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Woman-Battering, Child Abuse and Social Heredity: What is the Relationship?
Abstract
This paper explores the relationship between child abuse and woman-battering. In so doing the authors test and reject the hypothesis, common in the violence literature, that ‘violence begets violence’. The vast majority of woman-batterers do not come from homes where they were beaten, and the vast majority of men who were beaten as children do not later batter their wives.
Child abuse experts deny the importance of woman-battering. Interventions to stop child abuse focus on changing the ‘mother's’ behaviour. Wife abuse is, however, the major precipitating context of child abuse. Children whose mothers are battered are more than twice as likely to be physically abused than children whose mothers are not battered. When women are battered and children are abused it is usually the male batterer who is responsible for the maltreatment of the child. In other cases women may turn to child abuse when their own battering is already well-established. Battered women who abuse their children are more likely to be treated punitively than non-battered mothers who treat their children in a similar manner. They are, for instance, more likely to have their children removed.
These findings have important implications for policy. The authors point out that those who are concerned about child abuse ‘would do well to look toward advocacy and protection of battered mothers as the best available means to prevent current child abuse as well as child abuse in the future’.
... Several theoretical frameworks have guided these studies. They include resource theory (Allen & Straus, 1980;Goode, 1971), exchange theory (Blau, 1964;Homans, 1967Homans, ,1974 symbolic interaction (Stryker, 1967), culture of violence (Wolfgang & Ferracuti, 1967), conflict (Coser, 1967), intergenerational transmission of violence (Bandura, 1973(Bandura, , 1977O'Leary, 1988;Straus, 1980Straus, , 1991, and the patriarchal perspective (Bowker, 1986;Dobash & Dobash, 1979;Kurz, 1989;Stark & Flitcraft, 1985). Kurz (1989) has classified these social science approaches to spouse abuse into two main categories, the family violence and feminist perspectives. ...
... The discovery that intergenerational transmission of aggression is a "gendered" phenomenon raises important questions about feminist critiques of family violence research. Scholars who approach the problem of conjugal violence from the feminist perspective are usually critical of the intergenerational transmission of violence model (e.g., Breines & Gordon, 1983;Kurz, 1989;Stark & Flitcraft, 1985). They argue that focussing on such individualistic explanations decontextualizes the violence, attributes the violence to individual pathologies, conceals the fact that most of the victims are women and children, and ignores the nuclear family as a locus of domination and control of women. ...
... For example, violence in the family of origin increases both a woman's vulnerability and a man's propensity to abuse his wife and children. But the vast majority of abused women and male abusers have not been beaten as children and the vast majority of people who have been beaten as children are not involved in violent relationships (Stark & Flitcraft, 1985). In other words, the relationship between violence in the family of origin and wife abuse is probabilistic rather than deterministic. ...
Previous research is not clear on how violence in the family of origin translates into violence and aggression later in life. The author develops and estimates an empirical model in which M. Gottfredson and T. Hirschi's (1990) concept of self-control is specified to mediate the relationship between violence in the family of origin and conjugal psychological aggression. Data generated from the 1975 National Family Violence Survey of 2,143 respondents were used for the study. Psychological aggression was measured with the Conflict Tactics Scale, and self-control was operationalized as a continuous variable. There were 2 dimensions of physical punishment: fathers' and mothers'. Results suggest that fathers' violence is more likely to exert the aggression amplification effect. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
... Some feminist perspectives view intimate violence as part of a system of coercive controls that serves to create and maintain male dominance and an imbalance of power between husband and wife (Dobash & Dobash, 1992; Martin, 1976 Martin, /1983 Pagelow, 1992; Pence & Paymar, 1993; Schechter, 1982; Stark & Flitcraft, 1985; Walker, 1986; Yllö, 1993). Some feminists suggest that male power in marriage provides an opportunity for some men to ''feel like real men'' despite, as in this instance, their marginal social status. ...
... Many feminist perspectives suggest that violence by males may be a strategy employed to resolve conflicts, remove stressors, get one's way, assert dominance over others, and/or enhance one's self-esteem or -concept. Intimate violence, as part of a system of coercive controls, is a controlling behavior that serves to create and maintain male dominance and an imbalance of power between husband and wife (Dobash & Dobash, 1979 Martin, 1976 Martin, /1983 Pagelow, 1992; Pence & Paymar, 1993; Schechter, 1982; Stark & Flitcraft, 1985; Walker, 1986; Yllö, 1993). Male power in marriage may allow them to feel like ''real men'' despite their social powerlessness. ...
... Aile içi şiddet, konuyla ilgili uzmanlar arasında bile gizli ve dirençli bir aile sorunu olarak kabul edilmektedir. [42] Kadın haklarının ağır derecede ihlal edilmesi konusu ile başarılı bir şekilde mücadele etmek için, aile içi şiddetin toplum tarafından reddedilmesi ve profesyoneller arasında bu duruma karşı tutumların kesin bir dille sergilenmesi gereklidir. [43,44] Ayrıca, toplumsal cinsiyet ayrımcılığı ve kadının aile içindeki geleneksel rolü hakkındaki kavramlar, kadınların eğitim ve istihdam olanaklarından daha az yararlanabilmesini ve sonuç olarak onların ekonomik, toplumsal ve siyasi katılımlarının daha düşük olmasını yol açmaktadır. ...
