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Child
Psychol.
Psychiat.
Vol. 26, No. 2, pp.
185-191,
1985. 0021-9630/85 $3.00
+
0.00
Printed in Great Britain. Pergamon Press Ltd
© 1985 Association for Child Psychology and Psychiatry.
ANNOTATION
MOTIVATION IN CHILDHOOD AUTISM: CAN THEY OR WON'T THEY?
ROBERT L. KOEGEL and MICHELLE MENTIS
University of California, Santa Barbara, CA, U.S.A.
PARADOXICALLY, autistic children have been described at times as extremely
intelligent and at other times as severely retarded (cf. Rimland, 1978). For example,
teachers are often puzzled by autistic children appearing very intelligent in isolated
areas yet also giving the appearance of being unable to learn relatively simple tasks
such as self-help and basic language skills. As late as 1978, Rutter reported that
approximately
75 %
of autistic children could be expected to function at a retarded
or severely retarded level throughout life. This 'retardation', however, appears to be
highly variable across tasks and situations. For example, such children have been
described as extremely unmotivated during testing and in other circumstances where
demands are miade of them (Koegel & Egel, 1979; Mittler, 1966) and seem to p)erform
especially poorly under such conditions. These and other observations have led
researchers to question whether autistic children's typically very low level of per-
formance reflects an inability to learn, or instead a possible lack of motivation to learn.
EFFECTS OF FAILURE ON MOTIVATION
A number of researchers have suggested that motivation may be depressed,
performance impaired and task avoidance increased by repeated experiences of
failure (Clark & Rutter, 1979; MacMillan, 1971; Rodda, 1977). This is particularly
pertinent to autistic children as the severity of their handicap may result in them
being repeatedly exposed to failure. In addition, pathological failure in autistic and
schizophrenic children has been found to increase dramatically during exposure to
failure (Churchill, 1971). It has also been noted that as autistic children frequently
respond incorrectly when attempting a task, noncontingent reinforcement or unusual
accidental contingencies of reinforcement may be created and the attempts the child
does make may either go unrewarded or be minimally rewarded (Koegel & Egel,
1979).
These conditions may thus serve to. decrease further their motivation.
In contrast, the positive influence of success on motivation was clearly demon-
strated in a study conducted by O'Dell, Dunlap & Koegel (1983). They compared
the effectiveness of two reinforcement contingencies on the verbal responding of
four autistic children with severe communication delay. They found that all the
children achieved higher percentages of correct verbal responding and progressed
more rapidly when a 'motivation' contingency was used in which the children's
Requests for reprints to: Autism Research Center, University of California, Santa Barbara, CA, U.S.A.
185
186 R. L. KOEGEL
AND
MICHELLE MENTIS
observable attempts to verbalize were reinforced. The other, less successful con-
tingency used was a more narrowly defined shaping contingency under which only
very strictly defined successive approximations to a target verbalization were
reinforced regardless of how hard the child was 'trying'. The former (attempts)
contingency was superior in all areas. In addition to improvements in their learning,
when the chOdren's affect was rated by naive observers all the children were judged
to be happier, more enthusiastic, more interested and better behaved when their
verbal attempts were reinforced. The results suggest that by reinforcing communica-
tion attempts, the children's motivation to maintain interest and attention in a task
may be increased zind that, at least for this severely handicapped population, it may
be more important to increase motivation before further refining the types of
behaviour that are being taught through shaping.
LEARNED HELPLESSNESS
A further significant implication of this study relates to the notions of success and
failure and of learned helplessness. Seligman and his colleagues have argued that
learned helplessness results from learning that reinforcement and responding are
independent (Miller & Seligman, 1975; Overmier & Seligman, 1967; Seligman &
Maier, 1967). They state that such learning serves to: "lower performance by
reducing the incentive for instrumental responding, which results in lowered response
initiation. In addition, learning that reinforcement and responding are independent
interferes with learning that responses later control reinforcements" (Miller &
Seligman, 1975, p. 228). Learned helplessness thus results in individuals being slow
to initiate responses and in their having greater difficulty in learning the response-
reinforcement contingency. It has been suggested that the types of behaviours shown
in learned helplessness studies are very similar to those exhibited by autistic children
(Koegel & Egel, 1979). Seligman, Maier & Geer (1968) have suggested that the
maladaptive behaviours associated with learned helplessness may be corrected by
enforced exposure to the response-reinforcement contingency. In the above study,
as the children experienced more success during the attempt condition they experienced
the response-reinforcer contingency more frequently. Dunlap (1984) also found a
similar positive effect by interspersing well-learned maintenance tasks among new
tasks being taught, suggesting that there may be a generalized positive influence
obtained when autistic children obtain more experience with response-reinforcer
contingencies.
