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An Artificial Landscape-Scale Fishery in the Bolivian Amazon

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Abstract and Figures

Historical ecologists working in the Neotropics argue that the present natural environment is an historical product of human intentionality and ingenuity, a creation that is imposed, built, managed and maintained by the collective multigenerational knowledge and experience of Native Americans. In the past 12,000 years, indigenous peoples transformed the environment, creating what we now recognize as the rich ecological mosaic of the Neotropics. The prehispanic savanna peoples of the Bolivian Amazon built an anthropogenic landscape through the construction of raised fields, large settlement mounds, and earthen causeways. I have studied a complex artificial network of hydraulic earthworks covering 525 km2 in the Baures region of Bolivia. Here I identify a particular form of earthwork, the zigzag structure, as a fish weir, on the basis of form, orientation, location, association with other hydraulic works and ethnographic analogy. The native peoples used this technology to harvest sufficient animal protein to sustain large and dense populations in a savanna environment.
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0.10±0.18 have been suggested for dense coniferous forest
4,5
; this
would increase the EESF by approximately 25 t C ha
-1
in the most
snow-covered regions.
Here I have considered forestation under present-day conditions,
but the effects of future CO
2
rise and climate change are likely to
affect the magnitude of both radiative forcing terms, due to
dependencies on time-varying quantities such as the atmospheric
CO
2
concentration, snow extent and vegetation structure and
lea®ness. As the atmospheric CO
2
concentration increases, CO
2
fertilization is likely to increase carbon uptake
22
so the magnitude of
the negative sequestration forcing should therefore increase,
although associated climate changes may exert additional positive
or negative effects on sequestration. Warmer temperatures may
reduce the extent of snow cover
23
, but the leaf area index (LAI) of
potential vegetation may increase
24,25
, so the albedo forcing could
either increase or decrease. The effect of vegetation on surface
albedo is not necessarily proportional to biomass, so the net
contribution to radiative forcing may not evolve linearly through-
out a forest's development; albedo depends on canopy density and
architecture, and can become low rapidly, whereas carbon seques-
tration depends largely on woody biomass which is more gradually
accumulated. Other contributions to forcing may also require
consideration; for example, the longwave radiation budget could
be affected by modi®ed surface emissivity
25
, although the sign of
such changes is uncertain
25,26
.
The work I report here has focused on perturbations to the Earth's
radiation budget, which is the fundamental driver of the climate
system. Forestation may also in¯uence the climate by modifying the
¯uxes of heat, moisture and momentum between the land surface
and atmosphere. Whereas boreal forests warm their local climate
through reduced albedo, tropical forests tend to cool and moisten
their local climates by greatly enhancing evaporation. Both may also
in¯uence distant regional climates via the atmospheric circu-
lation
9,27
. Assessment of the effect of forestation on climate at a
given time in the future will require simulations with a climate
model that incorporates vegetation dynamics
25,28
and other atmos-
pheric, terrestrial and oceanic components of the carbon cycle
28
,in
which forest growth occurs at appropriate rates in relation to
changes in atmospheric CO
2
and snow cover. Nevertheless, my
results suggest that high-latitude forestation would exert a positive
radiative forcing through reduced albedo that in many places could
outweigh the negative forcing through carbon sequestration. If
afforestation and reforestation are required to decrease radiative
forcing rather than simply to reduce net CO
2
emissions, then
changes in surface albedo must also be considered.
M
Received 10 July; accepted 27 September 2000.
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2. UNFCCC United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change Art. 2 (UNEP/IUC/99/2,
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et al.) 65±131 (Cambridge Univ. Press, Cambridge, 1995).
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a large-scale model. Q. J. R. Meteorol. Soc. 122, 689±720 (1996).
15. Pope, V. D., Gallani, M. L., Rowntree, P. R. & Stratton, R. A. The impact of new physical
parametrizations in the Hadley Centre climate model - HadAM3. Clim. Dyn. 16, 123±146 (2000).
16. Hansen, J. E. et al. Ef®cient three dimensional global models for climate studies, Models I and II. Mon.
Weath. Rev. 111, 609±662 (1983).
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circulation climate models. J. Climatol. 5, 119±143 (1985).
18. Woodward, F. I., Smith, T. M. & Emanuel, W. R. A global land primary productivity and
phytogeography model. Glob. Biogeochem. Cycles 9, 471±490 (1995).
19. Myhre, G., Highwood, E. J., Shine, K. P. & Stordal, F. New estimates of radiative forcing due to well
mixed greenhouse gases. Geophys. Res. Lett. 25, 2715±2718 (1998).