... [41] AILE IÇI ŞIDDETE BAKIŞ AÇISI Aile içi şiddet, konuyla ilgili uzmanlar arasında bile gizli ve dirençli bir aile sorunu olarak kabul edilmektedir. [42] Kadın haklarının ağır derecede ihlal edilmesi konusu ile başarılı bir şekilde mücadele etmek için, aile içi şiddetin toplum tarafından reddedilmesi ve profesyoneller arasında bu duruma karşı tutumların kesin bir dille sergilenmesi gereklidir. [43,44] Ayrıca, toplumsal cinsiyet ayrımcılığı ve kadının aile içindeki geleneksel rolü hakkındaki kavramlar, kadınların eğitim ve istihdam olanaklarından daha az yararlanabilmesini ve sonuç olarak onların ekonomik, toplumsal ve siyasi katılımlarının daha düşük olmasını yol açmaktadır. ...
... This situation is particularly troubling given estimates that between 3.3 million (Carlson, 1984) and 10 million (Straus, 1991) American children are at risk of exposure to woman abuse each year. These children are at increased risk of being abused themselves (Stark & Flitcraft, 1985) and are thought to suffer from an array of behavioral, emotional, and cognitive problems (Fantuzzo & Lindquist, 1989;Goodman & Rosenberg, 1987;Jaffe, Wolfe, & Wilson, 1990). ...
As this century ends there continues to be little public attention devoted to child witnesses of woman abuse and few social programs exist to meet their needs. This article presents the findings of a qualitative evaluation of a group program for children of battered women. Interviews were conducted with 16 mothers, 5 fathers, 9 group leaders, and 30 children who participated in 8 groups. Data also included observations of one complete group process (10 groups and 3 family sessions). Both intended and unintended results are presented and recommendations for practice are discussed.
... It is known that millions of women experience violence in the world, but violence against women is often kept private because of tra- ditions, low social status, and the lack of economic independence for women (November Violence Prevention Day against World Women, 2016). Domestic violence is accepted as secret and strictly a family matter even among the experts on this subject (Stark & Flitcraft, 1985). According to research on the topic of domestic violence against women in Turkey, the percentage of women who cannot tell anyone about the physical or sexual violence by their spouse or partner they experience is found as 49% (Bozkurt & Uygur, 2011). ...
... The harmful effects on children of exposure to domestic violence are well documented in research and clinical studies (see for example Mullender and Morley 1994;Stark and Flitcraft 1985;Jaffe et al. 1990;Edleson 1999;Kitzman et al. 2003). Domestic violence can have a significant effect on the mother's ability to care for the children by, for example, undermining the relationship between mother and child (Humphreys 2006), and continuing post-separation violence can impact on the mother's recovery (Humphreys and Harrison 2003;Radford and Hester 2006). ...
Fact-finding hearings may be held to determine disputed allegations of domestic violence in child contact cases in England and Wales, and can play a vital role for mothers seeking protection and autonomy from violent fathers. Drawing on the author’s empirical study, this article examines the implications for the holding of fact-finding hearings of judges’ and professionals’ understandings of domestic violence and the extent to which they perceive it to be relevant to contact. While more judges and professionals are developing their understanding of domestic violence, the ambit of when and how it is considered relevant to contact has grown increasingly narrow, which suggests that many disputed allegations of domestic violence are disregarded and women and children continue to be put at risk from violent fathers. This bifurcated approach is likely to have significant implications for recent developments in this area of family law which are considered in this article.
... Between 50% and 70% of the men who batter their wives also abuse their children (Pagelow, 1989;Walker, 1982). Severe child abuse usually occurs in the context of domestic violence, and the onset of child abuse usually post-dates abuse of the mother (Stark & Flitcraft, 1985). The more grievous the abuse of the mother, the greater the likelihood that child abuse will be severe (Bowker, Arbitell & McFerron, 1988). ...
The law is a tool that can help constrain the violence of batterers and assist battered women and children in their efforts to achieve lives free of violence. Historically, this was not the case. This paper presents a brief history of the evolving law on domestic violence. It then describes how re-search on domestic violence has informed legal reform. Finally, it provides an overview of current law designed to end the violence, afford battered women safeguards against future abuse, mandate restitution and offer resources for independent, violence-free living.
... Between 50% and 70% of the men who batter their wives also abuse their children (Pagelow, 1989;Walker, 1982). Severe child abuse usually occurs in the context of domestic violence, and the onset of child abuse usually post-dates abuse of the mother (Stark & Flitcraft, 1985). The more grievous the abuse of the mother, the greater the likelihood that child abuse will be severe . ...
