Mass, serial and sensational homicides

Full text

477
MASS,
SERIAL
AND
SENSATIONAL
HOMICIDES*
PARK
ELLIOTT
DIETZ,
M.D.,
M.P.H.,
PH.D.
Associate
Professor
of
Law
and
of
Behavioral
Medicine
and
Psychiatry
School
of
Law
University
of
Virginia
Charlottesville,
Virginia
M4
Y
task
today-that
of
conveying
information
about
three
understudied
classes
of
offenses-compels
me
to
speak
to
you
without
the
quan-
titative
cloak
of
social
science
with
which
I
would
prefer
to
dress
this
grue-
some
subject.
Of
necessity,
I
rely
on
case
examples
and
fragments
of
re-
search,
because
no
quantitative
data
are
available
on
most
of
the
topics
addressed
here.
My
approach
is
to
describe
the
elements
common
to
these
three
classes
of
offense,
to
describe
examples
of
each
class,
and
to
suggest
the
subtypes
most
often
observed
for
each
class.
COMMON
ELEMENTS
OF
MASS,
SERIAL
AND
SENSATIONAL
HOMICIDES
Mass,
serial
and
sensational
homicides
all
evoke
a
high
degree
of
pub-
licity.
The
predictably
high
publicity
attending
these
crimes
is
among
the
motives
of
their
perpetrators.
Like
John
Hinckley,
offenders
in
each
of
these
categories
see
headlines
as
one
of
the
predictable
outcomes
of
their
behavior,
which
they
pursue
in
part
for
this
purpose.
The
American
preoccupation
with
celebrity
is
no
secret.
A
recent
issue
of
TV
Guide,
the
weekly
index
to
Ameri-
can
preoccupations,
offers
the
following
network
and
cable
experiences:
"Eye
on
Hollywood,"
"Hollywood
Insider,"
"Star
Search,"
"Celebrity
Chefs,"
"Lifestyles
of
the
Rich
and
Famous,"
and
"You
Can
Be
a
Star."
The
celebrity
industry
is
of
such
compelling
interest
to
the
public
that
it
has
even
spawned
a
secondary
industry
of
celebrity
"news"
programs
in
the
form
of
"Entertainment
This
Week,"
"Entertainment
Tonight,"
"Show-
*Presented
as
part
of
a
Symposium
on
Homicide:
The
Public
Health
Perspective
held
by
the
Com-
mittee
on
Public
Health
of
the
New
York
Academy
of
Medicine
October
3
and
4,
1985,
and
made
pos-
sible
by
a
generous
grant
from
the
Ittleson
Foundation.
Address
for
reprint
requests:
School
of
Law,
University
of
Virginia,
Charlottesville,
Virginia
22901
Some
of
the
information
on
serial
killers
in
this
paper
derives
from
unpublished
work
by
Supervi-
sory
Special
Agents
Robert
K.
Ressler
and
John
E.
Douglas
of
the
Behavioral
Science
Unit,
FBI
Academy,
Quantico,
Virginia.
Any
errors
in
the
interpretation
or
application
of
their
thinking
is
solely
the
respon-
sibility
of
the
author.
Vol.
62,
No.
5,
June
1986

478PE.
biz
Week,"
"Showbiz
Today"
and
"This
Week
in
Black
Entertainment."
In
the
midst
of
such
strong
cultural
endorsement
of
the
goal
of
becoming
famous,
only
one
show,
"Fame,"
regularly
carries
the
message
that
becom-
ing
famous
requires
work.
Offenders
vary
in
the
degree
to
which
publicity
is
a
motivator.
At
the
one
extreme
are
those
whose
suicide
at
the
conclusion
of
the
offense
precludes
seeing
themselves
in
the
news,
but
even
they,
like
other
suicides,
may
ex-
pect
to
witness
the
aftermath.
(Some
suicide
notes
refer
to
the
joy
the
de-
cedents
expect
to
experience
in
watching
the
mourners
suffer.)
At
the
other
extreme
are
those
who
enhance
the
probability
of
apprehension
for
the
sake
of
publicity.
Lust
murderers
whose
victims
have
not
been
discovered
have
been
known
to
return
to
the
scene
of
the
murder
and
move
the
body
to
in-
sure
its
discovery.
'
Having
followed
newspapers
and
media
broadcasts
care-
fully
and
heard
nothing
of
the
crime,
the
killer
is
disappointed.
His
crime
is
incomplete:
a
woman
died,
but
the
community
escaped.
