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ORIGINAL ARTICLE
The Framing Project: A Bridging Model for
Media Research Revisited
Stephen D. Reese
College of Communication, University of Texas, Austin, TX 78712
doi:10.1111/j.1460-2466.2006.00334.x
Framing, unlike many more esoteric research concepts, has gained remarkable
popularity in both the scholarly literature and the public imagination. As with
its often-associated idea of media agenda setting, people intuitively grasp what it
conveys, although framing suggests more intentionality on the part of the framer
and relates more explicitly to political strategy. As a result, academics such as
George Lakoff and Geoffrey Nunberg have found recent visibility as political
groups, particularly liberal, try to figure out how they lost the ‘‘framing wars.’’
Lakoff says that conservatives bend ideas to fit a coherent narrative; Nunberg says
that narrative is only rhetorical, providing only the illusion of coherence (Drum,
2006). Thus, even between linguists differences arise as to what to make of framing
as a theoretical idea—differences that become wider when played out across other
disciplines. The interdisciplinary quality of the communication field has meant
a natural diversity of approaches, leading some to urge more effort toward cleaning
up the framing paradigm, making it more theoretically respectable and coherent
(e.g., Scheufele, 2004).
Framing’s value, however, does not hinge on its potential as a unified research
domain but, as I have suggested before, as a provocative model that bridges parts of
the field that need to be in touch with each other: quantitative and qualitative,
empirical and interpretive, psychological and sociological, and academic and pro-
fessional. If the most interesting happens at the edges of disciplines—and in the
center of policy debates—then framing certainly has the potential to bring disci-
plinary perspectives together in interesting ways. At least, framing alerts researchers
to the possibilities available from other perspectives. In that respect, I am in
agreement with D’Angelo (2002) that framing is more of a research program
than a unified paradigm and that theoretical diversity has been beneficial in devel-
oping a comprehensive understanding of the process (if not a consistent terminol-
ogy). I am not sure, however, how well we have taken advantage of these new
possibilities.
Corresponding author: Stephen D. Reese.; e-mail: steve.reese@austin.utexas.edu
Journal of Communication ISSN 0021-9916
148 Journal of Communication 57 (2007) 148–154 ª2007 International Communication Association
Of course, a conceptual framework guiding individual research cannot be inter-
nally contradictory and must be matched with appropriate methods. But while being
careful about terms, it is important not to be too narrow. Like a paradigm, framing
opens up questions that were not on the table before. In particular, it may encourage
empiricists to consider more interpretive aspects of their questions. For more inter-
pretive critical research, it opens up opportunities to more explicitly examine ideo-
logical concepts of ‘‘definition of the situation’’ and ‘‘naturalizing’’ not just assuming
that the powerful are able to set and naturalize those definitions unproblematically.
As a theoretical perspective, framing helps add some critical flavor to the media-
effects approach on one side while taming with more observational precision the
media hegemony view on the other. In that respect, framing has brought a useful
respectability to what was easily marginalized as an ‘‘unscientific’’ critical theory.
Framing has put together strange bedfellows that differ in important philosoph-
ical assumptions. Whether reality is socially constructed or empirically ‘‘out there,’’
experiences vary in certain important ways to reveal observable patterns. If there
were no regularities with consequences for social action, we would not find them of
interest, as we do within framing analysis. Tuchman’s (1978) often-cited phenom-
enologically based research, for example, examines how ‘‘news’’ is brought into being
by the active forces of order that bracket out certain happenings via the routinized,
legitimized, and institutionalized structures that favor certain ways of seeing. It
would be too static a view that experience is completely defined in advance, but it
is a valuable corrective to the news-as-‘‘out there’’ idea. In a dynamic ‘‘feedforward’’
process, we see what the system and frames embedded within them allow us to see,
an important idea regardless of epistemology.
Among recent reviews, D’Angelo (2002) notes that the framing program is guided
by a combination of the cognitive, constructivist, and critical perspectives. Given the
historically strong emphasis in communication research on media effects, it is not
surprising to see the cognitive perspective receiving the most emphasis. That helps
explain why Carragee and Roefs (2004) claim that there has been a ‘‘neglect of power’’
in the area. The cognitive perspective has been largely agnostic concerning how frames
are implicated in societal-level power, dealing with the ‘‘negotiation’’ or interaction of
psychological structures as coping devices for message elements. The constructivist
perspective (e.g., Gamson & Modigliani, 1989) has regarded frames as relatively
benign resources, tools that are more or less accessible to social actors, whereas the
critical perspective has regarded frames as controlling, hegemonic, and tied to larger
elite structures. An awareness of these issues across areas keeps the framing program
from becoming too constricted and losing valuable cross-fertilization.
Scheufele (2004), for example, correctly notes that there is a tendency for frame
reductionism that valuable insights from the public discourse and social movement
areas are not taken into account. Highlighting simple description of media frames is
tempting, and a frequent approach given the easy availability of media texts, but this
risks reifying them—locking them in place, as though they were not part of a larger
conversation, serving particular interests, and undergoing changes over time.