20. Keeling, C. D. & Whorf, T. P. Atmospheric CO
2
Concentrations - Mauna Loa Observatory, Hawaii, 1958-
1997 (NDP-001, Carbon Dioxide Information Analysis Centre, Oak Ridge, Tennessee, 1998).
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5, 589±606 (1985).
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climate change. Nature 393, 249±252 (1998).
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366 (1997).
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Acknowledgements
I thank S.E. Lee and F.I. Woodward for providing data from the Shef®eld University
vegetation model, and P.M. Cox, J.M. Edwards, R.L.H. Essery, W.J. Ingram, G.J. Jenkins,
J.E. Lovelock, S. Nilsson, I.C. Prentice, P.R. Rowntree, K.P. Shine, P.J. Valdes and D.A.
Warrilow for advice, comments and discussion. This work forms part of the Climate
Prediction Programme of the UK Department of the Environment, Transport and the
Regions.
Correspondence should be addressed to the author (e-mail: rabetts@meto.gov.uk).
.................................................................
An arti®cial landscape-scale ®shery
in the Bolivian Amazon
Clark L. Erickson
Department of Anthropology, University of Pennsylvania, 33rd and Spruce Streets,
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19104-6398, USA
..............................................................................................................................................
Historical ecologists working in the Neotropics argue that the
present natural environment is an historical product of human
intentionality and ingenuity, a creation that is imposed, built,
managed and maintained by the collective multigenerational
knowledge and experience of Native Americans
1,2
. In the past
12,000 years, indigenous peoples transformed the environment,
creating what we now recognize as the rich ecological mosaic of
the Neotropics
3±6
. The prehispanic savanna peoples of the Boliv-
ian Amazon built an anthropogenic landscape through the con-
struction of raised ®elds, large settlement mounds, and earthen
causeways
7,8
. I have studied a complex arti®cial network of
hydraulic earthworks covering 525 km
2
in the Baures region of
Bolivia. Here I identify a particular form of earthwork, the zigzag
structure, as a ®sh weir, on the basis of form, orientation, location,
association with other hydraulic works and ethnographic analogy.
© 2000 Macmillan Magazines Ltd
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The native peoples used this technology to harvest suf®cient
animal protein to sustain large and dense populations in a
savanna environment.
The zigzag structure is a particular form of arti®cial earthwork,
found in the seasonally inundated savanna of Baures, Bolivia
(Province of Ite
Â
nez, Department of the Beni) (Figs 1 and 2).
Zigzag structures are linear segments of raised earth (1±2 m wide
and 20±50 cm tall) that change direction every 10±30 m (Fig. 3).
Shrubs, palms, and termite mounds cover the structures. Many
zigzag structures cross the savanna from one forest island to
another, distances of up to 3.5 km; others terminate 5,000±
1,000 m from the forest edge (Fig. 4). Funnel-like openings, 1±
3 m long and 1±2 m wide, are present where the structures form a
sharp angle (Fig. 5). The structures are associated with small circular
ponds. Dense networks of interconnected zigzag structures form
enclosures of 10±80 ha. A total of 48.431 linear kilometres of weirs
were measured in a sample area of 16.755 km
2
of savanna, a density
of 2.891 linear km per km
2
.
The zigzag structures are arti®cial constructions created by
raising earth removed from the adjacent savanna. Canals or
barrow pits ¯ank some of the zigzag structures. Although over-
lapping in distribution, the zigzag structures are distinct from the
long, wide and straight causeways and canals that cross the savanna
between forest islands (Fig. 4). The narrow and irregular zigzag
structures would be inef®cient for transportation. The zigzag
structures do not appear to have functioned as check dams or
berms for ¯ood-recessional farming. There is no evidence of crop
furrows or ®eld platforms between the structures.
On the basis of location, form, patterning, associations and
ethnographic analogy, I identify the zigzag structures as ®sh weirs.
Fish migrate to and spawn in the seasonally inundated savannas of
Baures during the wet season
9
. Many ®sh are trapped in water bodies
as the ¯oodwaters recede. The zigzag structures provided a means to
manage and harvest these ®sh. The zigzag structures are similar to
®sh weirs built by native peoples in Bolivia
10±14
and throughout the
Americas
15±17
. Two characteristics shared by ®sh weirs include
construction of barriers across shallow bodies of water and V-
shaped openings where ®sh are trapped. Weirs, ranging in length
from several to hundreds of metres, are constructed of soil, rock,
reed, branches, logs, aquatic vegetation and/or basketry. Super-
structures of perishable materials or a dense wall of vegetation
probably covered the earthen ®sh weirs of Baures.
