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Processing Dutch sentence structures
Abstract
This paper summarizes existing research on syntactic processing of Dutch sentences by adult native speakers of the language, with an eye to the implications of this work for a general theory of the human sentence processing mechanism (HSPM). The principles underlying the assignment of phrase structure and the binding of traces seem to be the same as those proposed for languages like English or Italian. For example, no delays of analysis exist in parsing the constituents of a phrase even if the phrase is head-final. Also, the obligatory topicalization of a constituent which is required in the highest clause of a Dutch sentence does not appear to result in trace postulation principles distinct from those operative in languages where topicalization is optional. The studies reviewed also address questions concerning the complexity of the dependency between a moved constituent and its trace as measured by the length of a path vs. the length of a chain, the processing of subject gaps following an overt complementizer, the complexity of interpreting an adjunct moved from an obligatory position, and the processing of discontinuous words. Though the studies do not pose a problem for pre-existing views of the HSPM, they do highlight certain areas of parsing theory which remain seriously underdeveloped. Foremost, perhaps, is the specification of the principles governing the architecture of the processing system, which ultimately should explain how the organization of the HSPM and its subcomponents results from acquiring the grammar of any particular language.
... One domain in which variation in parsing preferences and grammar appears to go hand in hand is the fate of the subject preference in the case of an extraction out of a finite complementizerintroduced that clause. According to Frazier (1993), there is a preference for the object interpretation of a wh-phrase for Dutch clauses involving long movement, in contrast to simple clauses. Reading times are longer (1209ms) when the verb morphology of the complement clause disambiguates the locally ambiguous wh-phrase for the object-interpretation (as in (75a)) than in the case of a disambiguation towards the object reading (1113ms, as in (75b), cf. ...
... (75) a. welke patient meende Jan dat t de doktors bezocht which patient believed Jan that the doctors visitedsg "which patient did John believe visited the doctors?" b. welke patient meende Jan dat de doktors t bezochten which patient believed John thatthe doctors visitedpl "which patient did John believe that the doctors visited" Frazier (1993) relates this shift in preferences to the "classical" Empty Category Principle (ECP) (Chomsky 1981): traces of movement have to be "properly governed", that is, they must be governed by a verb or an intermediate trace in the specifier position of CP (to simplify matters a bit). If the parser ignores these intermediate traces in the first pass (as Frazier assumes), the preference shift follows from the grammar, since the subject trace in (75a) violates a grammatical principle then -the ECP. ...
... In this paper, I argued that filler-gap dependency processing depends on active maintenance of a predicted structure. Typically, this process is characterized as active maintenance of a filler NP while searching for a resolution site (Wanner & Maratsos 1978;Crain & Fodor 1985;Frazier 1987;Wagers & Phillips 2014). On this view, active gap formation is motivated by a need to discharge the dependency, so that a thematic role may be assigned to the filler NP (Aoshima et al. 2004), or to alleviate the burden of maintaining it in memory. ...
In processing filler-gap dependencies, comprehenders quickly postulate gaps in syntactically licensed positions, but not in syntactic islands. This suggests that comprehenders can accurately use syntactic constraints to guide processing. However, resumptive pronouns appear to challenge this generalization. Resumption is ungrammatical in English. Nevertheless, they appear to immediately allow resolution of a filler dependency in syntactic islands (Hofmeister & Norcliffe 2013). I resolve this tension by arguing that pronouns are analyzed as resumptive when typical filler-gap dependency processing fails. I argue that processing a filler-gap dependency requires anticipatorily building a gapped structure. However, as further linguistic material is processed, this representation degrades in memory. Resumption facilitates processing by triggering a reference dependency, which allows the comprehender to recover a coherent interpretation of the sentence. This predicts that the accessibility of filler NP as a referent for a pronoun, length, and processing difficulty all contribute to the acceptability of resumption. I present the results of four acceptability judgment studies that support this claim. I also introduce a novel experimental paradigm, in which participants’ working memory capacity is taxed while processing a sentence. This increase in processing strain decreases sensitivity to ungrammatical filler dependencies. I argue that this partially explains the acceptability of resumption in syntactic island contexts, which are likely resource-intensive.
... Since a baseline indication of the general processing properties of the latter, especially vis-à-vis German is a necessary prerequisite for the comparison of individual language-specific phenomena, this work serves as a pilot study in two respects: Firstly, in explicitly addressing the crosslinguistic dimension of sentence processing and adding Icelandic to the pool of research languages (see e.g. FRAZIER 1993, BORNKESSEL & SCHLESEWSKY 2006a, and secondly, in providing new evidence for the predominantly theory-driven debate surrounding Icelandic and German experiential predicates, as stated above (see also GIVÓN 1979: 25). In sum, the following research goals arise: ...