S. D. Reese A Bridging Model for Media Research Revisited
Journal of Communication 57 (2007) 148–154 ª2007 International Communication Association 149
A bridging model
The gravitational pull of these research areas was made clear to me about 10 years ago
when a colleague invited me to prepare a keynote address for a framing conference
he was planning. He informed me that I had somehow become associated with the
perspective, which was news to me although one of my articles had been called
‘‘Routine framing of the Persian Gulf War’’ (Reese & Buckalew, 1994). That term
just seemed to fit the kind of things I wanted to say about news coverage. It captured
a sense of ‘‘structure’’ that I found lacking in the ‘‘list of topics’’ style of other
methods. In an earlier study, for the same reason, I had taken a network-analysis
approach to examining the structure of television news sources (Reese, Grant, &
Danielian, 1994). I still think of frames as structures that draw boundaries, set up
categories, define some ideas as out and others in, and generally operate to snag
related ideas in their net in an active process. For me, that captures the way meaning
can be embedded across stories, media, and time. As an approach to media texts,
framing seems to capture more of the ‘‘network society’’ (Castells, 2000) paradigm
than the traditional sender–receiver, message-effects model. And when looking
at frames spread across discourse, rather than contained strictly within individ-
ual message/story packages, it reflects how frames are embedded in the symbolic
environment.
I welcomed the chance to declare myself an expert in this emerging domain
(which led to the edited volume Reese, Gandy, & Grant, 2001), although I have not
been too concerned with advocating for it any kind of disciplinary or paradigmatic
status. My main interest has been in definitional clarity and openness to the inter-
esting questions framing provokes. It appealed to my somewhat eclectic approach to
research, although I do have my preferences. In a synthesis of the area, I offered the
following definition that I hoped captured something of this bridging idea:
Frames are organizing principles that are socially shared and persistent over
time, that work symbolically to meaningfully structure the social world.
(Reese, 2001, p. 11)
By highlighting the ‘‘principles’’ aspect, I wanted to avoid rooting frames in some
static feature of either media texts or individual psychological elements. Symbolic
content is a manifestation of those principles. Embedded in this definition are
a number of variables that I meant to help generate some research questions, such
as the extent to which frames organize, are shared, persist, and forth. I also wanted to
capture what I regard as the most interesting aspect of frames: their dynamic quality,
their ability to project knowledge ahead as they guide the structure of incoming
experience. As Hertog and McLeod (2001) put it, frames are ‘‘structures of meaning
made up of a number of concepts and the relations among those concepts,’’ (p. 140)
with rules for processing new content. Frames thus come to be decked out with
content, peripheral concepts, and new events, which are organized on the basis of the
more central network of concepts. Frames are interesting to the extent that they form
A Bridging Model for Media Research Revisited S. D. Reese
150 Journal of Communication 57 (2007) 148–154 ª2007 International Communication Association
broader patterns, but what supports those patterns? I have been more willing to
assume powerful framing effects and look instead at those kinds of questions.
So, ideally framing provides a ‘‘bridging’’ model. But with the growing popularity
of the concept, I have been sent more manuscripts to review than I care to recall, with
many having only the term ‘‘framing’’ in common. Authors often give an obligatory
nod to the literature before proceeding to do whatever they were going to do in the
first place. In addition, I have worked with a number of doctoral students in our
program and abroad, many of whom find in framing a more compelling hook to
hang their content analyses on. Often, it is simply a matter of substituting ‘‘frame’’
for what would have been called ‘‘topic’’ or ‘‘theme.’’ If they cannot show how
the frame does more ‘‘organizing’’ and ‘‘structuring’’ work, I prefer they not use
the label.
As much as I have encouraged qualitative efforts, I have also seen the difficulty in
teaching the method to those who do not share all of my linguistic and cultural
backgrounds; it is challenging to link up frames with broader cultural elements and
often easier to carry out a less culture-bound content analysis. On the quantitative
side, students often have a unit-of-analysis problem, finding the most appropriate
textual elements to count and sort. It may be a function of a journalism-oriented
program, but they often want to go article by article, classifying them into one frame
category or another. Tankard’s (2001) list of frames approach is often appealing
because it promises empirical clarity. But because the ‘‘list’’ must be winnowed down
sharply in the process of finding consensually codable frames that can be assigned to
stories, the texture is often lost to data reduction. On the qualitative side, authors
often insert large block-quotes of texts in the manuscript and lightly describe what
the text is ‘‘about.’’ It amounts to quoting examples, with little attempt to analyze or
cluster the excerpts around any particular argument. The quantitatively inclined may
think that in framing they have found a way around the need to define reliable
coding measures, and the qualitatively oriented may welcome the ability to dress
up with a theoretical term what amounts to a series of article summaries.
