Food advertisement during children's Saturday morning television programming: Are they consistent with dietary recommendations?
Children in the United States spend more time watching television than they do in any other activity except sleep. Given the number of food commercials to which children are exposed, we thought it would be of interest to examine current food advertising during children's television programs and to assess whether the products advertised are consistent with dietary recommendations for good health. The 52.5 hours of children's Saturday morning television we viewed from five major networks contained 997 commercials selling a product and 68 public service announcements. Of the 564 food advertisements (56.5% of all advertisements), 43.6% advertised foods classified in the fats, oils, and sweet food group. The most frequently advertised product was high-sugar cereals. We found that commercials broadcast during children's Saturday morning programming promote foods predominantly high in fat and/or sugar, many of which have relatively low nutritional value. As such, the diet presented on Saturday morning television is the antithesis of what is recommended for healthful eating for children. We conclude that the issue of television food advertising to young children be revisited on a national level.
Available from: Virginia Quick
- "Content analysis methodology was employed because its results provide an objective, systematic, and quantitative description of the visual and linguistic elements (e.g., images shown, words spoken) in television commercials (Berelson, 1971; Pratt and Pratt, 1995). The content analysis instrument, based on those used in previously reported studies (Byrd-Bredbenner, 2002; Kotz and Story, 1994), was pilot tested by three trained researchers who independently content analyzed food advertisements aired during 2 h of television programming representative of the programs subsequently analyzed in this study, refined, re-tested by two researchers, and then refined again. "
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ABSTRACT: To determine whether food label information and advertisements for foods containing no fruit cause children to have a false impression of the foods' fruit content.
In the food label condition, a trained researcher showed each child sixteen different food label photographs depicting front-of-food label packages that varied with regard to fruit content (i.e. real fruit v. sham fruit) and label elements. In the food advertisement condition, children viewed sixteen, 30 s television food advertisements with similar fruit content and label elements as in the food label condition. After viewing each food label and advertisement, children responded to the question 'Did they use fruit to make this?' with responses of yes, no or don't know.
Schools, day-care centres, after-school programmes and other community groups.
Children aged 4-7 years.
In the food label condition, χ 2 analysis of within fruit content variation differences indicated children (n 58; mean age 4·2 years) were significantly more accurate in identifying real fruit foods as the label's informational load increased and were least accurate when neither a fruit name nor an image was on the label. Children (n 49; mean age 5·4 years) in the food advertisement condition were more likely to identify real fruit foods when advertisements had fruit images compared with when no image was included, while fruit images in advertisements for sham fruit foods significantly reduced accuracy of responses.
Findings suggest that labels and advertisements for sham fruit foods mislead children with regard to the food's real fruit content.
Available from: Trenton G. Smith
- "The market can be viewed as divided broadly among two types of retail food products: those that are industrially produced and those that are traditionally produced. Industrial foods are efficiently produced on a large scale, are promoted and sold nationally or internationally , and are generally agreed by health professionals to be of lower nutritional quality, on average, than traditionally produced foods (Batada et al. 2008; Isganaitis and Lustig 2005; Kotz and Story 1994; Smith, Chouinard, and Wandschneider 2011). 2. There is sufficient market concentration in industrial foods to make investments in deep capture profitable. "
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ABSTRACT: The economic theory of regulatory capture predicts that industry groups will attempt to influence their regulators (for example, by lobbying for rules that exclude competition). It has been suggested that the same logic applies to any powerful institution with the ability to affect industry profits. When the aim of industry is to alter the public's perception of its product (for example, by disseminating favorable messages to the news media or via an advertising campaign, or by funding industry-friendly scientific research), the end result has been dubbed deep capture. We develop a formal model of deep capture, in which consumers have imperfect information about product quality, and a dominant producer is able to increase his profits by altering the parameters of the consumer's search problem. We demonstrate the empirical relevance of the phenomenon with a discussion of the food industry response to the obesity epidemic. JEL codes: D18, D83, I18, L15, L51.
Available from: Maryam Amini
- "Food advertiser, therefore, perceives taste as the primary reason for food choice and ranks it as more important than any other nutrition-related concern. Other researchers (Kotz, 1994; Story, 1995; Ortega, 1995 and Hill, 1997) have reported a High use of taste/quality messages, too. "
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