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Ethnicity and Substance Use
Drug Identity Change Processes, Race, and Gender. I.
Explanations of Drug Misuse and a New Identity-Based
Model
Tammy L. Anderson, Ph.D.
University of Illinois at Chicago, Chicago, Illinois, USA
ABSTRACT
The present paper explores race and gender differences in a recent theoretical model (Anderson, 1994), consisting of
several micro- and macro factors, that helps explain the identity-related processes of drug misuse. The approach is
qualitative, featuring in-depth interviewing with 45 self-identified drug addicts. The study uncovered support for the
general concepts of the identity-based model across four subgroups: Black females, White females, Black males, and
White males. However, important race and gender differences emerged. Gender and race-related socialization and
stratification explain most of the differences and suggest reconceptualization of the model. The investigation further
demonstrates the promise of identity-based approaches in extending our knowledge of the
etiology of drug misuse and related intervention policies.
Key words. Drug misuse; Identity change; Race; Gender
2263
Copyright C 1998 by Marcel Dekker, Inc. www.dekker.com
INTRODUCTION
After massive antidrug campaigns by state and federal governments in the past two decades, rates of
"hard-core" drug use in the United States remain largely unchanged and higher than desired (The White
House, 1995). Current data on elementary, high school, and college drug use show upward trends for the
mid1 990s (Johnston et al., 1995), suggesting that the addicted pool may grow into the 21st century.
Today, drug misuse cuts across all social groups, i.e., race, ethnicity, class, and gender, in many countries
around the world. The reasons for this, however, remain unsettled.
Throughout the decade, explanations of the drug misuse problem have centered on a wide range of
phenomena, ranging from characteristics of the individual (e.g., personality traits to genetic composition) to
the social organization of societies and cultures. Terry and Pellens (1928) classic work on the opiate
problem set the tone for a multilevel view of drug misuse. By 1980 the National Institute on Drug Abuse
(NIDA) had published the first comprehensive collection of drug misuse theories (Lettieri et al., 1980) that
brought together the leading scholars in the field and the disciplinary approaches that characterized
discourse on the problem. Organized into four sections (i.e., the relationships to the self, to others, to
society, and to nature), the book provided evidence that the etiological process contained a micro/macro
link, but it biased more toward micro level considerations (i.e., individual characteristics and small groups).
It also included no theorizing about race and gender differences in the process.
Today, the United States scholarly literature is filled with numerous models and theories that attempt
to explain how and why people misuse drugs. Etiological models abound in the fields of psychology,
pharmacology, physiology, anthropology, and sociology. The most widely cited include
1. Problem behavior theory (lessor and Jessor, 1977; Jessor et al., 1991;Donovan, 1996)
2. The theory of reasoned action (Ajzen, 1985; Ajzen and Fishbein, 1980;Fishbein and Ajzen, 1975)
3. Social learning theory (Akers and Lee, 1996; Bandura, 1977)
4. Social control theory (Hirschi, 1969; Kandel, 1980; 1985; 1996)
5. Self-derogation theory (Kaplan, 1975; 1996; Kaplan et al., 1984, 1986;Kaplan and Johnson, 1992)
6. The integrated delinquency model (Elliott et al., 1985)
7. Social development theory (Catalano and Hawkins, in press; Hawkins and Weis. 1985; Catalano et
al., 1996)
8. The theory of triadic influence (Flay and Petraitis, 1994)
Like previous work (Lettieri et al., 1980), each focuses more on individual-level or small group factors
and pays less attention to more macrolevel influences (race and gender-based norms, inequalities, and
socialization processes). Few have considered how influences on substance misues might differ my
culture, age, gender, and ethnicity, and vary historically (see Note 1).