There are important differences between the zigzag structures of
Baures and contemporary ®sh weirs. Most ethnographic ®sh weirs
are ephemeral and rebuilt each season. Traditional weirs are con-
structed in rivers, streams or permanent bodies of water. In contrast,
the zigzag structures are permanent earthworks built across a
seasonally ¯ooded savanna. They are also more numerous, longer
and more densely placed than ethnographic ®sh weirs. In addition
to controlling and harvesting ®sh within the savanna, the weirs and
large causeways may have been used for water management. The
earthworks could have extended the period of inundation by
capturing the ®rst rains and holding ¯oodwaters into the dry
season
18
.
The savanna ®sheries of the Bolivian Amazon are productive.
Estimates of 100,000 to 400,000 ®sh have been calculated for a single
hectare of abandoned river channel in the savannas
9
. Yields of
1,000 kg per hectare per year have been recorded for shallow
ponds in tropical savannas
19
. Large numbers of Pomacea gigas
snails are found beside the zigzag structures. In addition to ®sh,
these edible snails may have been managed and raised in the weir
structures and ponds. In the past, these snails were eaten in Baures
and the gastropods are found in precolumbian sites in Bolivia and
Brazil
20,21
. The nutritional status of Pomacea is probably similar to
other tropical snails, low in calories and protein
22
. Pomacea gigas
reproduce and grow at an impressive rate and an average of 23.8
snails per m
3
is recorded in Bolivian wetlands
23
. The arti®cial ®sh-
eries of Baures potentially produced hundreds of tonnes of edible
snails as a secondary food source.
The most common vegetation associated with the ®sh weirs and
ponds is the palm Mauritia ¯exuosa
24±26
(Fig. 3). A single tree can
produce up to 5,000 edible fruits each year and a single hectare
yields 10±60 t of fruit. The fruits are high in vitamins C and A, oil
(12%) and protein (4±5% dry weight). The ground tissue produces
large amounts of edible starch. Edible larvae of the palm beetle
thrive in the decomposing trunks. In addition, the palm is a
favoured food of game animals and ®sh. The ®bres of the fronds
and trunks are used for basketry, mats, hammocks, bowstrings,
thatch and roof beams. The palm may have been encouraged or even
cultivated on the earthworks.
Arti®cial ponds overlap with the distribution of zigzag structures
(Fig. 3). These measure 0.5±2 m deep and 10±30 m in diameter; the
largest hold water year round. The ponds teem with ®sh such as
buchere (Hoplosternum sp.), yallu, cunare
Â
(Cichla monoculos),
palometa (Serrasalmus sp.), sa
Â
balo (Prochilodus nigricans) and
bento
Â
n(Erythrina sp), snails, birds, reptiles and amphibians. Con-
temporary hunters stalk the game animals and birds that congregate
at the ponds. Arti®cial ponds provided a way to store live ®sh and
snails until needed.
The complex of ®sh weirs and ponds of Baures is a form of
intensive aquaculture. The earthworks did not necessarily involve
the mobilization of large amounts of labour. I estimate a total of
1,515 linear kilometres of ®sh weirs in Baures based on a sample
of aerial photographs. Using labour estimates for experimental
Guapore River
San Martin River
San Joaquin R.
Negro River
Blanco River
Itonamas River
or Itenez River
Bella Vista
Baures
Bolivia
0 200
kilometres
Santa Cruz
La Paz
Sucre
Trinidad
Prehispanic Hydraulic
Complex of Baures
Detailed Map
kilometres
080
Figure 1 Map of the Baures prehispanic hydraulic complex. It is located between the
San Joaquõ
Â
n river to the west and the San Martõ
Â
n river to the east and between 13
o
30' and
14
o
20' latitude South.
South Block
North Block
Savanna
Forest island
kilometres
020
N
S
EW
Figure 2 The ®sh weirs (zigzag structures and ponds). They are concentrated in the North
Block (447 km
2
of savanna excluding forest islands) and the South Block (77 km
2
). The
structures are restricted to savannas near forest islands that are ¯ooded by shallow water.
© 2000 Macmillan Magazines Ltd
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construction of raised ®elds (5 m
3
of earth per person per 5-hr day
and weirs measuring 2 m wide and 0.5 m tall), the weirs required
300,000 person-days of labour or the equivalent of 1,000 people
working 30 days a year over a period of 10 years. Small groups of kin
or communities constructed and managed the weirs recorded in
ethnographic accounts
10±14
. Similar social groups may have been
responsible for the weirs and ponds of Baures.
The weirs also show some evidence of integration at a higher
scale. Individual zigzag structures often cross the savanna from one
forest island to another (Fig. 4). Assuming each forest island was an
autonomous settlement, weir construction may have involved inter-
community cooperation. Although individual weirs could operate
Figure 3 Oblique photograph of a ®sh weir and arti®cial ponds between forest islands in
the savannas of Baures. Fish weirs are the zigzag structures, lower left to upper right;
arti®cial ponds are the circular features surrounded by palms (approximately 20 m in
diameter). The diagonal feature (upper left to lower right) is a contemporary path.