By
insuring
pub-
licity
for
the
crime,
he
reveals
his
desire
to
terrorize
the
community
as
a
whole.
Publicity
can
aid
or
hinder
the
investigation
of
these
crimes.
The
finger-
print
identification
of
Richard
Ramirez
and
broad
dissemination
of
his
pho-
tograph
as
a
suspect
in
the
Nightstalker
murders
led
to
an
earlier
arrest
than
might
otherwise
have
been
expected.
Unknown
to
the
public,
however,
are
those
instances
in
which
politicians
under
fire
from
the
press
to
produce
results
in
headline
cases
have
revealed
investigative
information
and
police
strategies,
thereby
hindering
investigations
or
destroying
promising
oper-
ations.
Mass,
serial
and
sensational
homicides
are
understudied
because
the
fre-
quency
of
these
offenses
is
too
low
to
permit
the
desirable
research-
requiring
interviews,
primary
source
documents
or
both-to
be
conducted
within
a
single
institution
or
city.
That
difficulty
is
remediable
only
through
collaborative
research
or
centralized
data
collection.
The
latter
approach
is
the
basis
for
work
at
the
F.B.I.
Academy's
Behavioral
Science
Unit,
where
studies
of
lust
murder,
sexual
homicides,
autoerotic
fatalities
and
other
low-
rate
phenomena
have
already
been
completed,
and
within
the
unit's
recently
developed
National
Center
for
the
Analysis
of
Violent
Crime,
which
Mr.
Geberth
discusses.
Headquartered
at
the
F.B.I.
Academy
in
Quantico,
Vir-
ginia,
the
Center
makes
it
possible
for
low-rate
offenses
to
be
studied
by
systematically
interviewing
offenders
and
collecting
offense,
offender
and
victim
data
from
the
nation
as
a
whole.
Current
studies
focus
on
serial
killers
and
serial
rapists.
Bull.
N.Y.
Acad.
Med.
478
P.
E.
DIETZ

MASS,
SERIAL
AND
SENSATIONAL
HOMICIDES
Mass,
serial
and
sensational
homicides
tend
to
elicit
a
premature
conclu-
sion
that
the
offender
must
have
been
mad.
The
tendency
of
the
press,
public
and
public
officials
to
regard
such
individuals
as
mad
solely
on
the
basis
of
their
crimes
reflects
widespread
needs
to
attribute
such
behavior
to
alien
forces.
As
with
the
mythical
werewolves
and
vampires
and
the
demons
of
the
middle
ages
and
of
contemporary
Pentecostals,
the
attribution
of
unac-
ceptable
human
conduct
to
possession
by
madness
reassures
the
believer
that
people
like
him
are
incapable
of
such
evil.
Even
those
with
a
greater
fac-
tual
basis
for
judgment-such
as
evaluating
clinicians,
jurors
and
judges-are
at
unusually
high
risk
of
drawing
the
wrong
conclusions
in
these
cases.
MASS
MURDER
The
term
"mass
murder"
has
been
applied
to
events
as
dissimilar
as
the
Whitman
Texas
Tower
shootings,
the
series
of
lust
murders
attributed
to
Jack
the
Ripper,
the
mass
poisonings
in
Jonestown,
current
abortion
policy
in
the
United
States,
the
Holocaust
and
the
Bhopal
industrial
disaster.
Without
tak-
ing
issue
with
any
of
the
political
or
metaphoric
uses
of
the
term,
I
would
adopt
a
narrower
meaning
for
purposes
of
behavioral
science
approaches
to
criminal
homicide.
For
these
purposes,
mass
murder
should
be
defined
as
offenses
in
which
multiple
victims
are
intentionally
killed
by
a
single
offender
in
a
single
incident.
For
the
definition
to
be
operational,
we
must
also
specify
the
meanings
of
"a
single
incident"
and
of
"multiple
victims."
In
specifying
that
the
killings
occur
within
a
single
incident,
we
seek
to
distinguish
mass
murder
from
serial
murders
in
which
murders
occur
in
sep-
arate
incidents,
sometimes
separated
by
long
time
intervals
and
great
dis-
tances.
Thus,
both
time
and
distance
are
possible
limiting
criteria
for
the
concept of
a
single
incident.
With
respect
to
time,
we
can
achieve
the
desir-
able
distinction
by
limiting
mass
murder
to
offenses
occurring
within
a
24-
hour
interval.