Etiological research in the United States has, however, paid increased attention to race and gender
diversity over the years. There is now considerable knowledge about the differences and similarities
between males and females, and Blacks, Whites, Hispanics, and Native Americans patterns of drug and
alcohol consumption, treatment initiation and success, and special drug-use-related problems (e.g.,
pregnancy, AIDS, and criminal involvement). Recent work has, in addition, explored race and gender
diversity in the etiological process. Today, there is evidence that the processes leading to drug misuse may
differ for males and females (Bepko, 1991; Rosenbaum, 1981; Rosenbaum and Murphy, 1990; Henderson
and Boyd, 1992; Pohl and Boyd, 1992; Ettorre, 1992; Van Den Bergh, 1991) and Blacks, Whites,
Hispanics, and Native Americans (e.g., Beauvis andLeBoueff, 1985; Caetano, 1987; Harvey, 1985: Kitano
et al., 1988; Mendes deLeon and Markides, 1986; Sue, 1987; Wurzman et al., 1982; Yee and Thu, 1987).
The purpose of this investigation is to add to the literature using a new, identity-based model
(Anderson, 1994) that links micro- and macro phenomena in the etiology of drug misuse and which
compares race (i.e., Black and White) and gender groups. This study draws on the experiences of a diverse
group of self-identified drug addicts to inform the drug-related identity-change process. i.e,from no drug
use to drug misuse. I asked 45 of them to tell me how they initially got involved with drugs and became
drug misusers. All 45 respondents lived and were surveyed in urban settings. This paper, therefore, does
not address possible regional (urban, suburban, and rural) variations in the identity change process. It also
does not report on how the respondents got into treatment or reached a crisis point with drugs.
Instead, I use their stories to inform the identity change processes of becoming a drug misuser. From
their current positions as treatment-exposed adults (i.e.,public- and private-funded residential and
outpatient programs and 12-Step meetings), the respondents studied here recall this process and the
events, experiences, and evaluations that comprised it. Their accounts are retrospective and differentially
influenced by the ideologies of the disease and moralistic models (see Note2) of drug misuse or
"addiction" that dominate antidrug rhetoric in the United Sates today (Room, 1992). The purpose here is
to investigate race and gender differences in their accounts of this process, given these influences.
The larger objective is to offer the field a preliminary model of drug misuse that brings gender- and
race-related experiences to its center. A theoretical model that could inform the role of race and gender
variation in the etiology of drug misuse or addiction promises to improve efforts to reduce upward trends
in drug-related social problems. Better drug prevention and treatment programs would likely follow down
richer theories that make statements about such macro level phenomena and can explain across-
population subgroups.
GROUP DIVERSITY AND THE PROCESSES LEADING TO DRUG MISUSE
An Identity-Based Model
Studying changes in identity should permit us to understand changes in drug-related behaviors. For
instance, the identity and deviance literature has continued to show that identity construction and change
is fundamental to the movement into and out of deviance (Becker, 1963; Glaser and Strauss, 1971),
including substance misuse (Anderson, 1993; Biernacki, 1986; Ray, 1968; Pearson, 1987;Jorquez, 1983;
Waldorf et al., 1991). Statements about drug-use-related identity change should, therefore, inform the
causes (i.e., etiology) of drug misuse. Furthermore, Anderson (1995) has argued that drug use and misuse
is likely to escalate with increased motivation toward identity change and participation in social contexts
that provide drug-use-related opportunities.
The drug-use-related identity-based model consists of five constructs (see Anderson, 1994) and
locates the beginning of the process in childhood and early adolescence, for most, with marginalization
experiences, i.e., those which set the respondents off from the normative or what is socially acceptable in
their worlds .Marginalization is related to various events that alter the individuals social status in a negative
fashion.