The notion of learned helplessness and the suggestion that success may heighten
motivation was also discussed in a study conducted by Koegel & Egel (1979). They
investigated the effect on motivation of correct vs incorrect task completion. Their
results indicated that the children's motivation (which was defined in terms ofthe
children's attempts to complete a task and the level of enthusiasm the child displayed)
decreased to extremely low levels when they worked on tasks that they did not
complete correctly. However, when the children were prompted to keep responding
until they had completed the tasks correctly, their motivation to respond to those
tasks was markedly increased. The results are thus consistent with those reported by
ANNOTATION 187
O'Dell, Dunlap & Koegel (1983) and suggest that the experience of failure may
result in decreased motivation, cind that by increasing successful task completion,
motivation may be heightened. This may be done through prompting, as in the above
study, by interspersing maintenance tasks (Dunlap, 1984) or by altering the reinforce-
ment contingency so that attempts are reinforced regardless of whether they are
followed by success (O'Dell
et
al, 1983).
In a related study investigating the variables controlling social avoidance behaviour
(Dyer, Bell & Koegel, 1983) it was found that when autistic children engaged in
child-preferred activities, decreased levels of social avoidance behaviour were
exhibited. On the basis of these results the authors suggested that by being able to
direct the sociad situation, increased success in this situation was experienced and
social approach behaviour was therefore reinforced. Thus by maximizing the child's
chances of success, motivation to engage in social approach behaviour was
heightened and, by being reinforced for this behaviour, the generalization and
maintenance of the behaviour was increased. These results are also significant in
that the child's motivation was maintained by reinforcement contingencies occurring
in the child's everyday life, important for the continued maintenance ofthe behaviour.
SHARED CONTROL AND INCREASED SUCCESS
Recently, several studies have investigated the effects of shared control amd the
use of child-preferred activities on the motivation of autistic children. Although the
results of these studies are preliminary, they strongly suggest that the motivation of
autistic children can be significantly increased and that this may result in increased
generalization and maintenance of learned behaviour.
It has been suggested that by giving autistic and other children some control over
the choice of topic of conversation, the materials to be used or the activities to be
engaged in, an increased level of interest and motivation in the activity may be
achieved (Dyer et al, 1983; O'Dell & Koegel, 1981; Turner, 1978). This is an
important consideration as it has been reported that the major type of interaction
between adults and autistic children seems to be adult-directed demands and requests
(Bernard-Opitz, 1982; Duchan, 1983). In a study conducted by Wetherby (1982)
autistic children were found to initiate communication with adults in a free-play
setting frequently. As this is inconsistent with anecdotal reports in the literature that
autistic children lack spontaneous use of communication, Wetherby suggested that
the results she obtained may have been due to the fact that the adult in her study
was non-directive. She felt that this gave the child opportunities to engage in child-
preferred activities rather than those selected by the adult. Similar results were
obtained by Bernard-Opitz (1982), who found that an autistic child initiated com-
munication more frequently when the parent was instructed not to initiate communica-
tion with her child, but only to respond to her child's initiations. It may be suggested
that the increase in the child's initiations was due to her increased control in the
interaction once she was able to initiate topics with a high probability of success.
In a related study described by O'Dell & Koegel (1981) a natural language
paradigm of treatment delivery was more successful than a repetitive practice
paradigm. Two of the variables differentiating the 'natural language paradigm'
188 R. L. KOEGEL AND MICHELLE MENTIS
from the 'repetitive practice paradigm' were turn-taking and shared control. In the
natural language paradigm, turn-taking (the exchange between the speaker and
listener that takes place in normal conversation) and shared control (the sharing by
both the child and the clinician of the topic and the control over the communicative
act) were major factors in delivering the stimulus materials. If the child indicated
with an appropriate vocal request that the activity should be discontinued, or that a
new activity should be started, the clinician would comply. Thus in this treatment
approach both the child and the clinician were active participants in the activity. In
the 'repetitive practice paradigm', however, a driU format was used in which repeated
trials were presented by the clinician who then waited or prompted the child to
respond (i.e. used clinician control). A marked difference was found between the
two methods of language intervention regarding the children's utterances in the
imitative, deferred imitative and spontaneous utterance categories. In the 'natural
language paradigm' the results indicated an increased use of appropriate, spon-
taneous and generalized speech and language, whereas in the 'repetitive practice
paradigm' the results showed a low level of imitative and spontaneous production of
target words, and negligible evidence of generalization. These results and those of
related research (cf. Hart & Risley, 1980; McGee, Krantz & McClannahan, in
press;
Neef,
Walters & Egel, in press) suggest that a 'natural language paradigm'
may be a useful form of treatment as it increases the child's interest and motivation
to learn and facilitates generalization of acquired skills. Generalization is further
facilitated by the fact that the programme utilizes stimulus events and contingencies
which more closely approximate the child's natur2il environment.