... Some research suggests that domestic abuse can start during pregnancy (Casey, 1989), with one estimate of one in six pregnant women experiencing it (Elliott, 1993), making it a particular issue for health care professionals who come into contact with women in the ante and post natal periods. Domestic abuse has serious consequences for both physical mental health (Stark and Flintcraft, 1996). Health Visitors are believed to be one of the most effectively placed groups of professionals to identify and support women since they claim to use a more social approach to health (Abbott and Wallace, 1990). ...
Mixed methods independent evaluation of a Scottish National Health Demonstration Project for Child Health, focussing on intensive home-based health visiting in Glasgow, Scotland.
... Aile içi şiddet, konuyla ilgili uzmanlar arasında bile gizli ve dirençli bir aile sorunu olarak kabul edilmektedir.[42] Kadın haklarının ağır derecede ihlal edilmesi konusu ile başarılı bir şekilde mücadele etmek için, aile içi şiddetin toplum tarafından reddedilmesi ve profesyoneller arasında bu duruma karşı tutumların kesin bir dille sergilenmesi gereklidir.[43,44] ...
Aile içi şiddet, hem kentsel hem de kırsal alanlarda birçok kadının hayatını etkileyen bir problemdir. Aile içi şiddet, depresyon ve travma sonrası stres bozukluğu gibi ruh sağlığı sorunlarına neden olabilir. Şiddete uğramış kadın-ların çocukları da aile içi şiddetten etkilenir. Eşler arasında şiddetin olduğu ailelerde büyüyen çocuklar, daha sonraki yaşamlarında şiddet uygulayıcısı olma ya da şiddete maruz kalma ile ilişkili olabilecek, bir dizi ruhsal ve davra-nışsal problemler yaşayabilirler. Kamuoyunda ruh sağlığı alanının, kadın ve çocuğa karşı uygulanan şiddete karşı çözüm üretmek ve istismar ile ilişkili ruh sağlığı sorunlarının azaltılması üzerinde önemli bir etkisi olabilir. Bu yazıda, çoğunluğu eşleri ya da ebeveynleri tarafından şiddete uğrayan kadın ve çocuk-lar, aile içi şiddet kurbanları üzerinde durulmuş ve aile içi şiddet döngüsü ve nedenleri incelenmiştir. Anahtar Sözcükler: Şiddet, aile içi şiddet, sonuçları, şiddet döngüsü ABSTRACT Domestic violence is a problem that affects the lives of many women both in urban and rural areas. Depression and post-traumatic stress disorder are the most prevalent mental health problems related with domestic violence. Child-ren of battered women are also affected from the domestic violence. Children who grow up in families with intimate partner violence may suffer from a range of behavioral and emotional disturbances that can be associated with the perpetration or experiencing of violence later in life. The mental health care sector can have a significant impact on publicizing and addressing violence against women and children and on reducing the mental health problems related to abuse. This review focuses on domestic violence victims, most of whom are women and children victimized by their spouses or parents, along with the causes and cycle of domestic violence.
... abuse and point to the common goal of ending violence in the lives of women and their children (Cummings & Mooney, 1988;Schechter & Edleson, 1994;Stark & Flitcraft, 1985). Practitioners and policy makers may benefit from a better understanding of risk factors for child abuse in homes with wife abuse. ...
This secondary analysis of the 1985 National Family Violence Survey sought to improve understanding of child abuse in the context of wife abuse by comparing risk factors for physical child abuse, verbal abuse, and physical punishment in homes with and without wife abuse. Interaction effects between wife abuse and various parent, child, and family risk factors were examined. For physical and verbal child abuse, several differences in risk factors were found, and interaction effects were significant. No interaction effects were found for the physical punishment model. In homes with wife abuse, adolescents were at particular risk of physical abuse, and alcohol abuse was an especially strong predictor of verbal child abuse. The intergenerational transmission of violence was more important in explaining physical child abuse in homes without wife abuse. This research points to global risk factors for physical punishment and specific risk factors for physical abuse and verbal abuse.
... Learning theory is used to explain how the pattern is replicated (Straus et al., 1980). The concept and much of the research in this area has been subjected to detailed criticism (Stark and Flitcraft, 1985;Morley and Mullender, 1994). Morley and Mullender (1994) draw attention to a number of issues. ...
... Sons of the most violent families have a wife beating rate that is 1000 times larger than of sons of non-violent parents. 43 This finding is not only significant from the point of view of a society that wants to protect its future members from violence. If we look at the transition from child to abuser with greatest compassion, it is a testimonial to the very great trauma that these boys endure. ...
... Subsequently, Gelles and Straus (1988) conducted their two well-known representative 2 The following studies provided insufficient information to include them in the review (Gayford, 1975;Hilberman & Munson, 1978;Hughes, 1982;Kincaid, 1982;Levine, 1975;Moore, 1975;Moore, Galcius, & Pettican, 1981;Roy, 1977;Smith, Berthelsen, & O'Conner, 1997;Stark & Flitcraft, 1988;Wohl & Kaufman, 1985). ...