... Although SVO word order is more frequently used in main clauses than the object-verb-subject (OVS) word order, the OVS word order can be used when answering a question, or for emphasis or contrast (cf. Nieuwborg, 1968;McDonald, 1987;Haegeman, 1991;Zwart, 1993 It is a well-known fact that in both Dutch and German, object-before-subject sentences are less preferred than subject-before object sentences (Frazier, 1987(Frazier, , 1993Frazier & Flores d'Arcais, 1989;Hemforth, 1993;Kaan, 1997;Konieczny, Hemforth, Scheepers, & Strube, 1997;Gorrell, 2000). ...
This chapter discusses the kinds of processes that are involved in the incremental processing of subject-object ambiguities in Dutch. In Dutch, the word order of verbs and their complements varies depending on the type of clause in which they appear. In addition to the difference in the word order between declarative sentences and direct questions, as in many other languages, there is a difference in the word order among declarative sentences as well. Processes of reanalysis do not rule out the involvement of semantic/conceptual information in resolving the local ambiguity, which may include the possible lexical integration problems of the verb. The chapter presents some experiments that show that case information as well as animacy information is used in resolving subject-object ambiguities. The early onset of the differences in event-related brain potential (ERP) waveforms indicates that both sorts of information are used almost as soon as they become available. In the experiments, both early and late positivities were found irrespective of the kind of disambiguating information for the sentences that were disambiguated into the less-preferred object-initial structure.
... Although SVO word order is more frequently used in main clauses than the object-verb-subject (OVS) word order, the OVS word order can be used when answering a question, or for emphasis or contrast (cf. Nieuwborg, 1968;McDonald, 1987;Haegeman, 1991;Zwart, 1993 It is a well-known fact that in both Dutch and German, object-before-subject sentences are less preferred than subject-before object sentences (Frazier, 1987(Frazier, , 1993Frazier & Flores d'Arcais, 1989;Hemforth, 1993;Kaan, 1997;Konieczny, Hemforth, Scheepers, & Strube, 1997;Gorrell, 2000). ...
... Without providing a detailed structural theory, Frazier (1983) shows that eye movement is affected by complex structural features. For example, the number of regressions, as would be expected, is greater for garden-path sentences, that is, sentences in which the reader is led down a certain path of analysis but then finds he is mistaken and must retreat and begin again. ...
... 44 This implies that the parser cannot insert a ''trace'', unless it has previously identified an antecedent (the category that provides the original for the copy). This implication of the copy theory of movement is known in the literature as the filler-driven strategy to the resolution of movement dependencies: the parsing of movement dependencies requires the identification of a category as having moved prior to the insertion of a copy (see Frazier 1987Frazier , 1993Frazier & Flores d'Arcais 1989;Gibson 1998)). ...
Kayne (1994) was instrumental in putting linear asymmetries on the generative research agenda. His Linear Correspondence Axiom is seen as a restrictive, conceptually attractive proposal supported by a wealth of empirical evidence. In this paper, we take issue with this assessment. (i) We show that for every structure that violates the LCA, there is an LCA-compatible counterpart, including rightward movement structures and structures with rightward specifiers. (ii) We discuss Cinque's (2005) LCA-based analysis of word order in the extended nominal projection, demonstrating that the data in fact do not support any hypothesis stronger than a ban on rightward movement. (iii) We demonstrate that claims to the effect that central properties of phrase structure (such as headedness and the single-specifier restriction) follow from the LCA are incorrect. (iv) We show that the LCA is toothless without a restrictive theory of movement, but that it can only be reconciled with the data in the absence of such a theory.
... rmediate structure to be integrated with, because such a connection will be longer if there is no intermediate structure. For example, consider (9), an RC version of the matrix sentence long-distance dependency in (1). (For expository purposes, we will adopt the transformational empty-category theory for our discussion of the relevant examples (cf. Frazier, 1993, for some suggestive evidence in favor of the transformational analysis over the slash-passing analysis). ...