To date, research on this concept (Anderson, 1994, 1998; Anderson andMott, 1998) has tied 14 such
events to the drug-use-related identity change of nondrug user to drug user. Existing research substantiates
most as having a relationship to drug use. Earlier work tied various traumatic events, which often alienate
one and change ones status, to substance misuse. These events include the separation or divorce of parents,
the death of someone significant (Hoffman,1993), frequent geographic moves of the family, inappropriate
sexual activity withan adult (Barrett et al., 1990; Russell, 1986; Herman et al., 1986; Singer et al.,1 989;
Briere and Zaidi, 1989), caretaker responsibilities for siblings and other relatives, rigid and regular
domestic responsibilities (cleaning the house, cooking for members, earning money to support family-see
Baumrind, 1971, 1983,1 985), individuals early parenthood (i.e., biological reproduction), being physically
punished or beaten by caretakers, strict caretaker guidelines and expectations (Baumrind, 1971, 1983,
1985), frequent physical and/or verbal punishment at school, school suspension, placement into a different
school or program, frequent participation in fights, and police contact or arrest. This part of the process was
first described as "status passages" (Anderson, 1994; see Glaser and Strauss,1971, for the original reference
to "status passages"), but is reconceptualized marginalization here
instead (see Note 3).
Respondents tied these experiences to their descriptions of themselves before drugs and alcohol.
These descriptions painted a picture of personal identity dissatisfaction [i.e., ego identity (see Note 4)
discomfort] and feelings of not being able to create a positive identity for themselves (i.e., lost control in
defining a identity). Marginalization and the negative affect it engenders (e.g., feeling out of place and
different from others) becomes central to the description of the self and can lead to identity dissatisfaction
in childhood or early adolescence and before drug use. Earlier, Kaplan and colleagues (1984, 1986) made
related claims in their theory of self-derogation. The drug-use-identity model both complements and
enhances these premises (see Anderson and Mott, 1998, for more on this point). The loss of control in
defining an identity concept is similar to the "locus of control concept" that researchers have consistently
tied to drug use (Baumrind,1971, 1983, 1985). These micro level factors gave respondents the motivation
to create drug-use-related identities.
Two macro concepts, social appraisal sources and a social climate conducive to drug use, provided
the mechanism for change [drugs, drug-use(r)-related groups, and a drug-use lifestyle] and a goal that
appeared desirable and attainable (a newly created, positively regarded, and socially approved identity).
Social appraisal sources refer to others in the respondents social worlds (family members, intimate others,
and friends) that represented an alternative meaning system that departs from existing norms. These
significant others accepted the respondents into their group and validated and helped define their new
identities or those situated in alternative (drug-using) social contexts. This concept is similar to the
subculture concept that has long characterized research on drugs and deviance (see Bennett, 1981, and
Brake, 1985, for reviews of this literature). The difference between them pertains to the absence of
cultural forms (i.e., language, style, rules, etc.) in the social appraisal sources concept.
The social climate concept features the popularity (social value) and availability of certain drugs that
were historically relevant for each of the respondents. The social climate conducive to drug use not only
provided the opportunity for drug-use-related identities, but it also provided the socially constructed
meaning that they would have and where they would be located, i.e., social appraisal sources. Figure I
illustrates the identity-based model.
The following statements summarize the proposed relationships between the drug identity models
concepts:
I. Marginalization works to increase both ego identity discomfort and lost control in defining
an identity.
Non-Drug User Drug Misuser/Addict
Ego Identity
Discomfort
Marginalization Social Apprais al Sources Drug Misuser/Addict
i lost Contro l
in Defining
an Identity
Social ClimateConducive toDrug Use
Fig. 1. Drug identity model.
2. Both ego identity discomfort and lost control in defining an identity work to increase the appeal of
social appraisal sources to the individual.
3. The more a social climate becomes conducive to drug use, the more drug-related social appraisal
sources will be available for individual attraction and membership.
4. Increased identification with drug-use-related social appraisal sources leads to increased drug
misuse and addiction.
5. The effects of marginalization, ego identity discomfort, and lost control over defining an identity
likely work through social appraisal sources to foster drug misuse, although all factors play an
important role in the identity change process of becoming a drug misuser.
It is important to note that these six statements will not be formally investigated here using hypothesis
testing or statistical verification (please see Anderson and Mott, 1998, for more on this). The statements
are simply meant to help the reader understand the theoretical model and how it might operate with the
four different race and gender groups studied here. Therefore, any conclusions about the potency of the
concepts and their interrelationships (i.e., moderating, direct, indirect, mediating) would be premature.