For more than 20 years, there have been periodic reports in the research literature about the co-occurrence of spouse abuse and physical child abuse. This review compiles and evaluates those reports. Forty-two studies were found that provided some data concerning co-occurrence; 31 of the studies included sufficient detail to be used in this review. The different types of studies are classified and methodological issues are discussed. The base rate of co-occurrence found in representative community samples was about 6%. In clinical samples of either battered women or physically abused children, the percentage of overlap ranged from 20% to 100%. When a conservative definition of child abuse was used, a median co-occurrence rate of 40% was found. Five models depicting the directionality of abuse in violent families are proposed and discussed in relation to the data and theories of violence. Recommendations for methodological improvements and theory-driven studies are presented. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
... Moreover, child protection professionals would be led to believe such young people to be a 'bad bet' when they become the partners and parents of the future (Humphreys and Mullender, 2002: 26). The 'cycle of violence' model and research in this area was subjected to stringent criticism as a result (see, for example, Stark and Flitcraft, 1985). Morley and Mullender (1994) point out that although studies suggest a possible inter-generational pattern, this should not be automatically assumed as no study shows 100 per cent of adult perpetrators or victims of domestic violence as having had experiences of violence in their childhood, and many report fewer than 50 per cent with this correlation (see, Barker, this volume). ...
There is a lack of research on parent abuse in the UK and a lack of research on the overlap between domestic violence and parent abuse internationally. This article explores why this is the case. Findings suggest that conceptual conflicts in defining both concepts, in framing children's safety as subsumed under mothers’ safety and the desire to challenge deterministic ‘cycle of violence’ models may unwittingly have contributed to the failure to address parent abuse in the domestic violence field. The author argues that only by integrating parent abuse into the domestic violence framework will this issue be appropriately addressed.
... This situation is particularly troubling given estimates that between 3.3 million (Carlson, 1984) and 10 million (Straus, 1991) American children are at risk of exposure to woman abuse each year. These children are at increased risk of being abused themselves (Stark & Flitcraft, 1985) and are thought to suffer from an array of behavioral, emotional, and cognitive problems (Fantuzzo & Lindquist, 1989;Goodman & Rosenberg, 1987;Jaffe, Wolfe, & Wilson, 1990). ...
As this century ends there continues to be little public attention devoted to child witnesses of woman abuse and few social programs exist to meet their needs. This article presents the findings of a qualitative evaluation of a group program for children of battered women. Interviews were conducted with 16 mothers, 5 fathers, 9 group leaders, and 30 children who participated in 8 groups. Data also included observations of one complete group process (10 groups and 3 family sessions). Both intended and unintended results are presented and recommendations for practice are discussed.
... Flitraft, and Frazier (1979); and Goldberg, and Tomlanovich (1984) indicate that 25 percent-33 percent of female trauma injures were the result of battering. Stark and Flitcraft (1985) have found that domestic violence Many battered women do not need or seek medical attention for their injuries. Of those seeking medical care only one in ten is officially identified as a battered woman by health care professionals (Randall, 1990;Varvaro, 1989;Stark, Flitcraft, & Frazier, 1979) Once identified, the treatment of battered women by health care personnel may be a positive response, a negative response, or non-existent (Varvaro, 1989). ...
Violence against women is a major health problem around the world. It often goes unnoticed and undocumented partly due to its taboo nature. A number of recent studies have explored the extent and patterns as well as the health consequence of violence in different cultures. The studies cited indicate that violence against women is widespread and an important cause of morbidity and mortality among women. Injuries due to violence have only recently been recognized as an important public health problem. More research is needed to improve our understanding of gender violence, and to design better interventions.
... They learn that violence is acceptable (Straus, 1995;Sun & Thomas, 1987) and learn patterns of abusive behavior (Crites & Coker, 1988;O'Keefe, 1995). In a study by Stark and Flitcraft (1985), however, the researchers found no evidence of the intergenerational transmission of violence. There is mixed data on whether girls who grow up in homes where there is domestic violence are likely to repeat the pattern in their adult relationships (Fantuzzo & Lindquist, 1989). ...
This study presents national data on each state's legislative approach to custody cases involving allegations of domestic violence. Battered women's advocates have successfully lobbied in some states for rebuttable presumption statutes that direct judges to deny sole or joint custody to abusive parents unless they present persuasive evidence establishing their suitability to obtain custody. Other states--at the behest of fathers' rights advocates--have adopted factor tests in which judges consider domestic violence as "one factor" in determining custody. Our findings suggest that each regulatory schema has strengths and weaknesses, but that these approaches have been developed without the benefit of intensive study.