Most linguistic theories since Chomsky (1973) have hypothesized that long-distance dependencies crossing multiple clauses are mediated by intermediate structures. This paper provides a new source of evidence for the existence of such intermediate structures: reading times during online sentence comprehension. The experiment presented here compares reading times for two structures involving the long-distance extraction of a wh-filler: (a) a structure in which a clause intervenes between the endpoints of the extraction, and (b) a structure in which a nominalization of the clause intervenes. The logic of the experiment relies on two hypotheses: first, that intermediate structures mediate the relationship between a wh-filler and its θ-role-assigning verb when a clause intervenes between them but not when a nominalization intervenes; and second, that reading times for a word increase as linear distance increases between the word and the position on which it is dependent in the partial structure for the input (Gibson 1998, 2000; Grodner, Watson & Gibson 2000). In combination, these hypotheses predict that reading times at the region in which the verb assigns a θ-role to the wh-filler will be faster in the clausal conditions than in the nominalized conditions, because in the clausal conditions intermediate structure mediate the wh-filler verb dependency and cause it to be more local. This prediction was confirmed.
... Fourth, we assume that the parser handles antecedent-gap relations by applying a so-called filler-driven strategy (cf. Frazier 1987, 1993, Frazier & Flores d'Arcais 1989, Gibson 1998. This means that the postulation of a gap depends on the presence of an antecedent. ...
There is a striking asymmetry between leftward and rightward movement in syntax: whereas leftward movement can in principle
be unbounded, rightward movement is subject to very strict locality conditions. There are two possible approaches to explaining
this asymmetry. One can either assume that some syntactic principle disfavours rightward movement, or that some mechanism
having to do with sentence processing is responsible. In this chapter we will argue that a processing approach to limitations
on rightward movement is more fruitful. In particular, we will argue that the human parser cannot process certain instances
of rightward movement because the introduction of an antecedent-trace relation leads to a conflict with information about
the parse which is already stored in short-term memory before this relation can be established. Similar problems do not occur
in cases of leftward movement.
... As already noted, experimental data from English have shown so far (see Boland & Tanenhaus, 1991; Fodor, 1989; Frazier, 1993; Nicol & Swinney, 1989, for a review) that the time course of re-activation for the legal antecedent of an EC is quite different, depending on the type of EC (Wh-trace, NPtrace , PRO) and the experimental paradigm used. For example, in the cross-modal lexical priming paradigm (CMLP), the data showed that there is a rapid reactivation of the antecedent (MacDonald, 1989; McElree & Bever, 1989; Nicol, 1988; Nicol & Swinney, 1989; Swinney et al., 1988) in wh-trace structures. ...
Two experiments were carried out to investigate the processing of the empty category PRO and the time-course of this in Spanish. Eye movements were recorded while participants read sentences in which a matrix clause was followed by a subordinate infinitival clause, so that the subject or the object of the main clause could act as controller of PRO, and therefore as implicit grammatical subject of the infinitive. In Experiment 1, verb control information was manipulated: The matrix clause contained either subject-control verbs like prometer ('promise') or object-control verbs like forzar ('force'). In Experiment 2, the preposition that headed adverbial subordinate clauses was manipulated: Two different kinds of infinitival adverbial clauses were used, expressing purpose (preposition para) and reason (preposition por) and in which control information is primarily induced by the prepositions (para tends to trigger subject-control; por object-control). Experiment 1 showed that readers make immediate use of verb control information to recover the antecedent of the empty category PRO in Spanish obligatory control constructions. The data obtained in Experiment 2 suggest that during the processing of the empty category PRO in purpose vs. reason adverbial subordinate infinitival clauses the control information induced by the prepositions por vs. para is not initially used as a constraint to guide the selection of the nominal antecedent of PRO. In addition, both experiments showed that PRO antecedent selection is a very fast process and that, together with verb control information, recency played an important role. The results are discussed in terms of current psycholinguistic hypotheses about empty categories and in relation to formal linguistic hypotheses about PRO control. We argue that obligatory control ties (which are co-referential ties) are processed fast because they are launched from the same lexical platform that launches all fast syntactic connections (complements, as opposed to modifiers). In short, that such lexically-specified co-referential ties are regulated by linguistic form.
In this chapter I discuss the close links between first-pass syntactic analysis and reanalysis. Throughout, the focus is on the role of structural factors in sentence comprehension. Following Gorrell (1995a), I argue that the parser incrementally applies an important principle of grammar, the principle of economy of representation. This yields a general preference for minimal structure. Further, I argue that structure building operations are constrained by Structural Determinism (SD) and Right-edge Availability (REA). A number of structural ambiguities in English and German are discussed. In addition, the proposal of Phillips (1995) that the preference for local attachment has priority over the preference for minimal structure is examined. I argue that the examples used to support this view do not, in fact, require the parser to prefer local to minimal attachments. The Diagnosis Model of Fodor and Inoue (1994) is also discussed and I argue that such a model does not obviate the need for structural constraints in reanalysis. Further, attention to the details of syntactic structure shows the important role played not only by SD and REA but also by specific properties of the phrase marker in the reanalysis process. For example, the insights of the Diagnosis Model, in conjunction with specific properties of the structure computed, leads to a detailed account of the parser’s inability to correctly resolve English reduced-relative ambiguities.
