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Childhood Trauma in Borderline Personality Disorder

Authors:
  • Trauma Research Foundation

Abstract

Subjects with borderline personality disorder (N = 21) or borderline traits (N = 11) and nonborderline subjects with closely related diagnoses (N = 23) were interviewed in depth regarding experiences of major childhood trauma. Significantly more borderline subjects (81%) gave histories of such trauma, including physical abuse (71%), sexual abuse (68%), and witnessing serious domestic violence (62%); abuse histories were less common in those with borderline traits and least common in the subjects with no borderline diagnosis. These results demonstrate a strong association between a diagnosis of borderline personality disorder and a history of abuse in childhood.
Childhood Trauma in Borderline Personality Disorder
490 Am JPsychiatry 1 46:4, April 1989
Judith Lewis Herman, M.D., J. Christopher Perry, M.P.H., M.D.,
and Bessel A. van der Kolk, M.D.
Subjects with borderline personality disorder (N=
2 1) or borderline traits (N= 1 1) and nonborderline
subjects with closely related diagnoses (N=23) were
interviewed in depth regarding experiences of major
childhood trauma. Significantly more borderline sub-
jects (81 %) gave histories of such trauma, including
physical abuse (71 %), sexual abuse (68%), and wit-
nessing serious domestic violence (62 %); abuse histo-
ries were less common in those with borderline traits
and least common in the subjects with no borderline
diagnosis. These results demonstrate a strong associa-
tion between a diagnosis of borderline personality dis-
order and a history of abuse in childhood.
(Am JPsychiatry 1989; 146:490-495)
In the past two decades, borderline personality dis-
order has become the subject of intensive theoretical
and clinical investigation. Beginning with Stern (1),
successive investigators have refined their descriptive
formulations, culminating in the development of DSM-
III criteria for a reliably identifiable syndrome, stable
over time, with serious morbidity (2-9). It is generally
agreed that patients with borderline personality disor-
den are difficult to treat because of the intensity of their
engagement with caregivems, the sometimes overwhelm-
ing nature of their demands for care, and the strong
emotions and conflicts that they provoke in others
(10, 11).
Attempts to conceptualize the underlying pathology
of borderline personality disorder have generally in-
yoked either a biologic model of affective disorder
(12-15) or a psychodynamic model of developmental
arrest (10, 11, 16). In the developmental formulation,
disruptions in relations with primary caretakers are
thought to be an important factor in the genesis of the
disorder. Parental neglect and unprotectiveness are
cited by Walsh (17), Frank and Paris (18), Gunderson
(6), and Feldman and Guttman (19). Early, prolonged
separation from or permanent loss of primary caretak-
ens is described anecdotally by Adler (1 1 ) and demon-
strated in a significant proportion of patients in retro-
spective studies by Akiskal (13), Soloff and Millward
(15), and Bradley (20).
Although disruption of early attachments is fre-
quently cited, the role of childhood trauma, including
parental abuse, in the development of this disorder has
received less systematic attention. Data from three
small clinical studies offer suggestive evidence that his-
tories of childhood abuse may be especially common in
borderline patients. A study of 12 hospitalized border-
line patients reported by Stone (21) indicated that 75%
had a history of incest. In a chart review study of
psychiatric outpatients at an urban teaching hospital,
Herman (22) found that eight (67%) of 12 patients
diagnosed as borderline according to DSM-III criteria
had a history of abuse in childhood or adolescence;
such histories were found in only 22% of the entire
outpatient population. Bryer et at. (23), in an inter-
view study, found that 12 (86%) of 14 hospitalized
borderline patients diagnosed by DSM-III criteria had
a history of sexual abuse before age 16, whereas early
sexual abuse was reported by 21% of the entire in-
patient population. Although all of these studies in-
volve small numbers of patients, their findings are
consistent and provide sufficient evidence to warrant
further investigation.
The present study was undertaken to test the hy-
pothesis that a history of childhood trauma is partic-
ularly common among patients with borderline per-
sonality disorder. A fuller exposition of this hypothesis
has been published (24).
METHOD
Received March 28, 1988; revision received Sept. 22, 1988; ac-
cepted Oct. 18, 1988. From the Department of Psychiatry, Harvard
Medical School, The Cambridge Hospital, Cambridge, Mass. Ad-
dress reprint requests to Dr. Herman, 61 Roseland St, Somerville,
MA 02143.
Supported in part by NIMH grant MH-34123.
The authors thank Idell Goldenberg, M.A., Beth Hoke, M.A.,
Barbara Matthews, and Chris Pagano, who served as research
assistants.
Copyright © 1989 American Psychiatric Association.
Subjects were drawn from an ongoing longitudinal
study of borderline personality disorder in comparison
to the closely related diagnoses of schizotypal person-
ality disorder, antisocial personality disorder, and bi-
polar II affective disorder. Subjects were originally me-
cruited from ambulatory mental health settings and
from advertisements for symptomatic volunteers. The
methods of subject selection have been previously de-
scnibed in detail (9, 25, 26). After full explanation of
HERMAN, PERRY, AND VAN DER KOLK
Am JPsychiatry 146:4, April 1989 491
the study, informed consent was obtained from all sub-
jects, who were paid for their time at each interview.