Also, since the model is largely based on the experiences of White drug addicts, it cannot be generalized
to diverse population subgroups, such as males and females and Whites and Blacks, when they are
disaggregated from a more generalized total. Also, the model didn’t address possible conceptual variation
due to race and gender socialization and stratification. The goal of the present investigation is to explore
the models relevance across the four population subgroups and, subsequently, tore conceptualize it on the
basis of any diversity that emerges from the four groups. The research presented below substantiates the
need to extend theoretical models of drug misuse in such a fashion.
Identity, Drugs, and Gender
Henderson and Boyd (1992) recently noted the importance of gender socialization in understanding
addiction. They concluded that addiction was related to the individual’s quest to integrate opposing gender
scripts, i.e., masculinity and femininity, in an attempt to achieve wholeness. Rosenbaum (1981), Mitic et
al.(1987), and Pohl and Boyd (1992) substantiate this point.
In a more recent investigation, Alicea and Freidman (1994) linked female heroin misuse to the
resistance of traditional gender role expectations, or gendered identities. They maintain that the
user/addict identity is, therefore, a significant "transgression" for females. Heroin use is less of a
transgression for males, since societal expectations, for them and masculine identity scripts (i.e.,
aggression, risky behavior, being independent, and being "experienced") are far more consistent with the
user/addict identity. These kinds of cultural and societal-level socialization experiences may inform
differencesin the drug misuse process for men and women.
Racial Diversity
Rebachs (1992) review of the alcohol and drugs literature provides evidence that models of drug misuse
may also vary by race and ethnicity. For instance, studies show increased levels of drug and alcohol
misuse among ethnic and racial minorities (in comparison to that of Whites) with increased acculturation
into the euro centric ideals of the dominant culture (Kitano et al., 1988; Sue, 1987;Caetano, 1987; Mendes
de Leon and Markides, 1986). More specifically, Miticet al. (1987) demonstrated that such stressors in
young people are related to substance misuse as they pass from childhood to adulthood. Here, the addictive
process includes strains associated with giving up ones cultural identity to assume a more socially approved
normative identity that coincides with the integration model of euro centric United States culture (Galan,
1988; Castro et al., 1991;Preble and Casey. 1969). This work points to possible differences by race and
ethnicity in the model described above.
Gender socialization and acculturation experiences, then, may alter the relationship between identity
and drug misuse for males and females and Blacks and Whites. For instance, marginalization and
subsequent ego identity discomfort in the proposed model may be related to females perceived departure
from "socially approved" feminine identities and behavior and from males perceived inconsistency with
masculine ones. Cultural diversity might also reveal additional differences in the more micro level
concepts of the model for Whites and Blacks. We might expect, however, that since United States culture
is structured on the values of patriarchy and euro centrism (Andersen, 1988; Asante, 1987), the White and
Black female and Black male respondents should report more gender and race-related patterns in the
models more micro level concepts than would White males. This stems from White males privileged
position with respect to the structural ideals that comprise United States mainstream culture.
We might also expect the four respondent subgroups to report differences in the more macro level
concepts of the model, i.e., social appraisal sources and social climate conducive to drugs, since they reflect
social contexts (e.g., urban, suburban, and rural settings), changing social landscapes over time, and
geographical concerns. This supposition stems from recent work (Anderson, 1995)that has documented
the coming and going of different drug subcultural groups over time, which may affect patterns of drug
misuse.
The presence of such drug subcultural groups helps shape the climate of drug use in a given social
context and the identities and lifestyles we can expect from individuals located therein. Because social
contexts and drug subcultural groups vary and the social landscape changes over time, we can expect the
more macro level concepts of the proposed model, social appraisal sources and social climate conducive to
drugs, to be experienced differently among the four subgroups. Given the above research on drug
subcultural groups, we expect the greatest variation in these concepts by race rather than gender.