With
respect
to
distance,
however,
we
encounter
greater
dif-
ficulty.
Surely
a
murderer
who
kills
half
the
requisite
number
of
victims
at
one
site
and
then
travels
directly
to
another
site
where
the
other
half
are
killed
ought
to
qualify
as
a
mass
murderer,
as
would
one
who
killed
a
sufficient
number
of
victims
while
shooting
from
a
moving
vehicle
or
traveling
aboard
a
train,
ship
or
aircraft.
I
would
therefore
ignore
location
or
distance
in
the
definition
of
mass
murder.
The
number
of
victims
required
for
the
designation
mass
murder
is
a
more
arbitrary
matter,
but
one
with
important
implications
for
the
characteristics
of
the
class
so
defined.
For
example,
the
proportion
of
mass
murder
vic-
tims
who
are
relatives
of
their
killers
is
determined
by
the
number
of
vic-
Vol.
62,
No.
5,
June
1986
479

480
tims
required
in
the
definition.
If
the
cutoff
point
is
set
at
10
or
more
vic-
tims
killed
in
a
single
incident,
the
cases
become
rare
and
the
majority
of
victims
are
strangers,
as
in
Charles
Whitman's
Texas
Tower
killings
(two
family
members
and
14
strangers
killed,
30
others
wounded)
and
James
Huberty's
MacDonald's
massacre
(21
strangers
dead,
19
wounded).
Indeed,
by
this
definition
the
only
mass
murder
in
American
history
in
which
most
of
the
victims
were
family
members
was
the
killing
of
13
people
in
Wilkes-
Barre,
Pennsylvania,
by
former
prison
guard
George
Banks.
Banks
had
had
children
by
four
women
and
lived
with
three
of
them
and
their
children
on
a
rotating
basis,
making
it
possible
for
him
to
kill
enough
family
members
to
set
such
a
record.
Given
the
small
number
of
cases
in
which
there
have
been
10
or
more
victims,
the
cutoff
point
should
be
fewer
than
10.
One
way
to
select
a
lower
cutoff
point
is
to
choose
one
that
will
maximize
the
number
of
cases
defined
as
mass
murder
(so
that
there
will
be
enough
to
study)
while
minimizing
the
odds
that
the
cases
so
defined
will
be
murders
occurring
as
a
byproduct
of
other
crimes
(which
would
otherwise
confound
research
findings).
The
Bu-
reau of
Justice
Statistics
publishes
annual
survey
data
on
criminal
victimi-
zation
other
than
homicide,
including
the
number
of
victims
per
incident
up
to
the
category
of
four
or
more
victims.
For
all
violent
criminal
incidents
in
1983,
88.5%
involved
one
victim,
8.9%
two
victims,
1.7%
three
victims
and
1.0%
four
or
more
victims.2
A
threshold
for
mass
murder
of
three
vic-
tims
would
exclude
the
possible
byproducts
of
more
than
95%
of
violent
crimes.
A
threshold
of
five
victims
would
exclude
the
byproducts
of
more
than
99%
of
violent
crimes.
We
can
take
notice
of
these
data
without
un-
necessarily
restricting
the
definition
if
we
define
mass
murder
as
the
will-
ful
injuring
of
five
or
more
persons
of
whom
three
or
more
are
killed
by
a
single
offender
in
a
single
incident.
Paranoid
symptoms
of
some
kind
have
been
evidenced
by
all
of
the
men
who
have
killed
10
or
more
victims
in
a
single
incident
in
the
United
States.
James
Huberty
and
his
wife,
who
routinely
abused
one
another,
treated
their
home
as
an
armed
fortress.
Mrs.
Huberty
once
threatened
neighbors
with
a
gun,
and
James
Huberty,
an
admirer
of
Hitler,
blamed
President
Carter
for
the
economic
conditions
that
caused
his
unemployment.
Depressive
symp-
toms
predominate
among
those
who
kill
more
than
three
but
fewer
than
10
victims
in
a
single
incident.
The
commonest
of
these
cases
are
those
in
which
depressed
men,
sometimes
drinking
excessively,
kill
their
families
and
some-
times
themselves.
In
any
community
in
America,
ask
an
old
timer
if
there's
Bull.
N.Y.
Acad.
Med.
480
P.
E.
DIETZ

MASS,
SERIAL
AND
SENSATIONAL
HOMICIDES
ever
been
someone
in
the
area
who
has
killed
his
whole
family.