Most diagnostic interviews were conducted by the
principal investigator of the longitudinal study
(J.C.P.). Definite borderline personality disorder was
diagnosed if the subject met the cutoff of five or more
DSM-III criteria and had a score higher than 150 on
the Borderline Personality Scale, second version, a 52-
item precursor of the Borderline Personality Disorder
Scale, that rates major features of the disorder in nine
subcategories (25, 26). Borderline trait was diagnosed
if the subject met at least four DSM-III criteria and
had a score higher than 130 on the Borderline Person-
ality Scale. Antisocial and schizotypal personality dis-
orders were diagnosed according to DSM-III criteria.
Bipolar II disorder was diagnosed according to Re-
search Diagnostic Criteria (27).
Childhood histories were obtained by means of a
1 00-item semistructured interview, which generally
required 2 hours (Herman and van der Kolk, un-
published manuscript). The interview covered a de-
scniption of primary caretakers and other important
relationships in childhood and adolescence, major
separations, moves and losses, sibling and peer nela-
tionships, family discipline and conflict resolution,
family alcoholism, domestic violence, and physical and
sexual abuse. Subjects were encouraged to narrate
their experiences in detail, rather than simply provid-
ing yes or no answers to questions, so that the internal
consistency and credibility of the history could be eval-
uated. All interviews were conducted by one of the
authors (J.H. or B.vdK.). Interviewers were blind to
the subjects’ diagnoses and all other previously ob-
tamed information.
The interviews were scored for positive indexes of
trauma in three areas: physical abuse, sexual abuse,
and witnessing domestic violence. Instances of cultun-
ally-accepted corporal punishment and fighting or
consensual sexual exploration between peers were not
rated as abusive. Equivocal situations were scored as
negative.
Protocols were scored for occurrence of each type of
trauma at each of three developmental stages: early
childhood (0-6 years), latency (7-12 years), and ado-
lescence (13-18 years). Within each developmental
stage, no distinction in scoring was made between sin-
gle and repeated instances of abuse by the same per-
petrator; however, additional positive scores in each
category were given for abuse by different penpetra-
tors. A rough composite measure of trauma was con-
structed by adding the positive scores for each category
of trauma at each developmental stage. Thus a range
of scores was generated from 0 (no trauma at any
developmental stage) to 9 or higher (all three forms of
trauma at all three stages or multiple perpetrators at
one or more stages).
In addition to the structured interview, subjects
completed two brief self-report questionnaires: the Im-
pact of Event Scale (28), which was used as a measure
of current symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder,
and the Dissociative Experiences Scale (29), which
probed familiarity with dissociative states.
Data analysis was conducted by means of cross-tab-
ulation and Kendall’s tau computation for ordinal by
categorical tables. General linear models procedure for
analysis of variance (ANOVA) with post hoc analysis
for comparison of means was used for continuous var-
iables. Speanman correlation coefficients were calcu-
lated for bivaniate relationships.
RESULTS
Of 75 subjects enrolled in the ongoing longitudinal
study, we were able to contact 58 (77%) during the
time period in which this investigation was conducted
(June 1986 to December 1987). Three subjects refused
to participate after being informed of the content of
the interview. Of the 55 subjects, 29 women and 26
men, who participated in the trauma interviews, 21
(17 women and four men) were diagnosed as having
definite borderline personality disorder, 1 1 (all men) as
having borderline traits, 1 1 (six women and five men)
as having bipolar II disorder, six (three women and
three men) as having antisocial personality disorder,
and six (three women and three men) as having schizo-
typal personality disorder.
The frequencies of abuse histories in each diagnostic
category are given in table 1. The great majority
(N= 1 7 or 8 1 % )of subjects with definite borderline
personality disorder gave histories of major childhood
trauma; 71% (N=1S) had been physically abused,
67% (N=14) had been sexually abused, and 62%
(N= 13) had witnessed domestic violence. Abuse his-
tories were less common in patients with borderline
trait and least common in the subjects with no border-
line diagnosis. Histories of trauma in early childhood
(0-6 years) were found almost exclusively in border-
line subjects, and over half of the borderline subjects
(N= 12 on 57%) reported such experiences in early
childhood. Borderline subjects also reported signifi-
cantly more abuse experiences in latency than other
subjects. The differences between the groups dimin-
ished with increasing age at onset of abuse, becoming
least significant in adolescence.
Borderline subjects not only suffered from abusive
experiences more commonly than others but also ne-
ported more types of trauma, beginning earlier in
childhood and repeated over longer time periods, re-
sulting in higher total trauma scores. The distribution
of childhood trauma scores is given in figure 1. Scores
ranged from zero (18 subjects) to 10 (one subject). An
ANOVA of mean trauma score by borderline diagno-
sis was significant (F=7.82, df=2, 54, pO.OO1), and
a post hoc analysis (alpha=0.OS) indicated that the
mean trauma score for the group with definite border-
line personality disorder (4.29±2.89) was significantly
higher than the means for the group with borderline
traits (1.73± 1.95) and the means for those with any
nonbordenline closely related diagnosis (1.63 ±2.05).