... Several studies have shown that the majority of abusing parents were also abused as children (Herrenkohl, Herrenkohl, & Toedter, 1983; Milner & Chilamkurti, 1991; Pears & Capaldi, 2001; Steele & Pollock, 1974), and that parents with histories of abuse or neglect or exposure to harsh parenting practices during childhood are also more likely than parents without such histories to engage in similar behavior with their own offspring (Coohey & Braun, 1997; Merrill, Hervig, & Milner, 1996; Straus, Gelles, & Steinmetz, 1980). Despite assertions supporting the intergenerational nature of violence, others have raised questions about the validity of this hypothesis (Cicchetti & Aber, 1980; Kaufman & Zigler, 1987, 1989, 1993 Stark, 1985; Widom, 1989). Researchers caution that while being maltreated as a child does increase one's propensity for becoming abusive, the path between these two events is " far from direct or inevitable " (Kaufman & Zigler, 1987, p. 190). ...
The purpose of this study is to assess the extent to which intimate partner violence and different forms of child maltreatment occur within and across childhood and adulthood for a high-risk group of women.
Low-income adult women were interviewed, retrospectively, regarding their experiences with intimate partner violence and child maltreatment in childhood and adulthood, and intra- and intergenerational relationships between multiple forms of family violence were identified.
Analyses demonstrated weak to moderate associations between various forms of violence within generations. Only weak support was found for the transmission of violence hypothesis that maltreated children are more likely to grow up to maltreat their own children. Stronger support was found for the theory of learned helplessness, whereby children maltreated or witness to violence during childhood are more likely to be victimized as an adult.
The results from this study suggest that interventions with children who are identified for one form of victimization should be assessed for other forms of victimization, and interventions should also address learned behaviors or beliefs associated with continued or future victimization.
... According to some feminist researchers, issues of power and gender are the ultimate origin of intimate violence because intimate violence may be viewed as part of a system of coercive controls that serves to create and maintain male dominance and an imbalance of power between husband and wife (Anderson, 1997; Dobash and Dobash, 1992; Martin,] 1983 Pagelow, 1992; Pence and Paymar, 1993; Schechter, 1982; Stark and Flitcraft, 1991; Walker, 1986; Yllö, 1993). These researchers suggest that male power in marriage could provide an opportunity for men to feel dominant despite their powerlessness in a capitalist system. ...
Objective. Using data from the Mexican American Prevalence and Services Survey (Vega et al., 1998), this research tests whether the impact of acculturation and gender role ideology on wife abuse depends on country of origin.
Methods. Two separate logistic regressions, one for U.S.-born Latinas and one for Mexican-born Latinas, are compared to test the impact of the interaction of place of origin with the other variables.
Results. Our findings support earlier research indicating that power dynamics within a relationship impact the likelihood of a wife reporting she has experienced abuse. Significant differences in the influence of independent variables are found when comparing U.S.- and Mexican-born respondents. In particular, variables related to family power dynamics operate differently. Gender role beliefs, however, have an independent influence for both groups after controlling for sociodemographic factors and power dynamics. Women with more traditional orientations are less likely to report abuse.
Conclusions. Because the impact of gender role ideology is significant and in the same direction for both those born in the United States and those born in Mexico, it is unlikely that the traditional familism and gender role orientations reported among the Mexican born afford them greater protection against abuse.
Project 2000 (UKCC 1986) is based on the principle that nurses must have a flexible and conceptually driven education. This is seen to allow nurses to work in a variety of clinical and nonclinical settings in a rapidly changing National Health Service, during a time of constant change in nursing. Nurses are educated so as to be able to monitor, reflect upon, and assess their practice. This leads some to argue—in quite different ways—that nursing is becoming more academic and research based and the target of harsh ministerial and media criticism (Phillips 1999; Aldridge 1994; Smith 1992, 2005).
As confirmed in several studies (Cameron and Field 2000; Chand 2000; Nazroo 1997; Association of London Government 2000; Blackledge 1999), the match of the worker’s and family’s culture was seen as being vital to assisting emotional contact and practical accomplishments. In common with other research in East London, a match of cultures was said to provide shared aims and goals, break through language barriers for non-English speakers, and establish befriending and mutuality of feeling in so far as a shared culture solidified interpersonal and emotional relationships between workers, parents, and children (Hillier and Rahman 1996; Hillier et al. 1994). In the extract from an interview below, a Bangladeshi woman summarizes how the basis of a shared culture helps to establish close interpersonal relationships and emotions between workers and families. According to the Bangladeshi woman:
It is now more than 30 years since Henry Kempe was credited with “rediscovering” child abuse (Kempe, Silverman, Steele, Droegemueller, & Silver, 1962). Since then, there has been a sustained international effort to afford effective protection to children. Yet, today, a large number of children continue to suffer. What is worse, when these children themselves become parents, many are unable to protect their offspring or may actually inflict the suffering they themselves endured. This intergenerational legacy of trauma has become known as the “cycle of abuse.”
This chapter will describe how domestic violence is distributed in various populations, identify its demographic features, and distinguish its etiology, insofar as this is possible, by comparing violent with nonviolent groups. Within certain limits, we identify the clinical components and sequelae of the problem, set them in a social context that makes them intelligible, and ask if there are antecedent problems or risk factors that community interventions should target.
