The Race to Fashoda: European Colonialism and African Resistance in the Scramble for Africa
... Se articuló un consenso manifestado de muy diversas maneras, como se reflejó, por ejemplo, en la Marcha Triunfal de las tropas de los ocho ejércitos en Pekín el 28 de agosto de 1900 112 , un despliegue de poderío militar proyectado al mundo mediante la fotografía 113 . Las potencias europeas también entraron en conflicto en las colonias 114 , lo cual no fue óbice para que estuvieran generalmente «dispuestas a apoyarse, y algunas veces prestarse asistencia, en las actividades coloniales de unas y otras»; en efecto, «para el mundo no blanco bien podría parecer que todos los europeos eran como lobos de una misma camada» 115 . Por supuesto, no siempre reinaron el consenso y la cooperación, siendo corriente que surgieran críticas y tensiones en paralelo a las generalizaciones basadas en las características nacionales 116 . ...
Este artículo analiza las practicas utilizadas por las tropas coloniales británicas en la represión del levantamiento de los bóxers en China (1900-1901). Se ha planteado que no solo fue una guerra colonial, sino que existió un amplio consenso internacional sobre el empleo de tácticas extremas; la rebelión fue brutalmente reprimida por una alianza internacional de ocho estados, incluyendo Gran Bretaña. Aunque Alemania ha centralizado buena parte de la investigación sobre este tema en relación con sus prácticas excepcionalmente violentas, este artículo estudia cómo las tropas británicas también participaron en los peores aspectos de la campaña y, además, que estas prácticas fueron plenamente coherentes con sus métodos y estrategias en todo el imperio británico.
... Strengthened by his victory at Ad(o)wa, Menelik II planned a territorial expansion in the Nile Region and, he tried -unsuccessfullyto make an alliance with the French, who had occupied a fort in Fashoda in Sudan (today Kodok), but who later abandoned it to the British. After the French withdrawal, Menelik signed in March 1902 a treaty with the British abandoning, thus, his plans in the region and promising not to change the course of any of the Nile waters without British permission (Lewis, 1988;Pakenham, 1991:527-538). 5 He founded Addis Ababa in 1887, instigated relations with Russia, further modernised the Church, built a railway line to Djibouti and restored the Ethiopian mint which had been abandoned in the seventh century. ...
Abstract
Statues referring to history are expressions of the collective conscience of nations or groups in a nation, and therefore their value is determined by the changing policies and altering
concepts of such nations or groups. Ethiopia, the only African nation without a real colonial past sensu stricto, presents some characteristic examples. Crowned in the Orthodox Tewahedo Church’s Cathedral in Addis Ababa, Emperor Haile Selassie’s reign (1916/1930 -1975), fall and murder are well known. He was the last of the so-called Solomonic line, beginning with Sheba and Menelik I, the son she had from King Solomon. Haile Selassie
became anathema and was regarded as an outdated dictator, belonging to the colonial period. However, a statue of the emperor was erected outside the African Union’s headquarters in
Addis Ababa, but it soon also became controversial. Another very controversial statue was erected in Hetosa, Oromo, in 2014 and is known as the Anoole statue. It was also a remembrance of the past and refers to the acts of one of the most glorious emperors of Modern Ethiopian history, Menelik II, who wished to restore Ethiopian unity by bringing all old territories back under the crown. The Oromo group, a non-Semitic, largely non-Christian-Orthodox
ethnic group resisted such unification. The emperor reacted by persecuting the Oromos in 1886, using an old Ethiopian traditional way of punishment, i.e. to cut the right breasts of women and right hands of men.
... Se articuló un consenso manifestado de muy diversas maneras, como se reflejó, por ejemplo, en la Marcha Triunfal de las tropas de los ocho ejércitos en Pekín el 28 de agosto de 1900 112 , un despliegue de poderío militar proyectado al mundo mediante la fotografía 113 . Las potencias europeas también entraron en conflicto en las colonias 114 , lo cual no fue óbice para que estuvieran generalmente «dispuestas a apoyarse, y algunas veces prestarse asistencia, en las actividades coloniales de unas y otras»; en efecto, «para el mundo no blanco bien podría parecer que todos los europeos eran como lobos de una misma camada» 115 . Por supuesto, no siempre reinaron el consenso y la cooperación, siendo corriente que surgieran críticas y tensiones en paralelo a las generalizaciones basadas en las características nacionales 116 . ...