FIGURE 1. Distribution of Childhood Trauma Scores Among 55
Subjects in a Longitudinal Study of Borderline Personality Disorder
EJ No Borderline Personality Disorder (N =23)
J Borderline Trait (N=11)
-Borderline Personality Disorder (N =21)
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0II
-‘---A
0
CUMULATIVE TRAUMA SCORE
CHILDHOOD TRAUMA IN BORDERLINE SUBJECTS
492 Am JPsychiatry 146:4, April 1989
TABLE 1. Traumatic Childhood Experiences in 55 Subjects in Longitudinal Study of Borderline Personality Disorder
No
Borderline Borderline
Personality Borderline Personality
Disorder Trait Disorder
Age at Onset and Type
of Trauma
(N=21 )
N % N
(N= 1 1)
%
(N=23)
N %
Analysis
Kendall’s tau Z p
Early childhood (0-6 years)
Physical abuse 7 33 0 0 1 4 0.34 3.14 <0.005
Sexual abuse 4 19 1 9 0 0 0.28 3.39 <0.001
Witness to domestic violence 7 33 0 0 2 9 0.28 2.20 <0.05
Any trauma 12 57 1 9 3 13 0.40 3.48 <0.001
Latency (7-12 years)
Physical abuse 15 71 2 18 S22 0.42 3.63 <0.001
Sexual abuse 7 33 2 18 2 9 0.26 2.22 <0.05
Witness to domestic violence 10 48 4 37 S22 0.23 1.87 <0.10
Anytrauma 17 81 6 55 8 35 0.39 3.49 <0.001
Adolescence (13-18 years)
Physical abuse 13 62 3 27 8 35 0.23 1.79 <0.10
Sexual abuse 11 52 2 18 6 26 0.23 1.80 <0.10
Witness to domestic violence 10 48 2 18 522 0.23 1.83 <0.10
Any trauma 17 81 S 45 12 52 0.25 2.07 <0.05
All ages (0-18 years)
Physical abuse 15 71 4 36 9 39 0.27 2.20 <0.05
Sexual abuse 14 67 3 27 6 26 0.34 2.87 <0.005
Witness to domestic violence 13 62 4 36 7 30 0.27 2.16 <0.05
Anytrauma 17 81 8 73 12 52 0.31 2.67 <0.01
3-4 5-6 7-8 9-10
Rating total childhood trauma as a continuous van-
able allowed for correlation with degree of personality
pathology, as measured by the Borderline Personality
Disorder Scale, antisocial personality disorder lifetime
symptom count, and schizotypal personality disorder
lifetime symptom count (table 2). Degree of borderline
psychopathology was positively correlated with all
three forms of childhood trauma. No such correlation
TABLE 2. Correlation
and Childhood Traum
Study of Borderline Pc
s Between Personality Disorder Measures
a Scores of 55 Subjects in a Longitudinal
rsonality Disorder
.
Type of Childhood
Trauma
Spearman Correlation (r)
Schizotypal Antisocial Borderline
Physical abuse
Sexual abuse 0.03 0.15 #{216}47a
0.11 0.12 0#{149}40b
Witness to domestic
violence -0.07 0.12 #{216}#{149}4#{216}i
Total 0.03 0.22 0.SY
ap<o.ool.
b<001
was found for antisocial or schizotypal personality pa-
thology, although a trend relationship was found be-
tween antisocial symptom count and total trauma
scone (p<O.lO).
As anticipated, gender differences were also signifi-
cant. The mean total trauma score was 3.64±2.97
for women and 1.58±1.81 for men (alpha=0.OS).
Women reported more physical and more sexual abuse
in childhood, whereas witnessing domestic violence
was reported equally by men and women. After con-
trolling for diagnosis, the gender difference disap-
peared with respect to reports of physical abuse
(F=0.28) but remained significant with respect to me-
ports of sexual abuse (F=8.74, df=4, SO, p=O.OOS).
The positive association between a borderline diagno-
sis and total childhood trauma score remained signif-
icant when the effects of gender differences were con-
trolled. An ANOVA showed main effects for gender
(F=10.46, df=4, SO, p=O.0O2) and diagnosis (F=
4.S1, df=4, SO, p=O.Ol6) and no significant interac-
tion effect between gender and diagnosis (F=0.02).
HERMAN, PERRY, AND VAN DER KOLK
Am JPsychiatry 146:4, April 1989 493
After controlling for diagnosis, the gender effect dimin-
ished to a significant trend (F=3.28, df=4, SO, p
0.08). After gender was controlled for, the effect of
diagnosis remained significant (F3.71, df4, SO,
p=O.O3).
The subjects with personality disorders generally re-
ported high levels of dissociative symptoms. Bivaniate
analyses with scones on the Dissociative Experiences
Scale demonstrated a significant correlation with
scores on the Borderline Personality Disorder Scale
(r=O.29, N=SS, p0.O3) and a trend correlation with
lifetime schizotypal symptoms (r=O.26, N=SS, p=
0.06) but no correlation with lifetime antisocial symp-
toms (r5=O.19). Heirarchical regressions were con-
ducted to predict the Dissociative Experiences Scale
score on the basis of the Borderline Personality Disor-
der Scale and the total childhood trauma scores. The
scores on the Borderline Personality Disorder Scale
were significant when entered first (F=4.83, df2, 52,
p=O.03) but not significant when the childhood
trauma scones were entered first (F=.34); however, the
total childhood trauma score was significant even
when entered second (F=S.42, df2, 52, pO.02). No
differences were found between borderline, borderline
trait, and nonborderline subjects with respect to post-
traumatic symptoms as measured by the Impact of
Event Scale (F0.27).