Forest islands
Major causeways
Minor causeways
Fish weirs
Palomarial
Naranjal
kilometres
01
N
Figure 4 Map of ®sh weirs (irregular lines) and causeways (straight lines) in Baures. Based on aerial photographs.
© 2000 Macmillan Magazines Ltd
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independently of other weirs, the presence of an integrated network
of causeways, canals, weirs and ponds suggest a higher order of
water management
8,18
. As a permanent food-producing infrastruc-
ture, the weirs must have been valuable real estate. The networks of
causeways and canals may have promoted communication and
alliances between individual communities exploiting the ®sh weirs.
Groups in the Colombian Amazon jealously protect and guard
riverine ®sheries, valuable resources that are owned and inherited by
clans and chie¯y lineages
16
. The presence of moated, and presum-
ably palisaded, settlements on many of the forest islands suggests
potential tension over the ®sheries and other resources
27
.
Colonial accounts describe the use of causeways in Baures for
communication and transportation between settlements
7,10,12,27
.
Weirs in lakes and streams are described
10,12
, but there is no mention
of the zigzag structures in the savanna. To date the ®sh weirs, I
excavated a large causeway directly associated with zigzag
structures
28
. Burned wood from the base of the causeway ®ll was
radiocarbon dated to 335 years
BP (before present) 6 20 (OS-17293)
or an uncalibrated calendar date of AD 1615 (AD 1595±1635). The
corrected date at 68.2% con®dence is AD 1490 (0.26) AD 1530; AD
1560 (0.74) AD 1630. Depending on the context, the sample may
date or predate the original construction. The Spanish did not
control the Baures region until 1708; thus, the earthwork probably
predates European occupation.
The earthworks of Baures are an example of creation and active
management of an anthropogenic landscape by native peoples. The
linear causeways and canals were a sophisticated means of regulat-
ing water levels within the savannas to enhance and manage
seasonal aquatic resources. The network of ®sh weirs provided a
means of controlling and harvesting ®sh, in addition to enhancing
the habitat and availability of aquatic and terrestrial fauna. The
arti®cial ponds were a means of concentrating and storing live ®sh,
providing drinking water and improving game habitats. Palms
growing on earthworks provided additional foodstuffs and materi-
als. Using this simple, but elegant, technology, the people of Baure
converted much of the landscape into an aquatic farm covering 500
km
2
. Rather than domesticate the species that they exploited, the
people of Baure domesticated the landscape. The ®sh weirs and
ponds produced abundant, storable, and possibly sustainable
yields of animal protein. Thus, they were able to sustain large
dense populations in what many would consider a marginal
environment.
M
Received 2 July; accepted 1 September 2000.
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Acknowledgements
Fieldwork and analysis were supported by the NSF, the Heinz Charitable Trust Founda-
tion, the American Philosophical Society, the Research Funds of the University of
Pennsylvania Museum, and Corporacio
Â
n del Beni. K. Lee originally reported the earth-
works of Baures in the late 1950s. A.Vranich, O. Saavedra and F. Bruckner did the ®rst
study of the Baures earthworks in 1995. I thank the Bolivian Direccio
Â
n Nacional de
Arqueologõ
Â
a y Antropologõ
Â
a, the Prefectura and Alcaldia of the Department of the Beni,
authorities of Baures and Bella Vista, W. Winkler (project co-investigator), K. Lee,
H. Schlink, R. Bottega, R. Pinto Parada, E. Bruckner, A. Bruckner, C. Bruckner, O. Rivera,
R. Langstroth, W. Denevan, A. Vranich, P. Stahl, R. Dunn and D. Brinkmeier.
Correspondence and requests for materials should be addressed to C.E.
(e-mail: cerickso@sas.upenn.edu).
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Figure 5 Plans of ®sh weirs (zigzag structures). Small parallel openings in the weirs are
present every 50±200 m.
© 2000 Macmillan Magazines Ltd
... S1 to S3). These linear features closely resemble other pre-Columbian fish-trapping facilities recorded in similar tropical environments of the Bolivian Amazon as well as ethnographic examples found in Zambia, Africa ( Fig. 2) (10)(11)(12). We report on excavations of three channels in the CTWS that yielded multiple radiocarbon dates, which suggest that the fisheries were initially constructed by Archaic hunter-gatherer-fishers and continued to be used by their Formative Maya descendants (approximately 2000 BCE to 200 CE), predating the Amazonian examples by a thousand years or more. ...
