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This study investigated crisis intervention in three secondary schools after the suicides of five students, focusing on the relation between crisis intervention and suicide contagion. The contagion hypothesis was supported. Following a suicide, the number of suicides that occurred in secondary schools in one year were markedly increased beyond chance. No new suicides took place at schools where adequate first talk-throughs and psychological debriefing were conducted by a mental health professional. Proper crisis intervention is recommended to prevent suicide contagion in schools.
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International Journal of Emergency Mental Health 163
Adolescent Suicide and Suicide Contagion in Three
Secondary Schools
Soili Poijula, M.A., Karl-Erik Wahlberg, Ph.D., Atle Dyregrov, Ph.D.
ABSTRACT: This study investigated crisis intervention in three secondary schools after the suicides of
five students, focusing on the relation between crisis intervention and suicide contagion. The contagion
hypothesis was supported. Following a suicide, the number of suicides that occurred in secondary
schools in one year were markedly increased beyond chance. No new suicides took place at schools
where adequate first talk-throughs and psychological debriefing were conducted by a mental health
professional. Proper crisis intervention is recommended to prevent suicide contagion in schools.
[International Journal of Emergency Mental Health, 2001 3(3),pp 163-168].
KEY WORDS: suicide, contagion, intervention, psychological debriefing
Suicide is the third leading cause of death among
adolescents (Kochanek & Hudson, 1994). While suicide
research aims at prevention, the influence of preventive
strategies on suicide mortality has remained inconclusive
(Gunnell & Frankel, 1994; Lewis, Hawton & Jones, 1997).
Research on intervention to prevent suicide contagion is
almost non-existent.
Suicide contagion has been operationally defined as
when one persons suicide increases the likelihood of
anothers (Higgins & Range, 1996). Research indicates that,
although debatable, there is some evidence of suicide
contagion, but this occurs through modeling by friends when
crisis intervention has not been organized (Velting & Gould,
1997). The effect of suggestion on suicide is well established
(Taiminen, 1992). Adolescents are less likely to identify with
the deceased, and hence to commit suicide themselves, if
they learn that a suicide victim was psychiatrically disturbed,
was functioning in a psychopathological way, or was subject
to individual psychosocial stressors (Higgins & Range, 1996).
The majority of imitative suicides appears to take place within
Soili Poijula, Oy Synolon Ltd., Center for Trauma Psychology,
Oulu, Finland. Karl-Erik Wahlberg, Department of Psychiatry,
University of Oulu, Finland. Atle Dyregrov, Center for Crisis
Psychology, Bergen, Norway. Address correspondence concerning
this article to: Soili Poijula, Oy Synolon Ltd., Center for Trauma
Psychology, Valtatie 16 as 11, 90500 Oulu, Finland. Tel: 358 8 554
5814. Fax: 358 8 554 5801. E-mail: Soili.Poijula@netppl.fi.
the first ten days of exposure to suicide (Phillips & Carstensen,
1986). However, the latency period for imitative suicide has
been shown to be longer than six months (Väisänen &
Hägglund, 1981). The suicide risk of adolescents is higher if
they are exposed to suicide (Brent et al., 1989; Pelzer, Cherian,
& Cherian, 1998; Runeson, 1998). Brent et al. (1993) found
that seven months after the loss of an adolescent peer to
suicide, suicidal ideation with a plan or an attempt was elevated
in the suicide exposed. Bereavement can offer the adolescent
an opportunity to enhance values and coping skills or, by
contrast, the option to imitate a self-destructive response to
a crisis (Valente & Saunders, 1993)
After the suicide of a school-aged adolescent, the whole
school community, both students and teachers, suffers from
trauma and loss. Acknowledging the loss and reestablishing
normality within the school can be difficult. In many cases
school administrators are also very concerned about the
contagion aspects of suicide, and this is the single reason
why most school systems refrain from organizing crisis
intervention (Mauk & Weber, 1991). A community trauma,
such as suicide, requires that caretakers provide good
leadership to guide physical and emotional recovery (Williams,
Zinner, & Ellis, 1998). Cornell and Sheras (1998) conclude
that the results of school community crisis intervention
depend on the leaders ability to notice a crisis and
164 Poijula/ ADOLESCENT SUICIDE AND SUICIDE CONTAGION
acknowledge reactions. They claim that when leaders in some
school crises have not provided good leadership, they have
made the crisis worse. A nonsupportive, closed atmosphere
may result in students keeping traumatic grief internalized or
acting it out. The logical conclusion is that if the suicide is
publicly known and has caused reactions in students, it has
to be openly confronted.
In previous studies of bereaved adolescents it has been
recommended that a school experiencing such a sudden death
should organize crisis intervention (Brent et al., 1993;
Dyregrov, Gjestad, Bie Wikander & Vigerust, 1999; Mauk &
Weber, 1991). School crisis management may include
developing a contingency plan; informing students about a
death at school; conducting immediate talk-throughs, rituals,
and psychological debriefings among students; allowing
students to view the body, participate in the funeral and/or
meetings with parents; and following up of students over
time (Dyregrov, 1991; Leenaars & Wenckstern, 1998; Mitchell
& Every, 1996). In organizing interventions, the grief hierarchy
and exposure to the suicide are used in prioritizing to whom
help is offered, but everyone exposed to suicide requires
some level of care (Mauk & Weber, 1991).