DISCUSSION
These results demonstrate a strong association be-
tween borderline personality disorder and a reported
history of childhood abuse. The great majority of bor-
denline subjects reported such a history. Although
abuse experiences were also reported by some subjects
with closely related diagnoses, they were less common
and cumulatively less severe. Early childhood histories
of abuse and multiple childhood abuse experiences as
reflected by very high trauma scores were found almost
exclusively among borderline subjects.
The importance of our findings is enhanced by the
conservative definitions that were used in scoring
trauma histories as positive. We found no evidence to
suggest that such histories were exaggerated or fabni-
cated. The following case examples, disguised for pro-
tection of subjects’ identities, illustrate the contrasting
types of histories reported by our subjects and the
judgments that were made in assigning trauma scores.
Case 1 .Ms. A, a 35-year-old woman with borderline per-
sonality disorder, was the fourth of five siblings born to two
alcoholic parents. After her father deserted the family when
she was 3 years old, the household became increasingly cha-
otic; her mother enforced unclear and inconsistent rules by
screaming, hair pulling, hitting on the head and face, and
kicking in the knees and genital area. In Ms. A’s words,
“You never knew when to expect it. You could do something
really wrong and she wouldn’t notice, and then you could
knock over your milk and she would fly off the handle.” Her
mother remarried when Ms. A was 9 years old, and the level
of violence in the home diminished. Shortly after entering the
home, however, the stepfather began sexually molesting Ms.
A and her three sisters. The incestuous relationship, which
proceeded to oral sex and intercourse, continued until she
ran away from home at age 15. While on the road, Ms. A
frequented bars where she would pick up older men, offering
sex in exchange for shelter. At age 17 she was brutally raped
and beaten in one such encounter, requiring hospitalization
for her injuries. Ms. A received a trauma score of S (physical
abuse in early childhood and latency, sexual abuse in latency
and adolescence, and rape in adolescence).
Case 2. Mr. B, a 28-year-old man with borderline traits,
described an intact family with a capricious and domineering
father and a compliant, submissive mother. He described
very restrictive family rules, “like boot camp,” and frequent
corporal punishment (hitting with a belt) and stated that “If
my father had been left to his own devices, I would have been
a battered child, but my mother protected me.” He described
one incident at age 1 1 in which his father became enraged,
chased him into his room screaming “I’ll kill you,” cornered
him, and began to strangle him. His mother attempted to
intercede, at which point his father attacked her, struck her
in the face with a closed fist, and knocked her to the ground.
After this attack, his father was remorseful, and no similar
incidents occurred. Mr. B received a trauma score of 2
(one incident each of physical abuse and witnessing domestic
violence).
Case 3. Ms. C, a 38-year-old woman with bipolar II dis-
order, was the youngest daughter among eight children. Her
father was a severe alcoholic, and she described her mother
as raising the family single handedly. She described her
mother’s discipline as very strict: “She was very old country;
she was trying to cope too.” Although discipline was carried
out by means of frequent hitting with a cane or a “bony Irish
hand,” Ms. C stated that “It was not traumatic, she did it
with everybody, it seemed all right; the nuns at school did it
too.” When Ms. C was 10 years old, her 14-year-old brother
began to involve her in sexual games, including showing and
fondling of genitals, kissing, and imitation of activities
shown in pornographic magazines. She idealized her brother,
was grateful for the attention, and in spite of the age differ-
ence did not perceive the sexual relationship as exploitative
until she was 12 years old, at which time her brother at-
tempted to bribe her to perform the same activities with his
friends. She felt deeply betrayed and angrily refused. Ms. C
received a trauma score of 0 (harsh but nonabusive corporal
punishment, equivocal sexual abuse).
Although no definitive conclusions regarding the eti-
ology of borderline personality disorder can be drawn
from correlations based on retrospective data, the hy-
pothesis that childhood abuse has a major formative
role in the development of the disorder is strongly sup-
ported by our findings. The strength of the association
between childhood trauma and borderline personality
disorder suggests that it is an important factor but not
alone sufficient to account for borderline psychopa-
thology. It is possible that trauma is most pathogenic
for children with vulnerable temperaments or for those
most lacking protective factors, such as positive rela-
tionships with other caretakers or siblings.
Despite severe abuse histories, the borderline sub-
CHILDHOOD TRAUMA IN BORDERLINE SUBJECTS
494 Am JPsychiatry 1 46:4, April 1989
jects did not report current symptoms of posttnaumatic
stress disorder, at least as measured by the Impact of
Event Scale. It appeared that memories of the abuse
had become integrated into the total personality orga-
nization and had become essentially ego syntonic. The
subjects generally did not perceive a direct connection
between their current symptoms and abusive experi-
ences in childhood. This finding is compatible with
observations from follow-up studies of trauma victims
(30, 31) which indicate that fragments of the trauma
may be transformed oven time and relived in a variety
of disguised forms, e.g., as somatic sensations, affect
states, visual images, behavioral reenactments, or even
dissociated personality fragments. Our finding that
dissociative symptoms were more strongly correlated
with childhood trauma than with borderline psycho-
pathology per se is consistent with the recent finding of
Spiegel et al. (32) that dissociation and trauma are
highly correlated.