... Scholars working in the Amazon have also identified such statistical relationships and suggest that the linear channels and ponds were an integrated system used for fish trapping and live storage (10). While Erickson (11) posited that the ponds were artificial, Blatrix and colleagues (10) suggest the possibility of a natural origin for the ponds and that the channels and a series of v-shaped chutes or outlets were artificially constructed. They note that these features point downstream and effectively guide the flow of receding water at the end of the flooding period. ...
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Multiproxy data collected from the largest inland wetland in Belize, Central America, demonstrate the presence of large-scale pre-Columbian fish-trapping facilities built by Late Archaic hunter-gatherer-fishers, which continued to be used by their Maya descendants during Formative times (approximately 2000 BCE to 200 CE). This is the earliest large-scale Archaic fish-trapping facility recorded in ancient Mesoamerica. We suggest that such landscape-scale intensification may have been a response to long-term climate disturbance recorded between 2200 and 1900 BCE. Agricultural intensification after 2000 BCE has been credited for supporting the rise of pre-Columbian civilizations in Formative Mesoamerica, but we suggest that some groups relied more heavily on the mass harvesting of aquatic resources. We argue that such early intensification of aquatic food production offered a high value subsistence strategy that was instrumental in the emergence of Formative period sedentarism and the development of complexity among pre-Columbian civilizations like the Maya.
... Aquaculture has a long history in the Amazon, with archaeological evidence of fish farms dating to ad 500 11,12 . Contemporary Amazonian aquaculture production began in the 1980s mainly with the founding of the Instituto de Investigaciones de la Amazonía Peruana in Peru and Embrapa Amazônia Ocidental in Brazil 13 . ...
Article
Aquaculture in the Amazon holds the potential to meet increasing food demands while offering economic opportunities in a region facing deforestation and biodiversity loss. However, expanding aquaculture in this biodiverse region comes with complex environmental and social trade-offs. This Review explores how aquaculture can support sustainable development by minimizing its environmental impact, promoting equitable livelihoods and enhancing food security. It also highlights key challenges, such as greenhouse gas emissions and land-use changes, that need to be addressed for aquaculture to thrive sustainably in the Amazon.
... The Llanos de Moxos of lowland Bolivia are known for their extensive pre-Columbian earthworks, including canals, causeways, large habitation mounds, and raised fields. The scale of these earthworks suggest the area was home to a large, socially-complex population prior to European contact (NORDENSKIÖLD 1913(NORDENSKIÖLD , 1924DENEVAN 1966;DOUGHERTY and CALANDRA 1984;ERICKSON 2000aERICKSON , 2000bDENEVAN 2001;PRÜMERS 2004;WALKER 2004;PRÜMERS 2006;ERICKSON 2008;WALKER 2008aWALKER , 2000bPRÜMERS 2009aPRÜMERS , 2000bERICKSON, 2010;RECONSTRUCTING the northwest until they are undetectable. An 11.0 x 0.5 m trench was excavated across Camellón 2 and its adjacent channel to the north. ...
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Pre-Columbian inhabitants of the western Llanos de Moxos, Bolivia, transformed large expanses of seasonally flooded savannah into a complex agricultural landscape. Extensive raised field systems, along with associated canals and causeways, suggest a sophisticated approach to managing land and water resources for permanent, intensive, agricultural production. However, the detailed construction history, specific crops, and palaeoenvironmental impacts of these fields are poorly known. To investigate these issues, we analyzed stratigraphy and phytoliths from two raised fields (camellones) at the site of Campo España, western Beni, Bolivia. Results indicate that prior to field construction, vegetation was mainly palm savannah. A decline in arboreal phytolith frequencies is associated with human clearing and initial field construction. A peak in burnt grass phytoliths followed by an increase of Asteraceae, suggests a period of regular field maintenance and intensive agricultural use. Maize (Zea mays) and manioc (Manihot esculenta) were grown. A small increase in arboreal phytoliths suggests some forest recovery after field abandonment. This study demonstrates the utility of phytolith and stratigraphic analyses in reconstructing construction, cultivation, and palaeoenvironmental histories of raised field systems, and assessing their role within the advanced agricultural landscape management practiced by pre-Columbian populations in the Bolivian Amazon. Resumo: Os habitantes pré-colombianos de Llanos de Moxos ocidental, Bolívia, transformaram grandes áreas de uma savana sazonalmente inundada em complexas paisagens agrícolas. Extensos campos de plantação, assim como canais e caminhos associados, sugerem uma abordagem sofisticada para o manejo da terra e dos recursos aquáticos para produção agrícola intensiva e permanente. No entanto, detalhes sobre suas histórias construtivas, plantações específicas e os impactos paleoambientais destes campos são pouco conhecidos. Para investigar estas questões, analisamos a estratigrafia e os fitólitos de dois destes campos elevados (camellones) do sítio Campo España, oeste de Beni, Bolívia. Os resultados indicam que antes da construção dos campos, a vegetação era majoritariamente uma savana com palmeiras. O declínio na frequência de fitólitos arbóreos é associado com uma limpeza da área pela ação humana e o início das construções dos campos. Um pico nos fitólitos de grama queimada seguido porum aumento de Asteraceae, sugere um período de manutenção regular dos campos e uso agrícola intensivo. Eram cultivados milho (Zea mays) e possivelmente mandioca (Manihot esculenta). Um pequeno aumento dos fitólitos arbóreos sugere certo grau de recuperação da floresta após o abandono dos campos. Este estudo demonstra a utilidade de análises de fitólitos e estratigráficas na reconstrução dos processos de construção, cultivo e história paleoambiental dos sistemas de campos elevados e na avaliação de seus papeis dentro do avançado manejo de paisagens agrícolas praticadas por populações pré-colombianas na Amazônia boliviana.
