identity. This is the basis of caricatures and anti-caricatures. It also means that individuals belonging to a foreign race, possessing several features with modes beyond the "usual range" of the own-race population, will all look alike. Features that render a face unique in the own-race population are now shared by everyone in the foreign race. Average faces are more beautiful than the faces used in the averaging process. This makes evolutionary sense. Natural selection increases the frequency of fit features at the expense of maladaptive features. "Usual features" are therefore fitter than "unusual features", and play an important role in mate selection. Such an existing fundamental sexual attribute could easily have been harnessed for the fast and efficient recognition of individuals in the community.
Article
Eyes and gaze are very important stimuli for human social interactions. Recent studies suggest that impairments in recognizing face identity, facial emotions or in inferring attention and intentions of others could be linked to difficulties in extracting the relevant information from the eye region including gaze direction. In this review, we address the central role of eyes and gaze in social cognition. We start with behavioral data demonstrating the importance of the eye region and the impact of gaze on the most significant aspects of face processing. We review neuropsychological cases and data from various imaging techniques such as fMRI/PET and ERP/MEG, in an attempt to best describe the spatio-temporal networks underlying these processes. The existence of a neuronal eye detector mechanism is discussed as well as the links between eye gaze and social cognition impairments in autism. We suggest impairments in processing eyes and gaze may represent a core deficiency in several other brain pathologies and may be central to abnormal social cognition.
Article
Subjects indicated their affective reactions to a male and female photographed with eyeglasses, dark sunglasses, or a facial scar. The models' scars evoked considerable negative affect, and their sunglasses evoked a neutral reaction. The female's eyeglasses evoked almost as much negative affect as her scar, suggesting that they were associated with an unattractive disfigurement or defect. The male's eyeglasses evoked more positive affect than their sunglasses. Supplemental reanalyses of earlier data confirmed that eyeglasses detract from ratings of females' attractiveness, but they improve ratings of males' attractiveness.
Article
In an earlier study it was found that distinctive familiar faces were recognised faster than typical familiar faces in a familiarity decision task. In the first experiment reported here this effect was replicated with the use of celebrities' faces rather than personally familiar faces. In the second and third experiments the effect of distinctiveness was found to reverse if the task was to distinguish between faces and jumbled faces. Subjects took longer to classify distinctive faces as faces than they did to classify typical faces. Thus distinctive faces were recognised faster, but were classified as faces more slowly than were typical faces, both when personally familiar faces and when famous faces were used as stimuli. These results are interpeted as evidence that faces are encoded by reference to a general face prototype.
Article
The aim of this paper is to develop a theoretical model and a set of terms for understanding and discussing how we recognize familiar faces, and the relationship between recognition and other aspects of face processing. It is suggested that there are seven distinct types of information that we derive from seen faces; these are labelled pictorial, structural, visually derived semantic, identity-specific semantic, name, expression and facial speech codes. A functional model is proposed in which structural encoding processes provide descriptions suitable for the analysis of facial speech, for analysis of expression and for face recognition units. Recognition of familiar faces involves a match between the products of structural encoding and previously stored structural codes describing the appearance of familiar faces, held in face recognition units. Identity-specific semantic codes are then accessed from person identity nodes, and subsequently name codes are retrieved. It is also proposed that the cognitive system plays an active role in deciding whether or not the initial match is sufficiently close to indicate true recognition or merely a 'resemblance'; several factors are seen as influencing such decisions. This functional model is used to draw together data from diverse sources including laboratory experiments, studies of everyday errors, and studies of patients with different types of cerebral injury. It is also used to clarify similarities and differences between processes for object, word and face recognition.
Article
Bartlett et al. (1984) argued that the well-documented effect of distinctiveness in recognition memory for previously unfamiliar faces can be accounted for in terms of the differential perceived familiarity of distinctive and typical faces. The experiment reported found independent effects of distinctiveness and familiarity in the recognition of highly familiar faces. These results are inconsistent with Bartlett et al.'s familiarity hypothesis and are explained better in terms of a facial prototype.
Article
The highly specialised skill of face recognition found in humans is thought to be dependent on the processing of a combination of edge-based and surface-based information, and of single-feature as well as of configural information. An investigation was carried out into how the saliency of facial information differs between faces presented as line drawings and the same faces presented as photographs. In experiment 1, the participants showed a decreased sensitivity in their detection of changed configural properties if the faces were presented as line drawings. In experiment 2 an investigation was carried out into whether distinctiveness due to configural properties loses its impact on recognition when faces are transformed to line drawings. For each of twenty unfamiliar male faces, a more 'distinctive' version was created by moving the eye region down. The increase of distinctiveness was confirmed in a rating phase. In a later recognition test, with the same stimuli presented either as line drawings or as photographs, the more distinctive stimuli produced higher recognition rates when presented as photographs but the advantage disappeared when the same faces were presented as line drawings. The changes in sensitivity to configural properties thus contribute to the poor recognition of faces presented as line representations.