INTRODUCTION Nobody knows what depression is, where it comes from or how I can make it go away. I am depressed, but so is my community. It is a community of trouble and struggle and there is little happiness.… Depression is having no hope, having no energy, having nothing to look forward to, always feeling pain … drugs allow me to get away from it. [Quote from a 32-year-old female respondent who resides in a disadvantaged neighborhood and who uses cocaine daily]The focus of this chapter is on inner-city disadvantaged women and depression. According to the World Health Organization's Global Burden of Disease study, depression among women worldwide has been identified as the leading cause of disability adjusted life years among adult women worldwide today (Murray & Lopez, 1996). A similar picture has been presented by others (Kessler et al., 1994; National Institute of Mental Health, 1999). Compared to men, women have higher rates of initial onset of depression than men. Consequently, the number of females who experience a recurrence of a depressive episode is higher than that among their male counterparts (Kessler et al., 1994).The burden of severe chronic mental disorders, including depression, is seen clearly among those at the greatest social and economic disadvantage in our societies (Kessler & Zhao, 1999; World Health Organization, 2000). In other words, a high prevalence of chronic mental disorders tends to be concentrated among a small proportion of the population (Kessler & Zhao, 1999).
This paper offers a critical examination of “Discipline and Deviance: Physical Punishment of Children and Violence and Other Crime in Adulthood” by Murray A. Straus. It first examines Straus' text in terms of its methodological rigor and theoretical contributions to sociology and then compares its scientific, abstract, context-free model of social life with the heterogeneous world of lived realities. Also, the likely social control consequences of the call to “stop physical punishment” are considered. Finally, since Straus references the work of Michel Foucault, insights from Foucault's Discipline and Punish will be used to raise questions about the possible unintended consequences of focusing attention solely on “physical punishments.”
Research has demonstrated that health visitors (HV) are in a unique position to routinely ask women about interpersonal abuse (IPA) and violence within their relationships. Interpersonal violence (IPV) describes physical, sexual, emotional, psychological and financial abuse by a partner or ex-partner, a common healthcare issue. The present paper describes a qualitative study of women who consented to be questioned by health visitors in the City of Salford, in relation to IPV. The aim of the study was to explore the experiences of domestic violence (DV) and the acceptability of a questioning tool, with women registering for HV services over a period of four months. A convenience sample was utilised, conducting in-depth semi-structured interviews with 56 women. Thirty-four per cent disclosed IPV/IPA, with 16 per cent of incidents in the previous 12 months. HVs were surprised at the women's comfort and acceptance of the IPA questions. Thematic analysis identified concerns regarding the effects on children and the usage of not only obstetric/gynecological and general practitioner (GP) clinics but also pre-hospital emergency healthcare provision. Therefore, this small pilot study recommends routine IPA questioning by HVs, within a safe environment.
This study investigated gender and age differences in the perceptions of dating violence using both qualitative and quantitative research methods. Focus groups were conducted to develop culturally appropriate questionnaires consisting of dating scenarios that may lead to dating violence. The participants were asked to provide their perceptions and behavioral reactions to the dating scenarios. The study found that young adolescent boys were significantly more likely to respond aggressively toward dating partners than were young adolescent girls, women, and men. These findings have implications for practitioners who are charged with preventing dating violence among adolescents, specifically boys.
Once upon a time there was an emperor who was very vain about his elegant clothing. Two swindlers convinced him that they could make him the finest clothes he ever had, and set to work on an empty loom. Rumors of their fame began to spread, and even the emperor's high officials were convinced that the invisible garments were the finest they had ever seen. One minister even decided, “I know I'm not stupid, so it must be my fine position I'm not fit for. Some people might think that rather funny, but I must take good care they don't get to hear of it.” And then he praised the material which he couldn't see and assured them of his delight in its charming shades and its beautiful design. The emperor finally went on parade with his new garments. Crowds gathered, and they all said how magnificently clad he was. No one dared admit they couldn't see the clothes, and many concluded there was simply something wrong with them that he appeared naked. Finally a little child said, “But he hasn't got anything on!” “Goodness gracious, do you hear what the little innocent says?” one whispered to another, until finally everyone shouted at last, “He hasn't got anything on!” The emperor was embarrassed, but he drew himself up and went on with the procession still more proudly, while his chamberlains walked after him carrying the train that wasn't there.
Health visitors’ perceptions of domestic violence: the private nature of the problem
This study investigates health visitors’ perceptions of domestic violence with a focus on the abuse of women by their male partners. Criticism has been levied at health visitors for responding inappropriately to women who seek help. There has been limited research into the process of health visiting practice in dealing with this emotive health need. The extent of the problem is difficult to ascertain, but estimates would suggest that it is a major public health issue. The abuse frequently commences or intensifies during pregnancy, and many of the women who experience domestic violence have children of pre‐school age. It is during this time that they are most likely to come into contact with the health visiting service. The research was carried out in two National Health Service (NHS) trusts, one in the London region and the other in the south‐east of England. A brief questionnaire was sent to all health visitors within the NHS trusts to ascertain the numbers of abused women known to the health visiting service. The findings suggest that the majority of health visitors in both NHS trusts were involved with families where domestic violence occurs. One of the key themes which emerged from interviews with 12 health visitors from each NHS trust ( n = 24) was the very private nature of domestic violence in terms of identifying the issue. Implications for practice are that health visitors need to be more pro‐active in their questioning techniques and in influencing public policy, but they also require support through the provision of appropriate training.