That choice may be a significant motivational variable for autistic children was
further demonstrated in the previously mentioned study by Dyer
et
al (1983). They
found that decreased levels of social avoidance behaviour were exhibited when the
children engaged in child-preferred activities £ind that higher ratings of interest and
involvement in the social interaction were obtained when the toys and topics for
conversation were selected by the child. They also found that a child who participated
in a long-term clinical intervention exhibited a generalized reduction of social avoid-
ance responses after clinical intervention. Thus it may be suggested that generalization
and maintenance of appropriate behaviour was facilitated by the child's increased
motivation in interacting with strangers, resulting from the child tEiking some control
ofthe interaction and introducing preferred topics.
These results are consistent with what has been reported in associated areas.
Studies in the normal population have suggested that when a subject is given a choice
in the selection of the antecedent stimuli, motivation is increased. In addition,
opportunity for choice has been found to affect learning ability and the generalization
of the learned behaviour significantly (Blackwell, 1975; Kail, 1975; Monty,
Rosenberger & Perlmuter, 1973). In a study conducted by Turner (1978) with two
preschool language-impaired children, interest in the remediation setting was
increased when they were given a choice of stimulus materials. In addition, she
found that language structures learned during this condition were more likely to
generalize to extra-clinic settings than when materials were selected by the
experimenter.
The above studies suggest that the low motivation demonstrated by autistic
ANNOTATION 189
children can be increased in a setting where the control is shared by the child and
clinician and where the child is given a choice regarding the selection of materials,
activities and topics. In addition, they suggest that increased motivation may
facilitate generalization and maintenance of treatment gains as the child is moving
towards functioning in the environment in a manner more similar to that of normal
children. This may be facilitated by eliciting teacher, parental, sibling and peer
support in giving the child opportunities to initiate communication and select preferred
topics, activities and toys.
CONCLUDING COMMENTS
The results of the above research suggest that the motivation of autistic children
can be increased and that this may be a crucial variable in the acquisition, generaliza-
tion and maintenance of their treatment gains. This is because the emphasis is
being placed on helping the autistic child respond in a manner more similar to that
of normal children. The low level of motivation evident in autistic children may
inhibit the acquisition of new skills and restrict the generalization and maintenance
of acquired skills beyond treatment settings. However, it seems that if their motivation
can be increased, this will result in the acquisition and maintenance of a much wider
range of behaviour. Thus motivation may be a key target behaviour which could
result in more widespread behaviour change than has typically been seen in the past.
Although the research is still in its infancy, it has led to the identification of some
of the variables that influence autistic children's motivation. Sensory reinforcers
have been found to be powerful for autistic children, and have the advantages of
being more resistant to satiation than primary reinforcers such as food (cf. Rincover,
Newsom, Lovaas & Koegel, 1977). The variation of antecedent and consequent
stimuli has also been shown to influence autistic children's motivation and thereby
maintain a high level of responding (Dunlap & Koegel, 1980; Egel, 1980, 1981). A
most significant finding in this area is the relationship that has been found between
success and motivation. By encouraging autistic children to respond until they
successfully complete tasks, their motivation to perform such tasks in the future may
be increased. A further significant finding is that by increasing the child's control
of the environment, success and motivation may be increased. This can affect a
number of other behaviours and may result in widespread generalization and
maintenance of
a
number of types of behaviour. In doing so, steps are being taken to
enable the autistic child to function in a way that will be more effective in learning
and maintaining new skills. However, these are essentisilly the first steps; while
several ways to increase the autistic child's motivation to work on specific tasks
within treatment have been identified, less research has been directed towards
identifying how the child's motivation in the natural environment can be enhanced.
The further development of more powerful motivational techniques for use with the
autistic child may represent one of the major challenges to researchers in the field
today.
190 R.L. KOEGEL AND MICHELLE MENTIS
SUMMARY
Research in the area of motivation in autistic and other children suggests that
autistic children may be capable of performing at a higher level than they typically
function. This article describes research in the area of 'learned helplessness' which
suggests that autistic children's handicaps may expose them to frequent failure and
to an unusual level of non-contingent reinforcement which may produce a 'learned
helplessness' state of extremely low motivation, with a consequent abnormally low
oversdl functioning level. The present article also discusses research on strategies
which might be employed to improve autistic children's exposure to favourable
response-reinforcer contingencies. This would be expected to improve the general
level of motivation in such children, with related gains in the acquisition, generalization
maintenance of
a
broad array of target behaviours.
Acknowledgements—Preparation
of this annotation was supported in part by the U.S. Department of
Education, Special Education Program Contract No. 300-82-0362 and by U.S. Public Health Service
Research Grants MH28210 and MH28231 from the National Institute of Mental Health.
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