This chapter extends the parsing model outlined in Gorrell (1996). In that article the focus was on German verb-second declarative clauses. Here I will discuss the ’subject-before-object’ [SBO] preference which is evident in a number of different types of structurally-ambiguous German clauses. I will argue for an approach which unifies both the processing of verb-second and verb-final clauses, and the processing of declarative and wh-clauses. I will argue that, in the processing of verb-final clauses, the parser makes crucial use of item-independent regularities concerning clause structure, argument structure, and case assignment. Further, I will argue that the subject preference observed in ambiguous wh-constructions follows from the general, grammar-based, principle of minimal structure building which is also responsible for the SBO preference in declarative clauses. The syntactic analysis which underlies this approach treats wh-subjects as occurring in the same base-generated position as non-wh-subjects.
Une question fondamentale en analyse syntaxique est de trouver comment l'esprit construit les representations syntaxiques. La question est de savoir quand et comment l'analyseur utilise l'information. L'article compare deux sortes de modeles d'analyse syntaxique qui ont ete discutes dans la litterature, en tenant compte de deux criteres: 1) une evaluation de la relation entre chaque modele d'analyse et la grammaire mentale supposee, 2) des arguments issus d'etudes empiriques sur le role de l'information de sous-categorisation en analyse syntaxique
Current theories of parsing suggest a wide variety of mechanisms by which modifiers, such as relative clauses, may be related to constituents that offer more than one potential attachment site. Some, like the tuning hypothesis, are based on the premise that people's parsing performance is shaped by prior exposure to language. Others (e.g. garden-path theory and construal theory) play down any potential role of past linguistic experience, stressing instead the varying influences of structural characteristics of the sentence in question. The two views encourage differing expectations about cross-linguistic variation in parsing preference. A questionnaire study and two on-line experiments were carried out to investigate attachment preferences in Dutch. The results pose a number of problems for the majority of the existing parsing models and are clearly inconsistent with some of the traditional theories. In contrast, the findings are compatible with models incorporating parsing mechanisms that are tuned by language experience. The results highlight the need for further corpus studies to subject these accounts to more searching scrutiny.
In the process of comprehending a sentence, a reader or listener identifies its grammatical constituents and their relationships. The resulting grammatical analysis is eventually combined with lexical information and world knowledge to arrive at the message conveyed by the sentence. We propose that one or more distinct components of the human cognitive system are responsible for identifying the grammatical characteristics of a sentence (see Berwick and Weinberg, 1983, 1984; J. A. Fodor, 1983; J. D. Fodor, 1979; Forster, 1979, for similar views).
This article investigates the processing of discontinuous constituents in Russian which result from Split Scrambling. Two experiments are reported, an on-line chunk-by-chunk self-paced reading study and a norming sentence completion questionnaire. The experimental findings provide evidence for the processing complexity of Split Scrambling compared to phrasal XP-Scrambling, as reflected in increased reading times in Experiment 1 and avoidance of discontinuous constituents through morphological means, such as novel nominalizations, in Experiment 2. These results support the Scrambling Complexity Hypothesis (SCH).
In this paper we examine the potential of online methods for hypermedia research. Online methods allow the recording, analysis and interpretation of learner-hypermedia interaction. Online methods have been extensively used in cognitive research, and especially in the area of discourse processing. In the first part of the paper we examine several online methods used in discourse comprehension research. We discuss the benefits and limits of each method, and its applicability to hypermedia research. In the second part we focus on the analysis of learner-hypermedia interaction protocols. We introduce several possible approaches, as a function of the observation grain, or the precision of the events that the researcher needs to examine. We present qualitative and quantitative examples at the coarse, intermediate and fine grain and we discuss the research context in which each approach seems most appropriate. We conclude that the empirical study of learner-hypermedia interaction should comply with the general standards of empirical research, e.g., explicit hypotheses and controlled study conditions.