This article comprises an analysis of the practices used by British colonial troops in the suppression of the Boxer Uprising in China (1900-1901). It is argued that the suppression of the Boxers presents not only a colonial war, but also a broader international consensus related to extreme tactics; the rebellion was brutally suppressed by an eight-state international alliance, which included Britain. While Germany has been the focus of much research on the topic related to ‘uniquely’ violent practices, this article explores how British troops also took part in the worst aspects of this campaign and furthermore, that these practices were more than consistent with its approach across the British Empire. The ways in which military men experienced and learnt extreme violence across imperial spaces is also explored, and it points to colonial crossovers and a consensus of European conduct in colonial warfare. I will suggest key ways in which an ‘archive’ of mentalities, networks and practices of violence were transferred across and between different empires, including through an accepted practice of ‘small wars’ outside of Europe.
Based around the life of Mademba Sèye, an African born in the colonial town of Saint Louis du Sénégal in 1852, who transformed himself with the help of his French patrons from a telegraph clerk into an African king, this book examines Mademba's life and career to reveal how colonialism in French West Africa was articulated differently at different times and how Mademba survived these changes by periodically reinventing himself. Investigating Mademba's alleged abuses of power and crimes that pitted French colonial indirect rule policy with its foundations in patronage and loyalty against its stated commitment to the rule of law and the civilizing mission, Conflicts of Colonialism sheds light on conflicts between different forms of colonialism and the deep ambiguities of the rule of law in colonial societies, which, despite serious challenges to Mademba's rule, allowed him to remain king until his death in 1918.
This study aims to determine The Performance of the International Committee of the Red Cross. The method used in this research is a qualitative method with descriptive research type. The data collection technique used in this research is library research in the form of books, reports, journal articles and internet sites. The theory used is Diplomatic Termination Theory. In this regard, there is a role for the ICRC in reducing child soldiers in South Sudan during the 2014-2019 period, which in the eyes of international humanitarian law is illegal. This role is in the form of humanitarian programs for South Sudan which indirectly reduce the recruitment of child soldiers in South Sudan in the 2014-2019 period. The results of the study explain that in carrying out its role by reducing child soldiers in South Sudan, the ICRC has proven to play an active role and can carry out its role well.
The 1898 Fashoda incident occurred during the Scramble for Africa at the end of the nineteenth century. It was a confrontation on the White Nile between a small French expedition under Captain Jean‐Baptiste Marchand and a superior British force under General Sir Herbert Kitchener. Outnumbered, and lacking international support, the French were forced to withdraw. The crisis left deep scars on the French side.
The Horn has endured recurrent hardships in the last half century. Ethiopia, Eritrea, Somalia and Sudan have suffered combined effects of domestic neglect and natural calamities. Devastated by war, famine, and pestilence, each is extremely vulnerable and faces an uncertain future. By all measures of the development scale, they are at the bottom.1 The postcolonial decades have been squandered on conflicts, because disagreements that could have been solved by reason and mutual understanding were allowed to grow into emotional hostilities, irrational policies, and destructive wars. The landscape is strewn with the corpses of humans and animals and the wreckage of war machines. Scars of war are visible in the unprecedented level of handicapped and disabled citizens languishing in overcrowded towns and desolate villages, deprived of minimum rehabilitation facilities. Why did regimes in the region fail to resolve national crises before they became catastrophes? Why did institutions established after decolonization fail? Are civil wars the only vehicle for achieving national unity and building civil societies? Why did international and regional political organizations refuse or hesitate to offer assistance, or engage constructively to preempt or contain conflicts?
Abtreibung. Schwangerschaftsabbruch ist auch in Afrika eine verbreitete Form der Geburtenregelung. Man schätzt, dass weltweit etwa 15% aller Schwangerschaften in einer Fehlgeburt und 22% in einer A. enden. Von den jährl. Weltweit etwa 50 Mio. A. werden etwa 20 Mio. von Personen ohne die notwendigen Fertigkeiten durchgefährt und/oder in einer Umgebung, die nicht minimalen medizin. Standards entspricht. Da fast alle Länder Afrikas A. verbieten oder nur in sehr eng definierten Ausnahmen zulassen (Gefahr für Leben und Gesundheit der Frau, Vergewaltigung), werden die meisten A. unter unzureichenden Bedingungen vorgenommen; eine Notfallversorgung ist kaum gegeben. Die auf jährl, 5 Mio. geschätzten Risiko-A. in Afrika resultieren in etwa 34.000 Todesfällen sowie einem Vielfachen an gesundheitlichen Folgen. Durchschnittl.