More
likely
than
not,
he'll
say
something
like
this:
"There
was
a
time
this
man
I
knew,
a
regular
guy-hard
worker,
wife,
kids,
went
to
church-sudden-like
up'n
killed
the
whole
family.
They
say
he
was
drinkin'
real
heavy,
but
I
always
thought
he
must've
went
crazy.
Seems
he
even
killed
the
dog.
It
was
all
in
the
papers,
but
then
you
never
heard
no
more
about
it."
These
cases
rock
the
local
community
and
create
lifelong
memories
that
something
terrible
happened
there.
In
the
less
migratory
years
of
American
history,
the
houses
where
such
things
occurred
sometimes
came
to
be
regarded
as
haunted-if
they
were
not
burned
to
the
ground,
as
was
George
Banks'
house.
If
these
cases
make
the
national
news,
it
is
a
brief
appearance.
Even
when
the
man
does
not
kill
himself,
thereby
allowing
for
his
story
to
become
public
at
the
trial,
these
cases
do
not
capture
the
national
imagination.
I
think
they
are
regarded
as
family
business.
They
are
too
close
for
comfort.
The
Banks
case
is
familiar
to
me
and
less
familiar
to
most
than
Whitman
or
Huberty,
so
I
describe
it
briefly
here
as
an
illustration
of
mass
murder.
Although
he
had
served
time
for
armed
robbery,
Banks
was
employed
as
a
correctional
officer
at
the
correctional
facility
at
Camp
Hill,
Pennsylva-
nia.
One
day
he
told
coworkers
that
he
was
thinking
of
shooting
inmates
from
the
tower.
He
was
taken
to
a
mental
health
center
which
recommended
that
he
take
some
time
off
from
work
and
referred
him
to
a
mental
health
center
in
his
home
town
of
Wilkes-Barre.
He
went
to
the
mental
health
center
with
one
of
his
women,
whom
he
presented
as
his
wife
without
acknowledg-
ing
his
unusual
living
arrangements.
He
did
not
become
engaged
in
treatment.
Unbeknownst
to
those
who
evaluated
him,
Banks
had
long
been
fascinated
by
weapons
and
survivalist
themes.
In
his
home
was
a
collection
of
Soldier
of
Fortune,
Commando
and
Gung
Ho!,
three
magazines
devoted
to
the
im-
agery
of
warfare
and
glamorous
portrayals
of
military
and
paramilitary
weapons.
He
had
purchased
equipment
and
materials
of
the
kind
advertised
and
promoted
in
these
magazines,
including
a
Colt
AR-15
semi-automatic
rifle,
the
civilian
equivalent
of
the
M-16
and
a
manual
offering
instruction
on
the
crafting
of
silencers
in
home
workshops.
Over
the
years
he
had
de-
vised
plans
for
the
protection
of
his
family
in
the
event
of
warfare
or
civil
disaster.
While
working
in
a
state
job
that
gave
him
access
to
such
infor-
mation,
he
had
charted
the
locations
of
mountain
sites
of
fresh
water
where
he
might
take
his
family
in
the
event
of
disaster.
One
day
in
September
1982
Banks
drank
alcohol
at
a
party,
napped,
awakened
and
ordered
the
two
women
with
whom
he
was
then
living
to
re-
Vol.
62,
No.
5,
June
1986
481

482
PE.
DIETZ
trieve
his
AR-15
magazine
and
ammunition
from
the
two
locations
at
which
they
were
stored.
He
had
them
dress
him
in
a
fatigue-like
jumpsuit,
and
he
donned
a
Civil
War
cap.
In
the
course
of
the
next
few
hours
he
shot
and
killed
eight
women
and
children
in
his
home,
killed
one
bystander
in
the
street
and
wounded
another,
commandeered
a
car
at
gunpoint,
and
drove
to
a
trailer
where
another
of
his
women
and
their
son
lived,
and
at
the
trailer
killed
their
son,
the
woman,
her
mother
and
another
little
boy
who
was
spending
the
night.
He
eventually
locked
himself
in
an
abandoned
house
and
held
the
police
at
bay
for
seven
hours
before
surrendering.
Five
psychiatrists
testified
at
his
trial,
including
Dr.
Robert
Sadoff,
who
has
already
spoken
at
this
symposium,
and
each
of
us
diagnosed
him
as
suffering
from
paranoia.
The
defense
and
its
witnesses
contended
that
Banks'
paranoia
caused
him
not
to
know
the
nature
and
quality
of
his
act
and
not
to
know
that
what
he
was
doing
was
wrong.