This article examines the leading definitions of wife-battering and questions the emphasis on physical rather than nonphysical abuse. All dimensions of these definitions are analyzed, namely the form of abuse, severity, frequency, intention, and meaning. The final definition formulated is derived from these dimensions and from the accounts and experiences of battered women themselves. The incidence and etiology of wife-battering is then examined from an Australian perspective. Theories which concentrate either specifically on the profiles of the victim and perpetrator or on the family unit or external factors are discussed. Finally, women do remain in violent relationships and their reasons for doing so are considered.
The paper addresses major concerns and dilemmas involved in the process of constructing the phenomenon of children who witness woman battering as a social problem. Three main, interrelated aspects of this processdefinition, legislation and intervention — are discussed. We conclude with proposed implications for policymakers in this domain.
This study aimed to compare and contrast how midwives working in either hospital or community settings are currently responding to the co-occurrence of domestic and child abuse (CA), their perceived role and willingness to identify abuse, record keeping, reporting of suspected or definite cases of CA and training received. A survey questionnaire was sent to 861 hospital and community midwives throughout Northern Ireland which resulted in 488 midwives completing the questionnaire, leading to a 57% response rate. Comparisons were made using descriptive statistics and cross-tabulation, and the questionnaire was validated using exploratory factor analysis. Community midwives reported receiving more training on domestic and CA. Although a high percent of both hospital and community midwives acknowledged a link between domestic violence (DV) and CA, it was the community midwives who encountered more suspected and definite (P < 0.001) cases of CA. More community midwives reported to be aware of the mechanisms for reporting CA. However, an important finding is that although 12% of community midwives encountered a definite case of CA, only 2% reported the abuse, leaving a 10% gap between reporting and identifying definite cases of CA. Findings suggest that lack of education and training was a problem as only a quarter of hospital-based midwives reported to have received training on DV and 40% on CA. This was significantly less than that received by community midwives, as 57% received training on DV, and 62% on CA. The study suggests that midwives need training on how to interact with abused mothers using non-coercive, supportive and empowering mechanisms. Many women may not spontaneously disclose the issues of child or domestic abuse in their lives, but often respond honestly to a sensitively asked question. This issue is important as only 13% of the sample actually asked a woman a direct question about DV.
This paper explores suicidal ideation among reproductive-aged, ever-married women in Bangladesh and its association with physical, sexual, and emotional violence by their husband.
Population-based data were used in this analysis from a 2001 survey conducted as part of World Health Organization multicountry study on domestic violence against women in rural and urban Bangladesh. All ever-married, reproductive-aged women participating in the survey (n=2,702) were included in the current analysis. Multilevel logistic regression analysis was used for assessing association between violence and suicidal ideation among women.
Results show that the prevalence of lifetime suicidal ideation among reproductive aged ever-married women in Bangladesh was high (11%-14%) compared with other countries in the world. About 5%-6% of the ever-married women in the rural and urban sites reported having suicidal ideation during the last 4 weeks. Compared with emotionally nonabused women, suicidal ideation during the last 4 weeks was twice as likely among rural women and 3 times more likely among urban women reporting emotional violence by their husband during the last 12 months. Rural women who were severely physically abused by their husband during the last 12 months were 4 times more likely and urban women twice as likely to report suicidal ideation during the last 4 weeks compared with women who were not exposed to such violence. Suicidal ideation was not associated with sexual violence by the husband in any of the study sites.
Severe physical and emotional violence against women has to be addressed to reduce suicidal ideation among women manifesting severe mental health problems.
Critically examines the "violence breeds violence" hypothesis broadly defined. Organized into seven sections, the literature review includes (a) the abuse breeds abuse hypothesis; (b) reports of small numbers of violent/homicidal offenders; (c) studies examining the relationship of abuse and neglect to delinquency, (d) to violent behavior, and (e) to aggressive behavior in infants and young children; (f) abuse, withdrawal, and self-destructive behavior; and (g) studies of the impact of witnessing or observing violent behavior. A detailed discussion of methodological considerations and shortcomings precedes the review. The author concludes that existing knowledge of the long-term consequences of abusive home environments is limited and suggests that conclusions about the strength of the cycle of violence be tempered by the dearth of convincing empirical evidence. Recommendations are made for further research.
The belief that abused children are likely to become abusive parents is widely accepted. The authors review the literature cited to support this hypothesis and demonstrate that its unqualified acceptance is unfounded. Mediating factors that affect transmission are outlined and the findings of several investigations are integrated to estimate the true rate of transmission.