1887 trat Tippu Tip (Hamed bin Juma bin Rajab bin Mohammed bin Said el-Murjebi) einer der grössten Sklaven- und Elfenbeinhändler Ost- und Zentralafrikas in die Dienste des Freistaates Kongo - ein Staat, der sich, zumindest vordergründig, die Bekämpfung der Sklaverei auf die Fahne schrieb. Diese Arbeit geht den Gründen für das Zustandekommen dieses Kooperationsverhältnisses nach und und untersucht dessen Werdegang im Kontext europäischer Rivalitäten um Ost- und Zentralafrika
“Gordon’s Ghosts: British Major-General Charles George Gordon and His Legacies, 1885-1960,” examines the various ways that Gordon and his memory have been used in the British Empire following his death in Sudan in 1885. After his death, Gordon became a symbol of Britain’s imperial project, with his name and legacy featured in debates concerning multiple aspects of the British Empire, including areas where his connection was tangential at best. My study spans a period of about seventy-five years, beginning with the height of British imperialism and concluding with decolonization. Over the course of these decades, Britain’s imperial commitments stretched all over the globe, as did the projections of Gordon’s legacy.
In British domestic politics, Gordon’s legacy was often synonymous with the failures of Liberal Imperialism and its strongest advocate, Prime Minister William Gladstone. As long as the Liberal Party remained committed to the ideas of Gladstone, Gordon’s memory was employed both explicitly and implicitly by the Conservative Party as a way of reminding the British voting public of its opponent’s shortcomings. For the Conservatives, Gordon became a political tool; he needed to be commemorated to serve as a reminder of the consequences for not following a strong imperial policy, and my work traces these politics of commemoration.
Gordon’s legacy was present in other areas of the British Empire than Britain and Sudan. My dissertation also traces how Gordon’s memory was used in these other regions. The first area where Gordon’s legacy was employed was not in Africa, where it may have been expected, or even in China, where he earned his nickname, “Chinese Gordon,” but instead in Ireland, where his name was regularly invoked in the arguments against approving Irish Home Rule in 1886. Following the successful defeat of this proposed policy, the Conservative Party continued to invoke Gordon’s name throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, most notably in response to other imperial projects that would, in its opinion, weaken the British Empire. Fittingly, my work concludes with a discussion of how Gordon slowly becomes less important to British imperialism and how his representations changed as the needs of empire changed.
This book outlines France's acquisition and administration of its Black African empire and traces the former colonies' paths to independence. The ambassador examines the structure of post-independence Franco-African relations and recent strains on those relations, especially African economic crises and the French tendency to focus on Europe. Because of those strains, he suggests, France alone may be unable to support its former dependencies much longer. He believes that long-term solutions to African problems will have to involve international organizations like the World Bank and International Monetary Fund as well as other nations such as the United States and France's European partners. (emk)
The role of rational Grossraum concepts as driving factors in the history of imperial expansion has often been exaggerated. This article argues that Europe's overseas empires generally developed as a result of situationally-determined reactions to local circumstances and opportunities, while of the few significant Grossraum concepts that really shaped the expansionist drive of a colonial power for a limited time, most failed to materialise.
Why did the British march up the Nile in the 1890s? The answers to this crucial question of imperial historiography have direct relevance for narratives and theories about imperialism, in general, and the partition of Africa in the nineteenth century, in particular. They will also influence our understanding of some of the main issues in the modern history of the whole region, including state developments and resource utilisation. This article presents an alternative to dominant interpretations of the partition of Africa and the role of British Nile policies in this context. It differs from mainstream diplomatic history, which dominates this research field, in its emphasis on how geographical factors and the hydrological characteristics of the Nile influenced and framed British thinking and actions in the region. Realising the importance of such factors and the specific character of the regional water system does not imply less attention to traditional diplomatic correspondence or to the role of individual imperial entrepreneurs. The strength of this analytical approach theoretically is that it makes it possible to locate the intentions and acts of historical subjects within specific geographical contexts. Empirically, it opens up a whole new set of source material, embedding the reconstruction of the British Nile discourse in a world of Nile plans, water works and hydrological discourses.
Postcards are an important resource that has been largely overlooked in mainstream research on historical events, political attitudes, perceptions, propaganda, and communication. Accordingly, this article expands the relevance of the postcard from social artifact to historical document embodying social and political messages. In particular, the article examines the images and representations used in cartographic postcards during and after the Russo-Japanese War (1904–1905). Not only is this relevant to the study of political propaganda, but also for the study of historic media, popular consumption of political messaging, and as an additional tool with which to study the history of international politics and communication. The political history leading up to the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War is briefly covered. Images of cartographic postcards are examined in context of the conflict, with the goal of gaining a greater appreciation for postcards as a form of early “soft news” visual mass media. As such, this is a means by which imperial attitudes and public opinion were shaped. Recommendations are made to broaden the use of postcards as primary documents, especially as these cards are enjoying an online renaissance (e.g., collecting, displaying, discussing). They are valuable in augmenting a variety of research agendas and are fruitful for the study of early modern mass media, social history, public discourse, and political messaging with regard to soft news and public opinion.
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