Childhood trauma has been implicated as an etio-
logical factor in such diverse psychiatric conditions as
somatoform disorder (33), panic disorder (34), and
multiple personality disorder (35-38). Thus, it might
be possible to conceptualize a range of adaptations to
childhood trauma, or trauma spectrum disorders, with
multiple personality disorder representing an extreme
adaptation to severe chronic abuse, borderline person-
ality disorder representing an intermediate form of
adaptation to chronic abuse, and some forms of somat-
oform, panic, and anxiety disorders representing dis-
sociated somatic reexpeniencing of more circumscribed
traumatic events (30).
Childhood abuse as an important antecedent to the
development of borderline personality disorder could
explain in part the higher prevalence of borderline per-
sonality disorder in women. Epidemiologic data on
child abuse (39) indicate that although boys and girls
are at approximately equal risk for physical abuse,
girls are at two to three times greater risk for sexual
victimization. Moreover, sexual abuse is apparently
more prevalent, and often more prolonged, than phys-
ical abuse (40). Thus, girls may be more frequently
exposed to conditions favoring the development of
borderline personality disorder.
Conceptualizing borderline personality disorder as a
complicated posttraumatic syndrome has direct impli-
cations for the treatment of patients. Clinical literature
on the treatment of posttraumatic syndromes (41-48)
has shown the importance of recovery and integration
of traumatic memories with their associated affects
and the necessity for validation of the patient’s trau-
matic experiences. The integration of the trauma is a
precondition for development of improved affect tol-
erance, impulse control, and defensive organization;
the validation of the trauma is a precondition for nes-
toration of an integrated self-identity and the capacity
for appropriate relationships with others. Posttraumat-
ic states are often undiagnosed in cases in which se-
crecy or stigma prevents recognition of the traumatic
origins of the disorder; such patients may show me-
mankable improvement when the connection between
symptom and trauma is recognized. Whether some of
the negative therapeutic reactions so frequently ob-
served in borderline patients might be avoided by early
and appropriate recognition of the relationship be-
tween the patient’s current symptoms and traumatic
experiences in childhood remains to be determined.
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... Secondly, stress, a pathogenic situation, psychological trauma in themselves can cause permanent changes in character. This explanation is supported by many researchers who have found that individuals with borderline personality disorders have a high incidence of childhood trauma [9,10]. Herman J.L. and van der Kolk B.A. [9] directly indicate that the borderline personality disorders detected in PTSD are associated with stress. ...
... This explanation is supported by many researchers who have found that individuals with borderline personality disorders have a high incidence of childhood trauma [9,10]. Herman J.L. and van der Kolk B.A. [9] directly indicate that the borderline personality disorders detected in PTSD are associated with stress. However, it should be taken into account that psychological trauma is a necessary but far from sufficient condition for the development of the disease [11]. ...
... In fairness, it should be noted that despite the obviousness of such relationships, this point of view is not generally accepted. As arguments, the results of studies are given in which the role of traumatic stress in the etiology of borderline personality disorders is confirmed only by data from retrospective studies [9,13]. Axelrod S.R., et al. [14] tried to remove the noted limitations of the study using the example of PTSD and put forward hypotheses that boiled down to the following: 1) pre-war borderline personality disorders can be an indicator of the variability of post-war PTSD symptoms (in addition to the consequences of combat exposure) [8]; 2) combat manifestations are predictors of increasing post-war borderline personality disorders (except for those that occurred in the pre-war period); young age of combatants is a predictor of additional variability in post-war borderline personality disorders [15]; 3) Combat-related PTSD symptoms are predictors of post-war borderline personality disorders [12]. ...
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The study of the problem of personality changes in mental disorders is relevant and socially significant in modern society, since there is an urgent need to provide effective psychosocial assistance to a large number of people suffering from certain stressful effects, having certain problems. At the present stage of the development of civilization, when global social, political, economic, scientific, cultural processes (events, changes, revolutions, crises, catastrophes) are taking place that have no analogues in world history, all social groups and strata of modern society find themselves in a situation that forms a rather specific psychological state, which psychiatrists call "borderline"-a state of balancing between the norm and pathology, health and disease. These conditions are accompanied frustration bordering on prostration, various stresses reaching the level of distress, conflict leading to violence, aggression. The stressful life of modern society (information oversaturation, numerous local military conflicts, man-made disasters, terrorist attacks, material and spiritual poverty, on the one hand, and swagger and oversaturation, on the other, have produced unheard of upheavals and caused cataclysms in the social, political, economic , psychological, the spiritual life of many states and societies, have had an impact on the psychology of not only entire nations, but also individuals. The content of our existence has become immorality, lies, loss of spirituality, motivation for consumption, loss of values, perversion of ideals, isolation of the Self, which is fraught with numerous psychological problems, which, in turn, generate social and personal problems (according to the feedback mechanism), psychopathological, psychosomatic, somatic. And above all, the person suffers physically, spiritually and mentally. And especially with mental disorders, there are changes in the socio-psychological, emotional and moral representations of the individual. First of all, let's try to understand what is a problem in its psychological and psychopathological manifestations, in other words, what is a "normal" problem and what is a "pathological" problem. The problem of understanding and interpreting the psychological and psychiatric category "problem" arises before every specialist in the mental health service in the course of the treatment and diagnostic process. The problem of understanding the relationship between the psychiatric and psychological (and in some cases, social) components of this category is posed. The very formulation of such a problem is a multi-valued problem and has a number of aspects [1-4]. It is solved in its own way in psychology and psychiatry. Having a very close methodological base, psychology and psychiatry have different objects of study-a healthy and sick mind. But for some reason, the huge, intermediate between illness and health, the mass of patients, defined as borderline, is ignored. Here the problems are psychological and psychiatric: from the norm to the disease, from a milder level of pathology to a more severe level, personality Citation: Samvel Hrant Sukiasyan. "Psychological Problems and Personality on the Example of Posttraumatic Stress Disorder". EC Psychology and Psychiatry 11.4 (2022): 98-104.