ANALYSIS STRATEGY
I used in-depth, face-to-face interviews to shed light on the subject matter. Many have recommended
this method for obtaining identity-related information because it gives respondents the opportunity to
provide authentic and comprehensive accounts (Glaser and Strauss, 1971; Denzin, 1974; Lofland,
1978;Weigert, 1983) and to invoke their respective vocabularies of motives. During the winter and fall of
1990, and the summer of 1993, 1 interviewed 45 individuals, on one occasion each, for approximately 2
hours. I contacted them through1 2-Step programs [i.e., Alcoholics Anonymous (A.A.), Narcotics
Anonymous(N.A.), and Cocaine Anonymous (C.A.)] in the Washington. DC Metropolitan Area, and at a
residential treatment facility in mid-Michigan that included attendance at these programs.
Respondents were recruited using a "snowball sampling" technique. The selection of respondents
was purposive (Strauss and Corbin, 1990) and based on characteristics, such as sex, age, and length of
sobriety, that previous research deemed theoretically important (Lindesmith, 1947, 1968; Gans, 1962;
Becker,1 963; Ray, 1968; Turner, 1978; Sutker et al., 1981; Marsh and Shevell, 1983;Snow and
Anderson, 1987; Metzger, 1988). This selection strategy helped to ensure the wide range of diversity in
social networks that Gans (1962) has argued is important for psychological and social experiences of the
individual.
Thirty respondents were interviewed in the Washington, DC Metropolitan Area. They were contacted
at A.A., N.A., and C.A. meetings using a snowball sampling strategy. The initial contact, a friend of the
authors, was a 28-year-oldfemale with 4 months of sobriety at the time of the interview. She was a college-
educated professional living in Northwest Washington, DC. The snowball strategy resulted in very few
declines for interviews. Word traveled through these meetings that the interview and project were a positive
experience
The other 15 respondents were interviewed at a residential and outpatient drug-user treatment program
in an urban area in mid-Michigan. The programs treatment director helped facilitate the first few
interviews. Like the DC pool, however, the first few respondents encouraged others to give an interview
because they enjoyed the experience.
The respondent pool consists of 13 White females, 13 White males, 10 Black females, and 9 Black
males (n = 45). Some were new to 12-Step programs, while others were avid and seasoned members.
Another portion was abstinent from drugs and alcohol and had ceased 12-Step meeting attendance a long
time ago. Therefore, attachment to the drug-use-related ideologies that characterize these three self-help
programs varied greatly within the pool. There also was considerable difference among the respondents by
age and in the length of time they had been abstinent from drugs and alcohol. Consequently, some accounts
are more .,retrospective" than others. Emanating theoretical statements are, therefore, more than simple
A.A., N.A., and C.A. recitations, although they are influenced by them.
The A.A., N.A., and C.A. programs of self-help recovery are a common part of many drug-user
treatment paradigms in the United States today. They furnish members with ideas about how the individual
should reconstruct the identity change process and think about drugs and alcohol (e.g., the disease model of
addiction). Each respondent had some exposure to these programs prior to the interview. Emanating
theoretical statements are influenced by this framework.
The interview analysis and subsequent theoretical formulations stemmed from Miles and Hubermans
(1984) 12 tactics for generating theory and patterns from the responses. Patterns reported in Part 2, then,
are grounded in all respondents’ experiences. I selected quotes that best represented each pattern and tried
to cite as many respondents as possible.
The Respondent Pool. The respondents were, typically, in their mid-30s and single at the time of the
interview. Their parenthood status differed. Black respondents reported more parental responsibilities than
White respondents. Black females were the most obligated in this area. Most were mothers with about 3 or
4children. Black males were the second-most obligated, followed by White females and White males. In
terms of employment, income, and education, the Black female pool was least privileged (see Note 5) as a
group, while White females were the most privileged. Also, White males scored higher on these indicators
than their Black male counterparts. Please see Appendix A (in Part 3) for demographic information.