The
state
and
its
witnesses
con-
tended
that
Banks'
behavior
and
statements
at
the
time
of
the
offenses
showed
that
despite
his
psychosis,
he
knew
the
nature,
quality
and
wrongfulness
of
his
acts.
Banks
himself
testified-over
his
attorneys'
objections-that
the
police
had
tried
to
make
it
look
bad
for
him
by
moving
the
bodies
and
in-
flicting
additional
gunshot
wounds
on
his
victims.
He
even
circulated
to
the
jury
the
full-color
scene
photographs
of
his
dead
children-which
the
de-
fense
had
managed
to
keep
out
of
evidence-to
prove
to
the
jurors
the
depravity
of
the
police
conspiracy.
Banks
was
convicted
and
sentenced
to
death.
I
have
seen
no
typologies
of
mass
murder
that
I
think
warrant
review.
The
mass
murderers
of
which
I
am
aware
have
fit
unambiguously
into
one
of
the
following
three
categories:
Family
annihilators,
usually
the
senior
man
of
the
house,
who
is
depressed,
paranoid,
intoxicated
or
a
combination
of
these.
He
kills
each
member
of
the
family
who
is
present,
sometimes
in-
cluding
pets.
He
may
commit
suicide
after
killing
the
others,
or
may
force
the
police
to
kill
him.
Pseudocommandos,
who
are
preoccupied
by
firearms
and
commit
their
raids
after
long
deliberation.
James
Huberty
carried
a
ri-
fle,
a
shotgun,
and
a
pistol
and
hundreds
of
rounds
of
ammunition.3
Charles
Whitman
hauled
to
the
top
of
the
tower
a
footlocker
containing
a
rifle,
a
shotgun,
two
pistols,
a
revolver,
700
rounds
of
ammunition,
food,
water,
a
radio
and
toiletries.4
The
murderer
may
force
the
police
to
kill
him.
Set-
and-run
killers,
who
employ
techniques
allowing
themselves
the
possibil-
ity
of
escape
before
the
deaths
occur.
Examples
include
those
who
bomb
Bull.
N.Y.
Acad.
Med.
482
P.E.
DIETZ

MASS,
SERIAL
AND
SENSATIONAL
HOMICIDES
buildings
or
vehicles
on
which
they
are
not
traveling,
who
set
arson
fires,
or
who
tamper
with
food
or
products,
as
in
the
Tylenol
poisonings.
While
the
offender
may
have
one
or
more
particular
victims
in
mind,
he
considers
the
indiscriminate
killings
of
bystanders
an
unimportant
cost
in
relation
to
the
enhanced
probability
of
escape
provided
by
these
methods.
As
with
bombings
generally,5
the
most
common
motives
are
anger
or
revenge
to-
ward
people
or
institutions,
but
extortion,
insurance
fraud
and
ideological
motives
are
also
observed.
SERIAL
MURDERS
As
in
the
case
of
mass
murder,
the
most
homogeneous
class
of
offenders
results
from
a
definition
limited
to
the
most
extreme
cases.
Those
who
kill
others
in
10
or
more
separate
incidents,
without
exception,
kill
more
strangers
than
familiar
people.
This
fact
is
almost
tautologic,
however,
because
it
is
nearly
unthinkable
that
one
could
kill
10
family
members,
one
at
a
time,
without
someone
noticing
a
pattern.
Serial
killers
who
are
able
to
reach
the
10-victim
level
are
able
to
do
so
because
they
manage
not
to
be
caught,
which
generally
requires
either
careful
execution
and
an
acceptable
public
persona
(as
in
the
John
Wayne
Gacy
case),
or
high
mobility
(as
in
the
case
of
Lucas
and
Toole),
or
both
(as
in
the
case
of
Ted
Bundy).
While
every
serial
killer
is
mentally
disordered,
nearly
all
are
psychopathic
sexual
sadists,
and
few,
if
any,
are
psychotic.
Psychotic
offenders
rarely
have
the
wherewithal
repeat-
edly
to
escape
apprehension.
In
contrast
to
murder
generally,
the
victims
of
serial
killers
are
most
of-
ten
strangled,
beaten
or
knived,
rather
than
shot.
I
attribute
this
to
the
greater
intimacy
of
contact
weapons
over
projectile
weapons,
reflecting
the
sexual
component
of
the
killers'
motivation.