... Thus, Australian psychiatrist Meares (2012) proposes that BPD is itself a dissociative disorder. Indeed, there is large descriptive overlap between BPD (Sar et al., 2003(Sar et al., , 2014aŞar, 2017a, 2017b and dissociative disorders whereas the role of childhood abuse and neglect is also obvious in BPD (Herman et al., 1989). Arieti and Bemporad (1980) emphasized the role of a dominant other in the lives of individuals experiencing depression. ...
... The relationship between BPD and childhood trauma has been underlined for a long time (Herman et al., 1989). The centrality of borderline phenomena in the context of developmental traumatization and dissociation is of particular interest not only for depression but also for schizophrenic (Sar et al., 2010) and somatic symptom disorders (Kılıç et al., 2014). ...
... A statistically significant link was made between childhood trauma and a propensity toward many diagnosable mental illnesses in adulthood, such as borderline personality disorder, psychosis, schizophrenia, neuroses, clinical depression, and anxiety (Alisic et al., 2014;Bierer et al., 2003;Bremner, 2006;Brunello et al., 2001;Carliner et al., 2016;Herman et al., 1989;Kiser et al., 1991;McLaughlin et al., 2012McLaughlin et al., , 2013. Some number of these may be a function of underlying neurobiological changes caused by early trauma (Herzog & Schmahl, 2018). ...
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This study addresses the scientific tendency to misattribute the higher levels of belief in extrasensory perception (ESP) of adult survivors of childhood trauma to cognitive errors when they may be a result of actual experience with ESP. Dissociative tendencies may contribute to precognition, which would be an adaptive skill for children living in unpredictable and traumatic environments. This study investigated the correlation between self-reported childhood abuse and neglect and precognitive abilities in 227 adults. The participants completed the Childhood Trauma Questionnaire, comprising subscales measuring emotional, physical, and sexual abuse, and physical and emotional neglect, and completed four online tasks measuring extra-sensory perception (ESP) developed by the Institute of Noetic Science’s IONS Discovery Lab. The ESP scores of participants who experienced severe childhood abuse/neglect were compared to those of participants who experienced little to no childhood abuse/neglect. The severely abused/neglected group performed significantly better on one precognitive task using a protocol for remote viewing (p < .05), but other tasks showed little efficacy or correlation with trauma severity. Post-hoc analysis indicated that ESP skill was related more closely to higher childhood neglect than abuse, but because the two types of abuse are often present concurrently, the difference in level of association was not significant.
... Among the various forms of psychopathological vulnerability associated with CT, personality pathologies have garnered significant attention. These can manifest either as categorical personality disorders (PDs) as described in the DSM-5-TR (APA, 2022) or as dimensional vulnerabilities expressed through maladaptive personality traits (MPTs) (Bach et al., 2022;Voestermans et al., 2021;Krueger & Hobbs, 2020;Herman et al., 1989;Euler et al., 2021). A growing body of empirical evidence supports a causal association between CT and MPTs (Bach et al., 2022;Boland et al., 2021;Hemmati et al., 2021;Borroni et al., 2019). ...
... The DSM says "yes". Scholars such as Robert Hare and Theodore Millon beg to differ [1][2][3][4][5]. ...
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The covert psychopath is a compensatory mode of psychopathy, reactive to a state of collapse (inefficacy in obtaining goals). An avalanche of misinformation online by self-styled "experts" muddied the waters and the differential diagnoses between Narcissistic and Antisocial Personality Disorders. Though both types are possessed only of cold empathy, the psychopath is goal-oriented: money, sex, power, social positioning, celebrity. He is relentless, scheming, calculated, ruthless, and callous in his pursuit of his agenda. In contrast, the narcissist wants only one thing: narcissistic supply to buttress the grandiose fantasies that underlie his false self. Psychopaths do not fantasize - they act. The narcissist is pro-social: he works with others because people are the only sources of narcissistic supply. The psychopath is anti-social: his world is a Darwinian, dog eat dog, zero sum game (he wins, everyone else loses) Psychopaths do not hesitate to break the law: many of them are career criminals. Narcissists work within social institutions and subvert them, leverage existing laws in their favor, and create networks of affiliated patronage. Psychopaths like to inflict gratuitous pain and discomfort. They revel in other people's pain and embarrassment, even find these hilarious. Not so narcissists who cause harm off-handedly and only if they have to. As opposed to most narcissists, psychopaths are either unable or unwilling to control their impulses or to delay gratification. They use their rage to control people and manipulate them into submission. Psychopaths are far less able to form interpersonal relationships, even the twisted and tragic relationships that are the staple of the narcissist. They are mostly lone wolves.