... " Additionally, recent investigations using satellite imagery and confirmed in limited surveys on the ground, have revealed a network of weirs across the region, in close association with raised fields, generally occurring in the savannas between the rivers, especially between the Iruyañez and Omi Rivers, and between the Omi and Yacuma Rivers. Erickson (2000) hypothesized that similar structures from the Baures subregion of the Mojos were built primarily for managing and harvesting of fish. This characterization was confirmed by later research (McKey et al., 2016;Prestes-Carneiro and Béarez, 2017). ...
Article
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Environmental archeology of the Amazon has conventionally focused on terrestrial spaces, investigating crop domestication and production, agroforestry and anthropogenic soils. Aquatic environments, however, have been given less attention by archeologists and paleoenvironmental scientists alike. The Llanos de Mojos, a 135,000 km 2 basin of the Amazon and mosaic landscape of savannas, wetlands and forests, has long been recognized for its archeological record. A variety of anthropogenic earthworks across the region show significant landscape modifications from Pre-Columbian times used for transportation, resource production and control of floodwaters. Here, we investigate the use and management of wetlands, and their interaction in the wider Mojos mosaic landscape, by integrating extensive archeological, paleoenvironmental and GIS datasets. We demonstrate that past human modifications of the landscape enabled the creation of complex wetland-terrestrial system of resource production, in which wetlands were managed, complementary to terrestrial crop production and agroforestry. Across short distances (40 km), land use strategies were heterogeneous despite being connected in time and space. Additionally, mixed wetland-terrestrial resource production was relatively stable during periods of lower rainfall from 1200-1500 CE, implying that this strategy provided flexibility under conditions of variable climate. The wetlands of the Llanos de Mojos are the result of millennia of human intervention and recognition of this deep heritage is required to make informed management and conservation decisions to ensure the future of this culturally and biologically diverse region.
... Outro exemplo de domesticação de savanas amazônicas em áreas úmidas são as alterações topográficas feitas pelos povos pré-colombianos na região de Beni na Bolívia (Erickson, 2000) e no escudo das Guianas (Rostain, 2010). A construção de montículos elevados expõe como a domesticação dessas paisagens foi realizada visando contornar as pressões ambientais causadas pelos alagamentos periódicos, permitindo assim que humanos cultivassem alimentos em terreno seco sem a necessidade de usar fogo (Iriarte et al., 2012). ...
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RESUMO Na imaginação popular a Amazônia é um bioma natural, o que nega a existência e agência dos Povos Indígenas que chegaram há pelo menos 13 mil anos. Este ensaio demonstra que a Amazônia é uma teia de interações socioecológicas, como resultado da domesticação de paisagens e de populações de espécies. As práticas envolvidas na domesticação de paisagens são simples, embora baseadas em conhecimento profundo, e respeitam não humanos. Os Povos Indígenas combinam horticultura e domesticação de paisagens, bem como sedentarismo e mobilidade. Os Mebêngôkre (Kayapó) e Baniwa praticam mais horticultura, enquanto os Nukak e Zo’é são mais móveis, e a domesticação de suas paisagens reflete essas diferenças. Florestas domesticadas produzem alimentos tanto quanto roças e capoeiras, todas levam a manutenção ou regeneração da floresta. Essas práticas sugerem que as sociedades nacional e global podem aprender a produzir alimentos com a floresta em pé, o que contribuiria a mitigar os efeitos do Antropoceno.
... Another example of the domestication of Amazonian savannas in humid areas are the topographic changes made by pre-Columbian people in the Beni region of Bolivia (Erickson, 2000) and along the coasts of the Guiana shield (Rostain, 2010). The construction of elevated mounds shows how the domestication of these landscapes was carried out to circumvent the environmental pressures caused by periodic flooding, thus allowing humans to grow food on dry land without the need to use fire (Iriarte et al., 2012). ...