A COMPARISON OF DRUG AND ALCOHOL-USER CAREERS
A discussion of the four groups drug-using careers helps provide an important context for the
modeland may also help explain diversity within it by race and gender. Appendix B (in Part 3) depicts
differences among the four groups drug-using careers. For instance, Black females began, on average,
using drugs later (about 17 years or age) in life than the other three groups. This patter is inconsistent with
various studies (Barnes and Welte, 1986; Welte and Barnes; 1987; Thompson and Wilsnack, 1987) have
documented the later onset od drug use among African-Americans and other minority groups than among
Whites. The onset of drug use may be related to the types of marginilization experiences and identify
dissatisfaction the respondents report. For Black females, this may include various preadolescence
experiences such as assuming adult like responsibilities, experiencing sexual and physical abuse, and
giving birth and/or becoming a substitute parent for you
nger siblings (see Part2).
White females in the respondent pool started drug use, on average (i.e., at13 years of age), much earlier
than Black females. Common negative experiences reported around the time of initial drug use included a
parent exiting the respondent’s life (divorce or death), repeated geographic moves by the family, and the
assumption of various adult responsibilities (see Part 2).
Black males began using drugs at the earliest age, I 1 years old on average. This runs counter to the
research cited above concerning the later onset of drug use among ethnic and racial minorities. Black males
used drugs, on average, longer than their Black female counterparts or for 13 years. Most frequently, Black
males linked their drug use to the assumption of various adult like responsibilities, which reportedly
marginalized these respondents from typical and more desirable childhood experiences. White male
initiation to drug use evidenced the same pattern, although their drug use began, on average, later (around
13 years of age) than Black males.
White males used drugs longer than any other group studied, i.e., 14 years. In addition to reporting
initial drug use during periods of heavy adult responsibilities, White males also reported beginning drug
use in an attempt to thwart their parent’s rigid expectations of them. This, they reported, was a damaging
experience (see Part 2).
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This study was funded by the National Science Foundations and the American Sociological
Associations Small Grants Program, and by Central Michigan University’s Summer Fellowship and
Faculty Research and Creative Endeavors Programs.
NOTES
1. Another shortcoming of United States-based etiological research is a tendency to homogenize the processes of use and misuse.
Most studies of psychosocial etiological factors do not distinguish between the two and/or assume that the imputed "risk"
factors associated with use are similar, albeit more salient, for misuse. However, the Institute of Medicine (1996:117) has noted
that it may be incorrect to assume that the factors involved in the initiation of drug use are important in the escalation of it.
Epidemiological data show large discrepancies between monthly or annual use and daily use rates (which can serve as a
proxy for misuse) and suggest that only a small portion of 8th graders, for instance, who use drugs (about 21% in 1995) would
likely become daily "abusers" of them by 12th grade (4.6%), all else being equal (Johnston et al., 1995). In addition, Waldorf
etal. (1991) reported that the NIDA surveys, for example, show that the majority of cocaine users in the United States are
"ceremonial" users (i.e., they use it occasionally), and do not become"abusers." Furthermore, this latter point also suggests that
etiologies might differ by type of drug(a neglected topic in research to date), and benefit from analysis using newer artificial
paradigms(chaos, uncertainty, or complexity theories) that do not presume linear systems of cause and effect (Lorenz, 1993;
Casti, 1994). Serious discussions of these important matters is, however, beyond the scope of the present investigation and
should be addressed in future research.
2. The disease model views addiction in largely genetic, pharmacological, or medical terms and defines it as an individual disease.
The second model is more sociological in nature and focuses on individual or small-group morals and values. I collapse the
leading sociological theories of addiction into this second moral/value-oriented model since they contain considerable overlap
and purport that addiction is an outcome of the individuals 1) exposure to deviant models and peer groups and positively
reinforcing drugs (social learning theory), 2) departure from conventional norms and lack of attachment to traditional social
Institutions (social control theory), or3) a depraved value system and failure to achieve social maturity (adaptive model of
addiction).