In many current theories of human sentence processing, the mechanisms and principles proposed to account for data related to processing (1) long-distance dependencies and (2) structural ambiguities, such as garden-path sentences, are independent, despite the fact that deciding whether or not to posit a gap is just a special case of ambiguity resolution. In this paper we demonstrate how the parallel parsing theory proposed by Gibson (1991, in press)—which was developed to account for nongap ambiguity resolution data—also explains a number of gap-positing facts, without additional strategies. In particular, we show how this theory correctly explains filled-object-gap effects and the lack of filled-subject-gap effects in English, as well as certain gap-processing effects in Dutch.
Subject extractions have often been presumed to be unlike other extractions. This has some support from the fact that the subject argument is often given a special status within grammatical theory. This paper discusses this possibility from a psycholinguistic perspective, arguing that if subject extractions are unusual, then this should have an effect on the way they are processed. If there is evidence that this is not so, then we would have evidence that a correct linguistic treatment of subject extractions will not be distinct from the treatment of other extractions (such as object extractions). We describe an experiment concerned with the processing of subject extractions and discuss the results in the context of a range of grammatical theories. In contrast to most psycholinguistic work on unbounded dependencies, we consider the possiblity that the grammar underlying processing may not involve any traces, and hence that no specific ‘gap-filling’ mechanism is used in the analysis of unbounded dependencies.1
Four experiments studied the comprehension of sentences with relations between empty positions and phrases displaced from these positions (“gaps” and fillers). Evidence from self-paced reading and end-of-sentence acceptability judgement tasks confirms previous research indicating that the parser prefers to assign an identified filler as the argument of a verb immediately, rather than waiting to check the input for a lexical item of the expected category. We propose that the parser follows an “active filler strategy” which ranks the option of a gap above other options in the domain of an identified filler. The preference for gap over lexical item was evidenced even when a clause boundary separated filler and gap, but the need in this case to carry a filler across a clause boundary created substantial processing difficulty. We propose that, in processing a “long” movement (across more than one clause), the parser must assign the filler to a special “non-argument” position in a successive cylic fashion, consistent with the successive cyclic analysis of long-distance dependencies offered by some grammars.
A central issue in the field of language processing concerns how grammatical theory and parsing are related. Evidence from processing breakdown (GARDEN PATH phenomena) reveals the conditions under which local ambiguity results in unprocessable sentences. These data provide evidence that the processor operates by admitting structure which maximally satisfies the principles of Government and Binding Theory locally at every point during a parse, and that the constraints on syntactic reanalysis during processing are also derived from grammatical theory. Alternative approaches to parsing are demonstrated to be incapable of accounting for the wide range of garden path effects.
Recent experimental research on the processing of empty categories (EC) in English points to the general conclusion that during on-line processing of a sentence, not only is the presence of an EC detected but its linguistically legitimate antecedents are also computed. In this paper, it is argued that, in Japanese, ECs pose serious problems for on-line processing if they are to be processed in a manner similar to English. Initial experimental data indicates that, in Japanese, the processor may not recognize an EC during initial on-line processing of a sentence. It is tentatively suggested that processing of an EC in Japanese may be delayed until after the on-line processing of the structure of a sentence.
This report describeslicensing-structure parsing (LS-parsing), a computational model of human parsing. LS-parsing corresponds to human parsing at three points: (1) the order in which the LS parser builds nodes is psychologically more accurate than the orders in which either LL or LR parsers build nodes, (2) the LS parser's preferences in resolving local ambiguities are preferable to Frazier's strategies on both empirical and theoretical grounds, and (3) the backtracking strategies the parser uses when it has made an error at an earlier choice point model the distinction betweenweak andstrong garden paths-strong garden paths being irrecoverable, weak garden paths causing psychological difficulty, but not preventing recovery of the correct structure.
Two questionnaire studies and three on-line experiments were carried out in an attempt to determine whether a parsing strategy which is widely used in English (the Late Closure strategy) simply represents an arbitrarily chosen procedure or whether it is likely to have become a relatively stable feature of the parsing routine because it confers real information processing advantages on the reader or listener. Experiment 1A showed that Spanish readers apparently do not use the Late Closure strategy to interpret a particular type of sentence. With comparable materials, however, English readers do use this strategy (Experiment 1B). Experiments 2, 3 and 4 showed that the structural choices were made while the subjects were actually reading the sentence. The results throw doubt on the suggestion that the Late Closure strategy is favoured (in English) mainly because it is efficient in information processing terms. It may be that different languages make use of parsing strategies in an essentially arbitrary way. Implications for general theories of human parsing are discussed.