It has been particularly interesting to see the attempts made to subsume framing
under the agenda-setting umbrella. This turf battle is ironic, because I would view
framing as in part a reaction against the theoretical limitations of its neighbor. This
theoretical poaching is aided by a strong tendency in framing research to define the
object too strictly as manifest content, captured in salience, and agenda setting works
on the transfer of salience. As Entman (1993) defines it:
To frame is to select some aspects of a perceived reality and make them more
salient in a communicating text, in such a way as to promote a particular
problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and/or treatment
recommendation. (italics added) (p. 52)
McCombs restricts it further, focusing strictly on the appearance or not of
various framing ‘‘attributes’’ of issue ‘‘objects’’ (e.g., McCombs & Ghanem, 2001).
The advantage in precisely locating the unit of analysis is traded off in restricted
S. D. Reese A Bridging Model for Media Research Revisited
Journal of Communication 57 (2007) 148–154 ª2007 International Communication Association 151
interpretive ability. Scholars can certainly establish a matrix of objects and attributes
that compares the media array of saliences with corresponding saliences in the minds
of the public. And I am willing to accept that there will generally be a strong asso-
ciation between these two sides, but it does not account for the more dynamic
‘‘organizing’’ ability of frames. Even the psychologically oriented review by Scheufele
(2004) faults second-level agenda setting for dealing with attributes singularly and
not regarding frames as configurations of attributes.
News stories must select certain aspects of reality and emphasize them, but
Entman’s definition begs the question of how they are organized ‘‘in such a way
as to promote’’ their effects. It is precisely the way that certain attributes come to be
associated with particular issues that should concern framing analysis. It has been
a major step forward in the empirical tradition to appreciate that there are features
that, when taken together, tell a larger tale than the manifest story. The framing
project opens up more room for interpretation, captures a more dynamic process of
negotiating meaning, and highlights the relationships within discourse.
The ‘‘war on terror’’ is a rich current framing case, perhaps the most important of
our time, and illustrates some of the challenges for research. References to the ‘‘so-
called’’ war on terror or bracketing in quotation marks point to this reflexive aware-
ness among many writers, and many of its elements have already been examined in
the popular press. This partial awareness has not prevented the frame from being
widely accepted as a way of thinking about the ‘‘post–9/11’’ world. But in its prom-
inence its workings may have become taken for granted.
It has proven extremely difficult for any political actors to advance a compelling
counterframe to the ‘‘war on terror.’’ Indeed, even administration critics have been
obliged to accept the phrase in saying that the president has ‘‘undermined the war on
terror,’’ or that others would prosecute it more effectively. The military leadership
itself has chafed under the global war on terror frame, with some arguing that it puts
them in a no-win position, lacking strategic clarity. Nevertheless, it has been insti-
tutionalized as a way of looking at the world, with far-reaching ramifications for U.S.
policy. The war on terror has been elevated to a macro-framework that comes closer
to ideology. That is, political debate takes place largely within the boundaries set by
the frame with general acceptance of the assumptions built into it. It is easy to move
from describing the administration’s ‘‘war on terrorism’’ to considering how things
are going in ‘‘America’s war on terror.’’
This macroframe requires that analysis go beyond specific issue cultures, espe-
cially those advanced by individual social movements. Some ‘‘issues’’—like abortion,
for example—can certainly be presented within clearly competing frames (prolife vs.
prochoice) and are ‘‘functional’’ frames in the sense that they lay out actionable
policy. These different positions, are in turn, well known to journalists who become
mindful of the ‘‘spin’’ various labels give. Entman (2003), for example, even though
ostensibly considering the ‘‘war on terror’’ frame, proceeds to identify the president’s
more narrow ‘‘problem solution’’ focus within it as war with Iraq. This he contrasts
with the ‘‘counterframing’’ of the issue as calling instead for a war with Saudi Arabia
A Bridging Model for Media Research Revisited S. D. Reese
152 Journal of Communication 57 (2007) 148–154 ª2007 International Communication Association
suggested by Seymour Hersh and Thomas Friedman. But the War on Terror is not so
easily linked with one sponsor, nor easily confined to one action position. These
specific political opinions should not be equated with the more embracing frame
within which they operate.
As we tackle challenging questions like these, we should consider the War on
Terror’s ability to organize such a large swath of political action, and it may not lie
in sheer emphasis. An infrequent but taken-for-granted use of the phrase may signal
more deep–level structure even as it continues to find more related concepts with which
to join. It may also be renegotiated over time because policy actors find that they cannot
escape the basic terminology but can redefine some of its meaning. This means being
alert to how resources from the host culture are being appropriated by a variety of
actors and sponsors and examining structures of meaning—the ways they are com-
municated, and the social and media structures that support them. As research goes
forward on important issues like this, I hope we can clearly define how we are using
our terms and fit them in creative ways to the questions, even if that means crossing
a few bridges and being open to neighboring perspectives within the framing project.
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