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In the popular imagination, Amazonia is a natural biome, which denies the existence and agency of Indigenous Peoples who arrived at least 13,000 years ago. This essay will demonstrate that Amazonia is a web of socio-ecological interactions, as a result of the domestication of landscapes and populations of species. The practices involved in the domestication of landscapes are simple, yet based on deep knowledge, and respectful of non-humans. Indigenous Peoples combine horticulture and landscape domestication, as well as sedentary lifestyles and mobility. The Mebêngôkre (Kayapó) and Baniwa practice more horticulture, while the Nukak and Zo’é are more mobile, and the domestication of their landscapes reflects these differences. Domesticated forests produce as much food as swiddens and fallows, all leading to forest maintenance or regeneration. These practices suggest that national and global societies can learn to produce food in the standing forest, which would contribute to mitigating the effects of the Anthropocene.
... The varying periods of deforestation and reforestation across our sites agree with other studies and suggest human impact in northwestern Amazonia were small-scaled and heterogenous (McMichael et al., 2012bPiperno et al., 2017;Gosling et al., 2021;Nascimento et al., 2022). Deforestation practices may have been more impactful in other Amazonian regions, where there is more evidence of large-scale pre-Columbian settlements (Erickson, 2010;Rostain, 2012;Carson et al., 2014Carson et al., , 2016Whitney et al., 2014;De Souza et al., 2018;Maezumi et al., 2018Maezumi et al., , 2022Pr€ umers et al., 2022;Piperno et al., 2024;Rostain et al., 2024). In the postcolonial period, a fire event (Lake Kumpak a ) or more frequent burning events (Lake Añangucocha) are suggested by the presence or Fig. 3 Oxygen isotope records (blue) that reflect drier and wetter conditions during the late Holocene (van Breukelen et al., 2008;Bird et al., 2011;Apa estegui et al., 2014). ...
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Here, we developed and applied models to quantitatively reconstruct forest cover and biomass changes at three lakes in northwestern Amazonia over the past > 1500 yr. We used remotely sensed data and a modern dataset of 50 Amazonian lakes to develop generalized linear models that predict aboveground biomass, using phytolith morphotypes and forest cover as predictor variables. Also, we applied a published beta regression model to predict forest cover within 200 m of each lake, using Poaceae phytoliths. Charcoal and maize phytoliths were analysed to identify past land use. Results showed forest cover and biomass changes at our study sites ranged between 48–84% and 142–438 Mg ha⁻¹, respectively. Human occupation was discontinuous, with major changes in forest cover and biomass coinciding with periods of land use. Forest cover and biomass decreased notably after fire (at all sites) or cultivation events (Lakes Zancudococha, Kumpaka). The timing and ecological impact of past land use were spatially and temporally variable. Our results suggest past human impact was small‐scaled and heterogenous in northwestern Amazonia, with a significant impact of fire on forest cover and biomass changes.
... In sum, we may say that some decades ago only a few scholars doubted the generalised theory of the pristine Amazonian forest (Balée 1989;Denevan 1992). However, due to the advance of contemporary deforestation and archaeological research conducted in the Lower and Central Amazon River area, in the Xingú as well as in the Bolivian Mojos and Baures regions (Roosevelt et al. 1991;Erickson 2000;Heckenberger et al. 2003;Neves & Petersen 2006;Roosevelt 2013), our understanding of past human impact on Amazonia has started to change. Most notably, the discovery of ancient roads and hundreds of geoglyph-type earthwork sites in southwestern Amazonia by the Finnish-Brazilian team, especially in the Brazilian state of Acre, covering about 60 000 km² of currently deforested area (Figure 1), has revolutionised academic thinking about human occupation and anthropogenic forests in South America. ...
... These highly populated areas were concentrated especially in the Bolivian Llanos de Moxos savannas, thanks to earthworks facilitating protection against floods during the rainy season. Channels and zig-zag earth ridges were interpreted to be vestiges of fish weirs, providing drinkable water and fish during the dry season (Blatrix et al., 2018;Erickson, 2000). These findings suggest that pre-colonial indigenous people already changed the water landscape, securing food and protection against flooding, and providing the conditions for high population densities. ...