The effects of syntactic complexity on visual perception of very rapidly presented word sequences were examined under three different semantic conditions. It was found that more words were reported from one-clause sentences than from two-clause sentences, and that this effect was present for semantically anomalous and semantically bizarre sentences, as well as for normal sentences. It was also found that the relative difficulty of different sentence types was approximately constant under all three semantic conditions. Semantically bizarre sentences were markedly more difficult than normal sentences, as were anomalous sentences. It was concluded that the effect of syntactic structure on perception was essentially independent of the effects of semantics.
Two experiments measured reading times for sentences with prepositional phrases whose syntactic analyses were disambiguated by plausibility considerations (e.g., “The saleswoman tried to interest the man in the wallet during the storewide sale” vs. “The saleswoman tried to interest the man in his fifties during the storewide sale.”) Reading times immediately upon encountering the disambiguating information were faster when the prepositional phrase modified a verb than when it modified a noun, suggesting an initial preference for the former analysis. However, reading times later in the sentence were faster when the prepositional phrase was a syntactic argument rather than a syntactic adjunct of whatever word it modified, suggesting a final preference for arguments over adjuncts. The results were discussed in terms of their implications for theories of parsing that claim initial decisions are made on the basis of information about the part of speech of words together with phrase structure rules, and for theories of parsing that claim that the specific syntactic frames associated with individual lexical items guide parsing.
Simple Dutch declaratives and questions were presented in a grammaticality judgment task to assess the validity of the “active filler strategy” (AFS). The AFS predicts that moved constituents, such as the initial constituent of a Dutch sentence, will be assigned to the leftmost possible gap. This results in better performance on subject-initial than on object-initial sentences. These predictions were confirmed, supporting a “filler” driven account of gap filling where gaps may be postulated before or without identifying a missing constituent in the input string. The results argue against the existence of a bottom-up parser in which the presence of a gap is detected only when lexically present local phrases have been parsed.
How are discontinuous words processed? Are they identified in the lexicon or in the syntax? Schreuder (1990) proposes the existence of morphological integration nodes (MI nodes) to account for the representation of complex verbs with separable prefixes in Dutch. We tested the MI model during sentence processing in Dutch, using an ungrammaticality judgment task. The results supported the predictions of the Schreuder model, and also provide evidence for distinct lexical/morphological and syntactic processing subsystems, each driven by the information resources and tasks relevant to its own representational vocabulary. It is argued that no special principles are needed to govern the interaction of lexical/morphological and syntactic processing, even for the identification of discontinuous words; this follows automatically from independently required characterizations of the subsystems themselves. We also examine the principles underlying the MI model in an attempt to extend the model to a wider array of constructions and languages. It is hypothesized that frequently encountered linguistic expressions are represented in the lexicon. In the basic case, they are represented as access nodes, if they may stand alone, and as MI nodes, if their constituents are already represented by access nodes. Unlike the original MI model, no further stipulation is needed concerning the existence or inhibition properties of MI nodes, assuming that candidate lexical/morphological hypotheses are appended to whatever portion(s) of the input string they are hypotheses about.
Parasitic gaps: Multiple variable binding, connectedness, ATB or chain composition. Unpublished undergraduate dissertation, University of Nijme-gen, The Netherlands Middle contructions
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Parsers and parameters: Some considerations regarding German. Unpublished manuscript
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The processing of scrambled and topicalized arguments in German
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Paths vs. chains. Unpublished manuscript
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Parsing principles and language comprehension during reading
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Complex predicates and syntactic identification of lexical structure
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Parasitic gaps: Multiple variable binding, connectedness, ATB or chain composition. Unpublished undergraduate dissertation
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Processing adjuncts: The Dutch middle construction
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Middle contructions. Unpublished manuscript
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Incorporatie in het Nederlands
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The processing of unbounded dependencies in Spanish. Unpublished manuscript
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Linguistic knowledge in second language acquisition. Paper presented at the Ninth Second Language Research Forum
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Connectedness and binary branding. Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Foris
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Statistical vs. linguistic determinants of parsing bias: Cross linguistic evidence
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Paths and Categories. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, MIT
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Processing subject extractionsIsland constraints: Theory, acquisition and processing
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Morphologically complex Dutch and German words and semantic transparency. Paper presented to Five College Psycholinguistics
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Island constraints: Theory, acquisition and processing
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Parsing principles and language comprehension during reading
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On comprehension sentences: Syntactic parsing strategies. Unpublished doctoral dissertation
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Unpublished doctoral dissertation, university of Connecticut
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