Article
Distinctiveness contributes strongly to the recognition and rejection of faces in memory tasks. In four experiments we examine the role played by local and relational information in the distinctiveness of upright and inverted faces. In all experiments subjects saw one of three versions of a face: original faces, which had been rated as average in distinctiveness in a previous study (Hancock, Burton, & Bruce, 1996), a more distinctive version in which local features had been changed (D-local), and a more distinctive version in which relational features had been changed (D-rel). An increase in distinctiveness was found for D-local and D-rel faces in Experiment 1 (complete faces) and 3 and 4 (face internals only) when the faces had to be rated in upright presentation, but the distinctiveness of the D-rel faces was reduced much more than that of the D-local versions when the ratings were given to the faces presented upside-down (Experiments 1 and 3). Recognition performance showed a similar pattern: presented upright, both D-local and D-rel revealed higher performance compared to the originals, but in upside-down presentation the D-local versions showed a much stronger distinctiveness advantage. When only internal features of faces were used (Experiments 3 and 4), the D-rel faces lost their advantage over the Original versions in inverted presentation. The results suggest that at least two dimensions of facial information contribute to a face's apparent distinctiveness, but that these sources of information are differentially affected by turning the face upside-down. These findings are in accordance with a face processing model in which face inversion effects occur because a specific type of information processing is disrupted, rather than because of a general disruption of performance.
Article
The processing of facial line drawings was investigated in either simultaneous or sequential matching trials with either the same or different viewpoint, showing pictures of faces either in the same modes (both photographs or line drawings) or different modes (one in each mode). Line drawings were particularly difficult to match in memory rather than under perceptual conditions, and line drawings did not allow the creation of efficient structural codes. These deficits of line representations underline the assumption that the face-processing system is inflexible when it is confronted with edge-based material.
Article
People are excellent at identifying faces familiar to them, even from very low quality images, but are bad at recognizing, or even matching, unfamiliar faces. In this review we shall consider some of the factors that affect our abilities to match unfamiliar faces. Major differences in orientation (e.g. inversion) or greyscale information (e.g. negation) affect face processing dramatically, and such effects suggest that representations derived from unfamiliar faces are based on relatively low-level image descriptions. Consistent with this, even relatively minor differences in lighting and viewpoint create problems for human face matching, leading to potentially important problems for the use of images from security videos. The relationships between different parts of the face (its 'configuration') are as important to the impression created of an upright face as the local features themselves, suggesting further constraints on the representations derived from faces. We go on to consider the contribution of computer face-recognition systems to the understanding of the theory and the practical problems of face identification. Finally, we look to the future of research in this area that will incorporate motion and 3-D shape information.
Article
We explored the relationships between facial attractiveness and several variables thought to be related to genotypic and phenotypic quality in humans (namely fluctuating asymmetry (FA), body mass index (BMI), health, age). To help resolve some controversy around previous studies, we used consistent measurement and statistical methods and relatively large samples of both female (n=94) and male (n=95) subjects (to be evaluated and measured), and female (n=226) and male (n=153) viewers (to rate attractiveness). We measured the asymmetry of 22 traits from three trait families (eight facial, nine body and five fingerprint traits) and constructed composite asymmetry indices of traits showing significant repeatability. Facial attractiveness was negatively related to an overall asymmetry index in both females and males, with almost identical slopes. Female facial attractiveness was best predicted by BMI and past health problems, whereas male facial attractiveness was best predicted by the socioeconomic status (SES) of their rearing environment. Composite FA indices accounted for a small (<4%) but usually significant percentage of the variation in facial attractiveness in both sexes, when factors related to asymmetry were controlled statistically. We conclude that, although facial attractiveness is negatively related to developmental instability (as measured by asymmetry), attractiveness also signals different aspects of "quality" in the two sexes, independent of FA.
Article
In a free viewing learning condition, participants were allowed to move their eyes naturally as they learned a set of new faces. In a restricted viewing learning condition, participants remained fixated in a single central location as they learned the new faces. Recognition of the learned faces was then tested following the two learning conditions. Eye movements were recorded during the free viewing learning condition, as well as during recognition. The recognition results showed a clear deficit following the restricted viewing condition, compared with the free viewing condition, demonstrating that eye movements play a functional role during human face learning. Furthermore, the features selected for fixation during recognition were similar following free viewing and restricted viewing learning, suggesting that the eye movements generated during recognition are not simply a recapitulation of those produced during learning.
Article
We investigated the human face specificity by comparing the effects of inversion and contrast reversal, two manipulations known to disrupt configural face processing, on human and ape faces, isolated eyes and objects, using event-related potentials. The face sensitive marker, N170, was shortest to human faces and delayed by inversion and contrast reversal for all categories and not only for human faces. Most importantly, N170 to inverted or contrast-reversed faces was not different from N170 to eyes that did not differ across manipulations. This suggests the disruption of facial configuration by these manipulations isolates the eye region from the face context, to which eye neurons respond. Our data suggest that (i) the inversion and contrast reversal effects on N170 latency are not specific to human faces and (ii) the similar increase of N170 amplitude by inversion and contrast reversal is unique to human faces and is driven by the eye region. Thus, while inversion and contrast reversal effects on N170 latency are not category-specific, their effects on amplitude are face-specific and reflect mainly the contribution of the eye region.
Article
We are able to recognise familiar faces easily across large variations in image quality, though our ability to match unfamiliar faces is strikingly poor. Here we ask how the representation of a face changes as we become familiar with it. We use a simple image-averaging technique to derive abstract representations of known faces. Using Principal Components Analysis, we show that computational systems based on these averages consistently outperform systems based on collections of instances. Furthermore, the quality of the average improves as more images are used to derive it. These simulations are carried out with famous faces, over which we had no control of superficial image characteristics. We then present data from three experiments demonstrating that image averaging can also improve recognition by human observers. Finally, we describe how PCA on image averages appears to preserve identity-specific face information, while eliminating non-diagnostic pictorial information. We therefore suggest that this is a good candidate for a robust face representation.