... The don't know answers were coded as missing values. The TAQ was originally developed as an interview(Herman et al., 1989). As a questionnaire, the original measure has been found to have good convergent validity with post-traumatic stress disorder and complex trauma(Luxenberg et al., 2001). ...
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Introduction: There is limited research on the role of traumatic experiences in the development of borderline personality organization (BPO), which is a level of personality pathology characterized by identity diffusion, primitive defenses, impairment in reality testing, aggression, and deficits in the internalization of moral values, according to Kernberg's psychodynamic model. Even less research evidence exists on the role of adult trauma in BPO. Aim of this Study: Therefore, the aim of this study was to investigate the concurrent associations between different types of trauma after the age of 18 and BPO in emerging adulthood. Method: A community sample of 494 Greek emerging adults (aged 18-29 years, M = 21.38) completed the Traumatic Antecedents Questionnaire and the Inventory of Personality Organization. Results: Structural equation modeling indicated low to moderate associations between trauma and BPO. The type of trauma that was most strongly associated with BPO was emotional abuse (including verbal abuse), especially for women. Only for men substance abuse (alcohol and drugs) and traumatic life events (e.g., accident, illness, disaster, death) were significant risk factors for BPO. Conclusion: This study highlighted the differential and age-specific impact of the various types of concurrent trauma on personality pathology during emerging adulthood. The findings of this study, especially regarding the negative impact of emotional abuse on young women and of substance abuse and traumatic life events on young men, should be considered in designing and implementing developmentally-and trauma-informed as well as gender-sensitive screening and intervention practices with emerging adults. Further research is needed to elucidate the role of chronic, cumulative, and complex trauma in BPO in clinical and non-clinical populations of emerging adults.
... Trauma, especially in childhood, is widely considered a foundational factor in BPD's development. Literature consistently shows a high prevalence of adverse experiences, such as physical, emotional or sexual abuse, neglect, and inconsistent caregiving, among individuals diagnosed with BPD [66,67]. These early traumas disrupt attachment processes, emotional regulation, and self-identity formation, all of which contribute to the development of BPD's core symptoms. ...
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Borderline personality disorder (BPD) is a complex psychiatric condition characterized by pervasive patterns of instability in emotions, interpersonal relationships, and self-image. This comprehensive review explores the current diagnostic practices, treatment modalities, and ongoing controversies surrounding BPD. We discuss established and proposed diagnostic criteria, highlight the limitations of current assessment tools, and examine the epidemiology of the disorder, including its prevalence and comorbidities. The effectiveness of psychotherapeutic approaches such as dialectical behavior therapy, mentalization-based treatment, transference-focused psychotherapy, and schema-focused psychotherapy is evaluated alongside the role of pharmacological interventions. Furthermore, we address critical controversies, including misdiagnosis, the impact of trauma, stigma, and the ongoing debate regarding the treatability and recovery potential for individuals with BPD. By synthesizing these facets, we aim to provide a nuanced understanding of BPD and inform future research and clinical practice.
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This paper examines the prevalence and comorbidity of complex post‐traumatic stress disorder (CPTSD) and borderline personality disorder (BPD) among individuals with probable personality disorder, using baseline data from the Structured Psychological Support clinical trial. The clinical characteristics and personality functioning of participants are summarised and compared between those meeting criteria for BPD, CPTSD, both or neither condition. Among 292 participants, 97% reported significant trauma exposure, and over half met the criteria for CPTSD. Those with CPTSD exhibited higher levels of social dysfunction and depression compared with those with BPD, despite both groups showing elevated emotion dysregulation and anxiety. Comorbidity of CPTSD and BPD was high, with 50% of the sample meeting criteria for both conditions. Participants with comorbid CPTSD and BPD displayed poorer baseline scores across all measures of mental health and functioning than those who met criteria for BPD alone. No statistically significant differences were found in suicidal behaviour or treatment‐seeking between groups. There were no significant differences in International Classification of Diseases‐11 personality trait domains between participants with CPTSD and BPD, but people with comorbid CPTSD and BPD displayed higher levels of trait negative affectivity than those with BPD alone. The findings highlight the need for trauma‐informed assessments in clinical settings and a better understanding of the impact of CPTSD on treatment outcomes for people with personality disorder, including how existing treatments may need to be modified to better meet the needs of people with these highly comorbid conditions. Trial Registration Current controlled trials ISRCTN13918289 (registered 11/11/2022)
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Fifty-three women outpatients participated in short-term therapy groups for incest survivors. This treatment modality proved to be a powerful stimulus for recovery of previously repressed traumatic memories. A relationship was observed between the age of onset, duration, and degree of violence of the abuse and the extent to which memory of the abuse had been repressed. Three out of four patients were able to validate their memories by obtaining corroborating evidence from other sources. The therapeutic function of recovering and validating traumatic memories is explored.
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To test psychodynamic hypotheses about the etiology of the borderline syndrome, female borderline patients were asked whether they remembered their mothers and fathers as having responded with approval, disinterest, or criticism to dependent and independent behaviors. Comparisons were made with a group of normal controls and with a group of neurotics and patients with personality disorders. The main finding was that borderline patients remembered their fathers as neglectful. The recollections did not support an overprotection hypothesis.