In the United States, every 7.4 seconds a woman is battered by her husband. Of women who present to emergency departments with traumatic injuries, 16% to 30% report that their injuries were secondary to domestic violence. Not infrequently, battered women's medical and surgical problems are treated by ED staff and the women are released without any intervention directed toward the prevention of future battering and/or injury. Protocols are presented that require only minimal reorganization of staffing in EDs to provide essential services directed toward battered women's most serious health problem, chronic victimization.
This study examines the relationship between childhood abuse and partner abuse among a sample of predominantly African-American and Hispanic women, who were patients in methadone clinics in Harlem and the South Bronx. A structured questionnaire addressing demographics, psychosocial and physical health characteristics, depression, childhood abuse, and domestic violence was administered to 151 women. Over half of the women (60%, n = 98) reported lifetime physical, life-threatening, or sexual abuse by a spouse or boyfriend. Multiple logistic regression analysis was used to assess the associations between childhood physical abuse and abuse by a spouse or boyfriend and between childhood sexual abuse and abuse by a spouse or boyfriend. After controlling for potential confounders, women who reported childhood physical abuse were almost nine times more likely to report having been abused by a spouse or boyfriend (OR = 8.74, CI, = 3.25 to 23.57). Women who reported childhood sexual abuse were almost four times more likely to report having been abused by a spouse or boyfriend (OR = 3.93, CI = 1.46 to 10.59). Depression and need for social support were significantly associated with partner abuse, while current heroin use was inversely associated with partner abuse. The high rate of domestic violence and the strong association between childhood and partner abuse found in this study suggest areas for intervention in chemical dependency among women.
To test the hypothesis that, controlling for socio-demographic factors, destructive behaviour among Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal female sole parents will not be significantly different.
This study took place among an urban population of sole parents in Adelaide, South Australia, living in government housing. Two sample subsets were made up of 52 Aboriginal and 45 non-Aboriginal mothers from similar postcodes. Trained interviewers administered a questionnaire which, in addition to basic demographic data, elicited information concerning finance, housing, upbringing, experience of abuse and police interaction. The major issue of concern in the study was suicide attempt.
1-in-3 of the whole sample, 2-in-5 of the non-Aboriginal and 1-in-4 of the Aboriginal subset had attempted suicide at least once and half more than once. Statistical differences among 'attempters' vs. 'non-attempters', irrespective of ethnicity, included increased familial alcohol abuse, physical and sexual abuse, economic difficulty, poor self esteem and perceived discriminatory treatment by welfare agencies and, in the case of Aboriginals, by police.
The social environment is critical to understanding destructive behaviour, including self-harm, regardless of culture or ethnicity. The data show that suicide attempts among female sole parents in State-housing is one of the few health indices for which Aboriginal statistics are less than for non-Aboriginals.
It is evident that class, rather than ethnicity, better explains self-harm in this urban population. It is suggested that reluctance to access services, especially in times of crisis, relates in part to perceptions of care services and that, for Aboriginals, the value of culturally appropriate community-run services have specific public health and policy implications.
The relationship between boyhood exposure to physical abuse, sexual abuse, or to a battered mother and subsequent risk of impregnating a teenage girl has not previously been examined.
In a retrospective cohort study set in a primary care clinic for adult members of a large health maintenance organization, questionnaire responses from 4127 men were analyzed. Respondents provided the age of the youngest female whom they had impregnated, their own ages at the time, and information regarding childhood exposure to physical or sexual abuse and battered mothers. We calculated the prevalence and adjusted odds ratio (OR) for having impregnated a teenage girl according to these 3 adverse childhood experiences, regardless of the male's age at the time of impregnation. Using logistic regression, ORs were adjusted for the male's age at time of survey, race, and education.
Nineteen percent of the men reported that they had ever impregnated a teenage girl. During childhood, 32% of respondents had been physically abused, 15% sexually abused, and 11% had battered mothers. Compared with respondents reporting no abuse, frequent physical abuse or battering of mothers increased the risk of involvement in teen pregnancy by 70% (OR: 1.7; 95% confidence interval [CI]: 1.2-2.5) and 140% (OR: 2.4; 95% CI: 1.1-5.0), respectively. Sexual abuse as a boy at age 10 years or younger increased the risk of impregnating a teenage girl by 80% (OR: 1.8; 95% CI: 1.3-2.4); sexual abuse with violence increased the risk by 110% (OR: 2.1; 95% CI: 1.2-3.4). We found a dose-response relationship between the number of types of exposures and the risk of impregnating a teenage girl; men who reported all 3 types of exposures were more than twice as likely to have been involved than those with no exposures (OR: 2.2; 95% CI: 1.4-3.5).
Boyhood exposure to physical or sexual abuse or to a battered mother is associated with an increased risk of involvement in a teen pregnancy-during both adolescence and adulthood. Because these exposures are common and interrelated, boys and adult men who have had these experiences should be identified via routine screening by pediatricians and other health care providers and counseled about sexual practices and contraception. Such efforts may prevent teen pregnancy and the intergenerational transmission of child abuse and domestic violence.
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