3. A rereading of respondent interviews and interactionist work (Glaser and Strauss, 1971; Becker,1 963) suggests renaming the
status passage concept published in Anderson (1994) to marginalization experiences.
4. According to Goffman (1963), an ego identity is an individuals felt sense of identity about his/her own situation and character.
5. Appendix A in Part 3 provides additional demographic information on the respondent pool. Please note that differences between
our Black females and the other three groups on traditional socioeconomic indicators do not necessarily imply real class-based
differences for at least two reasons. First, the income disparities between Black females and the other three groups had more to
do with being employed at the time of the interview than about real class differences in the role exit processes. For instance, three
of the ten Black females were earning about $25,000 and$40,000 when interviewed. Due to employee restructuring efforts, three
others had recently been laid off (which is different than being fired from a job for drug-use-related reasons) from$30,000-
$35,000 a year jobs in the auto industry. Had the interviews taken place sooner, the average income for Black females would
have been more consistent with the other three groups. Only four of them vacillated between frequent unemployment and
employment for minimal paying service-oriented jobs. Second, Black females were no more likely to come from poor families
than members of the other three groups.
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Psychoactive Drugs 1 9: 77-83. RESUMEN
El presente documento explora las diferencias raciales y de género en un recientemodelo teórico
(Anderson 1 994), consistiendo de varios factores tanto micro como macro, que ayuda a explicar los
precesos relacionados con la identidad enel mal uso de las drogas. El método es cualitativo, destacando el
uso de entrevistasprofundas y detalladas con 45 auto identificados adictos a las drogas. El estudiorevelo
apoyo por los conceptos generales del modelo basado en la identidad atraves de cuartro sub-grupos:
mujeres afro-americanas, mujeres blancas, hombresafro-americanos, y hombres blancos. Sin embargo,
aparecieron diferenciasimportantes de raza y género. La socialización y la estratificacion relacionadas con
genero y raza explican casi todas las diferencias y sugieren una re-con-ceptualización del modelo. La
investigación demuestra adicionalmente la promesadel metodo basado en la identidad en extender nuestro
conocimiento de laetiología del mal uso de las drogas y la relacionada política de intervención.
Palabras claves: mal uso de drogas (mal empleo de drogas), cambio deidentidad, raza, y genero.
RESUME
Cet article explore les differences de race et de sexe dun nouveau modelthéorique (Anderson, 1994)
consistent en plusieurs elements micro et macro quiexpliquent les methodes didentite qui sont liées a
lusage impropre a la drogue.La facon est qualitatif et represente des interviews en profendeur avec
45personnes qui sidentifient detre accoutumer a la drogue. La recherche a supportel es concepts generals
du model base sur lidentite a travers de quatres sousgroupes: femmes noires, femmes blanches, hommes
noirs, hommes blancs. Dequelque maniere, des differences importantes de race et de sexe sont
emergees.La socialisation et la stratification de sexe et de race expliquent la plupart desdifferences et
suggerent la re-conceptuelisation du model. L-enquete demontredavantage la promesse des facons basees
sur lidentite a pousser plus loin notreconaissance de létiologie de lusage impropre a la drogue et les
politiquesdintervention qui sont liées.
Mots-cle: Usage impropre a la drogue, changement didentite, race, sexe.
THE AUTHOR
Tammy L. Anderson received her Ph.D. in sociology from The American University, Washington, DC in
December 1991. Her doctoral dissertation explored various types of identity transformation in drug-using
careers. Dr. Anderson has continued to work in this area since that time; this three-part series is part of that
agenda. Dr. Anderson is currently a National Institute on Drug Abuse Postdoctoral Research Fellow at the
Prevention Research Center, School of Public Health, University of Illinois at Chicago. She has published
numerous articles on identity change and drug misuse, and is presently working on a cultural-identity theory. She
is also investigating the impact of various social policy changes on the drug misuser population.