Like
other
sexual
sadists,
they
often
pursue
occupations
and
hobbies
that
bring
them
in
contact
with
injured
and
suffering
people
or
people
over
whom
they
have
control.
Ambulance
ser-
vices,
hospitals,
mortuaries,
correctional
facilities,
police
agencies
and
specialized
military
combat
units
prove
attractive
to
them
but
sometimes
have
standards
that
they
cannot
meet.
The
single
most
prevalent
job
is
probably
that
of
a
security
guard.
Their
interest
in
police-related
activities
and
their
inability
to
become
legitimate
police
officers
(due
to
a
criminal
record,
lack
of
discipline
or
other
factors)
reveals
itself
in
such
behavior
as collecting
police
paraphernalia,
using
police
badges
or
equipment
to
gain
access
to
vic-
tims,
monitoring
police
radio
frequencies
and,
most
strikingly,
inserting
Vol.
62,
No.
5,
June
1986
483

484
themselves
into
the
investigation
of
their
own
crimes.
Many
of
the
elements
common
to
serial
killers
are
illustrated
in
a
case
that
has
been
described
in
greater
detail
elsewhere.6
A
white
man
in
his
mid-30s
was
charged
with
approximately
a
dozen
murders
in
several
states.
His
father,
whom
he
had
never
known,
had
been
executed
for
murdering
a
police
officer
and
had
also
killed
a
correctional
officer
during
an
escape.
Shortly
before
being
executed,
the
father
wrote:
"When
I
killed
this
cop,
it
made
me
feel
good
inside.
I
can't
get
over
how
good
it
did
make
me
feel,
for
the
sensation
was
something
that
made
me
feel
elated
to
the
point
of
happiness....
"
Often
told
of
his
resemblance
to
his
father,
he
came
to
believe
that
his
father
lived
within
him.
His
mother,
who
had
been
married
four
times
and
brought
home
a
suc-
cession
of
short-term
extramarital
sexual
partners,
frequently
told
her
son
that
she
had
been
raped
by
her
father
when
she
was
nine.
She
ridiculed
her
son's
bedwetting,
which
persisted
to
age
13,
by
calling
him
"pissy
pants"
in
front
of
guests;
he
was
beaten
for
the
bedwetting
and
night
terrors.
For
as
long
as
he
could
recall
he
had
had
recurrent
nightmares
of
being
"smothered"
by
nylons
and
being
strapped
to
a
chair
in
a
gas
chamber
as
green
gas
filled
the
room.
One
of
his
stepfathers
beat
him
relentlessly.
For
leaving
a
hammer
outside,
he
was
awakened
by
this
stepfather
burning
his
wrist
with
a
cigar.
For
playing
a
childish
game
while
urinating,
he
was
forced
to
drink
urine.
When
his
mother
once
intervened,
the
stepfather
pushed
her
head
through
a
plaster
wall,
after
which
she,
too,
actively
abused
the
chil-
dren.
His
hostility
toward
her
was
unconcealed,
as
he
said:
"Sometimes
I
[think]
about
blowin'
her
head
off....
Sometimes
I
wanta'
put
a
shotgun
in
her
mouth
and
blow
the
back
of
her
head
off....."
For
years,
his
favor-
ite
sexual
fantasy
was
of
torturing
his
mother
to
death.
He
had
been
knocked
unconscious
on
multiple
occasions
and
had
remained
comatose
for
over
a
week
after
a
head-injury
at
approximately
age
20.
A
CT-scan
of
the
brain
showed
abnormally
enlarged
sulci
and
slightly
enlarged
ventricles.
Results
of
the
Halstead-Reitan
Neuropsychological
Battery
and
the
Luria-Nebraska
Neuropsychological
Battery
were
interpreted
as
show-
ing
damage
to
the
right
frontal
lobe.
He
had
juvenile
police
contacts
for
vandalism,
malicious
acts,
running
away
and
multiple
burglaries.
Apprehended
for
lewd
contact
with
a
seven-
year-old
girl
at
age
13,
he
was
sent
to
reform
school
for
a
year.
At
age
16
he
was
arrested
for
armed
robbery.
At
age
18,
two
weeks
after
the
birth
of
his
first
child,
he
married
the
child's
mother.
Despite
subsequent
arrests
for
armed
robbery,
beating
his
wife,
assault,
burglary,
auto
theft,
theft,
parole
Bull.
N.Y.
Acad.
Med.
484
P.
E.
DIETZ

MASS,
SERIAL
AND