Chapter
Rising in the Andes, the Madeira River drains the southwestern part of the Amazon basin. With a drainage basin of 1,370,000 km2 and an elevation range of 20–6450 m a.s.l., the Madeira is the second largest tributary of the Amazon and provides half of its sediment load (426 Mt/yr). As a result of its physiography, location, and Andean origin, the basin exhibits amazing climatic, hydrochemical, and biological diversities. Thirteen climate zones (from polar to tropical rainforest, precipitation from 300 to 6000 mm/year) and 10 terrestrial ecoregions are found within its boundaries. Nearly 1400 fish species, 135 endemic (the highest of the Amazon basin), have been recorded. The basin was an early center of plant domestication by the first native Americans. Two hydroelectric dams in the main river course in Brazil had huge ecological impacts, which could worsen if other dams are built. The basin is also impacted by deforestation (mostly for cultivation of commodities) and mining.
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Se presentan mapas de promedio climatológico (normal) del albedo de superficie para los Hemisferios Norte y Sur y para los meses de Enero, Abril, Julio y Octubre. Dichos mapas se han construido usando la información disponible sobre el promedio de albedo de varias superficies naturales y lo que se conoce de los diferentes tipos de vegetación superficial y cubiertas de hielo y nieve en todas las regiones del globo.
Chapter
The archaeological study of agricultural systems Archaeological gardens and field systems are notoriously difficult to study. They tend to be “artifact poor” contexts, and thus, extremely difficult to date with accuracy. Stratigraphy tends to be heavily reworked and eroded, the result of continual cultivation and mixing of soil structure by humans and nature, both during the time of use, and after abandonment. Due to the poor preservation of botanical remains, there is usually no direct evidence for the crops which were cultivated. Technological information on cultivation practices and tools is limited, and rarely is there direct evidence for labor and social organization, land tenure, and efficiency of the system. Ethnographic analogy can be useful in many contexts, but it is usually difficult to determine direct historical ties between contemporary farmers and their previous counterparts. In many situations, ancient field and garden systems have been completely abandoned, breaking any continuity between past and present. Even in cases where ties can be demonstrated, the social, political, economic, and environmental situation has changed so much that the usefulness of direct analogy is limited. Historical records can sometimes be extrapolated back into the past, but agricultural practices are not often discussed in sufficient detail. Despite these limitations to research, certain archaeological field methods, combined with experimental archaeology, can provide the detailed information lacking in cases where historical and ethnographic analogy is inadequate and preservation is poor.
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The expansion of the agricultural industry in Alaska during the early 1980's allowed for clearing 50 000 ha of boreal forest. Little is known, however, about the impact of clearing boreal forest on surface energy exchange processes. This study assessed radiative and heat exchange, temperature and soil water at boreal forest and grassland sites near Delta Junction, AK. The sites, located 5 km apart, were on a nearly level alluvial terrace. The grassland site was cleared in 1978 and seeded to grass in about 1985. At both sites, sensors were installed to measure the albedo, net radiation, surface heat flux, near-surface temperatures and soil water content from September 1991 to April 1993. Seasonal variations in albedo were more apparent for grassland (0.19 to 0.85) than for forest (0.08 to 0.18). Net radiation over forest was 20% greater during the summer and 20% smaller during winter compared with grassland. Surface heating consumed 13 and 6% of net radiation during the growing season at the grassland and forest sites, respectively. Soil temperatures at the 0.5-m depth ranged from −14 to 10°C at the grassland site and from −2.5 to 0.5°C at the forest site. The soil at the grassland site was drier and exhibited greater seasonal variation in water content compared with the soil at the forest site. Ice lenses were apparent in the forest soil at a depth of 0.3–0.6 m as the water content exceeded the porosity. This study suggests that clearing forest land will reduce the net absorption of radiation, but enhance soil heating and drying in the subarctic.
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Pomacea flagellata (Say), a large freshwater snail, was eaten by the ancient inhabitants of Tikal. Its shells appear in archaeological contexts datable to the entire circa 1500-year span of permanent occupation. Utilization was heaviest during the earliest and latest periods, a distributional pattern that seems directly related to population growth and decline. Comparison with the freshwater mussels and European land snails suggests that Pomacea snails were probably never more than a supplementary source of protein and calories. However, they could have been important in a marginal diet. Occasionally Pomacea were deposited in ceremonial contexts. They were most frequent during the later Early Classic period when they may have figured in a special votive complex.
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New data from the South American lowland tropics are used in support of a recent argument extolling the potential of fish utilization in major floodplains. The discussion will cover five points: [1] major floodplains in general, and the Amazon and Orinoco floodplains in particular, have similar characteristics that make them biologically productive regions; [2] high fish productivity and the use of mass-fishing techniques in floodplain regions are characteristics of lowland South America; [3] the ecological dynamics of the seasonally inundated savanna are particularly productive and propitious for seasonal exploitation using mass-fishing techniques; [4] differences in species composition and fish size may have implications for seasonal and spatial variations in fish exploitation; and [5] substantial biases are apparent against the retrieval of small fish remains using traditional archaeological recovery techniques.