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To the Editor— Although we welcome discussion of the relative merits of different research criteria for Psy chiatric diagnosis, the article by Drs Overall and Hollister in the Archives (36:1198-1205, 1979) "Comparative Evaluation of Research Diagnostic Criteria for Schizophrenia" troubles us for several reasons. First of all, the authors do not address the issue of the different purposes of various sets of research diagnostic criteria. Whereas the purpose of the actuarial approach taken by Drs Overall and Hollister is to simulate competent or expert clinical practice, the purpose of the Washington University criteria, research diagnostic criteria (RDC), and DSMIII criteria is to improve usual clinical practice by incorporating into the criteria distinctions that have been shown by research study to have some validity in terms of such variables as course, response to specific therapy, familial pattern, etc. Given this difference in purpose, it is hardly adequate to approach the evaluation
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• To test the validity of the DSM-III diagnosis of borderline personality disorder (BPD), we examined the phenomenology, family history, treatment response, and four-to-seven-year long-term outcome of a cohort of 33 patients meeting DSM-III criteria for BPD. We found that (1) BPD could be distinguished readily from DSM-III schizophrenia; (2) BPD did not appear to represent "borderline affective disorder," although many patients displayed BPD and major affective disorder concomitantly; and (3) BPD could not be distinguished on any of the Indices from histrionic and antisocial personality disorders.
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• This report details the long-term course for systematically rediagnosed (and largely chronically ill) patients with schizophrenia (n =163) and with bipolar (n =19) and unipolar (n = 44) affective disorders from the Chestnut Lodge, Rockville, Md, follow-up study. Their conditions were assessed and they are described rigorously from multiple outcome perspectives. Except in the realm of symptomatic diathesis, striking differences emerged between these major axis I disorders consonant with Kraepelin's original observations. Roughly two thirds of the schizophrenic patients were functioning marginally or worse at follow-up, compared with one third of the unipolar cohort. The reverse held for better outcomes. Outcome varied little as a function of follow-up interval (time) across all diagnostic categories. Representative case examples serve to place the ratings in meaningful clinical contexts.
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• Evidence exists to support the concept of pathology or diseases of hypnosis. Multiple personalities is such a syndrome, as are many or perhaps all cases of hysteria (Briquet's syndrome). The crux of multiple personalities is the subject's unrecognized abuse of self-hypnosis, by which she creates personalities, beginning at age 4 to 6 years. The process of self-hypnosis allows the delegation of an experience or a function to an alter ego, henceforth relegated to unconsciousness by the amnesia of hypnosis. Most of these patients qualify for the diagnosis of hysteria (Briquet's syndrome), and many are diagnosed incorrectly as being schizophrenic because of their hallucinations, paranoid ideas, and "delusions." Hysteria may owe many of its characteristics to the self-hypnotic induction of conversion and other symptoms.
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The author compared 14 child and adolescent borderline patients, diagnosed by the criteria of Gunderson and Singer (1), with a control population for history of separation from the mother or significant caretaker before age 10. The borderline patients experienced a statistically greater number of separations than the psychotic controls, the nonpsychotic psychiatric controls, and the nonpsychiatrically-referred delinquent controls before age 5 but not between ages 5 and 10. The author concludes that the study provides statistical support for the theoretic role of disruption of the early infant-mother bond in borderline pathology.
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Clinical, field, and experimental studies of response to potentially stressful life events give concordant findings: there is a general human tendency to undergo episodes of intrusive thinking and periods of avoidance. A scale of current subjective distress, related to a specific event, was based on a list of items composed of commonly reported experiences of intrusion and avoidance. Responses of 66 persons admitted to an outpatient clinic for the treatment of stress response syndromes indicated that the scale had a useful degree of significance and homogeneity. Empirical clusters supported the concept of subscores for intrusions and avoidance responses.
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Psychic trauma occurs in two basic patterns: the infantile form, which is an unbearable state of distress involving affect precursors and mass stimulation; the adult form which is initiated by surrender to inevitable danger and consists of a progression from anxiety to catatonoid state, aphanesis, and potentially to psychogenic death. The psychic experience of what the author called 'catastrophic trauma' consists of a numbing of self-reflective functions, followed by a paralysis of all cognitive and self-preserving mental functions. The full-blown picture of the adult traumatic state is a rare occurrence. For the most part, what he calls trauma refers to near-trauma, in which the threat is handled by defenses and symptom formation. The direct aftereffects of infantile and adult catastrophic trauma have certain features in common: a dread expectation of the return of the traumatic state, and an anhedonia; a disturbance in affectivity; an arrest in the genetic development of affect in the infantile form, compared to regression (dedifferentiation, deverbalization, and resomatization) after the adult trauma. There is also an impairment in affect tolerance. In addition, in the adult form, there is often a sporadic continuation of the constriction function, which may become a part of a characterological pattern of submission.
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The authors compared the hypnotizability of 65 Vietnam veteran patients with posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) to that of a normal control group and four patient samples using the Hypnotic Induction Profile. The patients with PTSD had significantly higher hypnotizability scores than patients with diagnoses of schizophrenia (N = 23); major depression, bipolar disorder--depressed, and dysthymic disorder (N = 56); and generalized anxiety disorder (N = 18) and the control sample (N = 83). This finding supports the hypothesis that dissociative phenomena are mobilized as defenses both during and after traumatic experiences. The literature suggests that spontaneous dissociation, imagery, and hypnotizability are important components of PTSD symptoms.