Few studies to date have evaluated such interventions,
nor have there been studies on psychological debriefing and
suicide contagion prevention for adolescents.This study
concerned school crisis intervention and suicide contagion,
using the crisis intervention methods consisting of first talk-
throughs (FTT) and psychological debriefings (PD).
The first talk-through or defusing depicts a meeting of
those who were involved in or experienced a critical event.
The meeting is conversational in tone and takes place on the
same day as the event, usually within the first 8 hours
(Mitchell, 1995). It aims at providing emotional first aid to
people. To help students in crisis, the school creates a caring
climate and structures the chaos by providing the possibility
of ventilating thoughts and experiences. In schools, the
concept of grief hierarchy is used to prioritize to whom help
is offered. Usually this means focusing on the classmates.
The first talk-through is organized at school after informing
all students about the death. The conductor of the first talk-
through can be a teacher, a school nurse or a mental health
professional. Adults lead the adolescents in a conversation
where facts are shared and mutual support can be activated
(Dyregrov & Raundalen, 1995).
Psychological debriefing is a helpers group discussion
of a traumatic event designed to mitigate the impact of a
severe stress experience. It is conducted by trained
professionals (Mitchell, 1995). When psychological debriefing
is adapted and used with survivors of sudden death at a
school, there are both differences and similarities from the
original model of PD. At school, PD is a group discussion in
a class. It can last 1-2 lesson periods depending on the age of
the children.The conductor of the PD is a trained mental
health professional or a teacher. If the teacher is to be a
conductor, it is recommended that a mental health professional
co-leads the process. If a mental health professional is a
conductor, the teacher of the class can co-lead. The phases
of the psychological debriefing in schools are introduction,
facts, reactions, information and closure (Dyregrov, 1991).
In this study the schools crisis interventions following
different suicides are described and compared with the post
stress interventions described by Dyregrov (1991). The
suicide contagion hypothesis was also addressed with data
from a four-year follow-up period. Our hypotheses were that:
1) after a suicide of a student there will be an increased risk of
other suicides at the school, and 2) appropriate intervention
will reduce the risk of suicide contagion.
Method
Suicide events
During the school year 1995-1996 five secondary school
students committed suicide in three schools of the Oulu area
in Northern Finland (Table 1). These three schools were all
located in small rural communities. Geographically they were
not neighboring communities. This cluster of unrelated
adolescent suicides was the starting-point for this study.
In August 1995, two weeks before the school term
started, a male 17 year-old ex-secondary school student (case
I) committed suicide by self-immolation in the schoolyard of
a secondary school (A). One month later, in September, a
male 15 year-old 9
th
grade student (case II) of this same school
(A) committed suicide with a firearm. He was a friend of the
first suicide victim (case I). In January 1996, 4 months later,
another male 15 year-old 9
th
grade student (case III) in school
(A) committed suicide with a firearm. He was a friend of the
second suicide victim (case II).
Again in August 1995, a 14 year-old female secondary
school (B) student (case IV) committed suicide with a firearm
one week before the school term started. In October 1995, a
14 year-old male student (case V) from the same school (B)
International Journal of Emergency Mental Health 165
committed suicide with a firearm. He was an acquaintance of
the first suicide victim of this school (case IV). In January
1996, a 13 year-old male secondary school (C) student (case
VI) committed suicide with a firearm. None of these
adolescents (cases I-VI) who committed suicide were known
to be psychiatrically disturbed or otherwise different from
other students.
School C had no contingency plan, but in case VI an
adequate crisis intervention (FTT and PD conducted by a
trained mental health professional) was organized and timed
appropriately. Here FTT was held during the first day after
the suicide and PD two days after the suicide. PD lasted for
one hour.
Participants
Participants in this study were the students of the three
schools and homeroom classmates of the suicide victims.
All together there were 270 students in school A, 346 in
school B and 585 students in school C. Of these, 89 were
classmates (46 boys and 43 girls). From school A 15 boys
and 16 girls participated, from school B 15 boys and 17 girls
and from school C 16 boys and 10 girls. Participants were of
the same age (age 13 to 17) and had equal gender distribution.
Measures, Procedure, and Statistical Methods
The incidence of new suicides in the three schools was
followed for a four year period (August 1995- August 1999).
The first author had an agreement with three local school
psychologists of being informed on any new suicides in the
three schools during the follow up period (1995-1999).
The Poisson distribution was calculated for determining
if the number of suicides was increased beyond chance
(Rothman & Greenland, 1998). The statistical software used
was SPSS (9.0).
Interventions Carried Out in the Three Schools
In school A there was no contingency plan. After suicide
cases I and II no crisis intervention was organized. After
suicide case III an adequate crisis intervention, consisting of
a first talk-through (FTT) and a psychological debriefing (PD)
was organized, conducted by a trained mental health
professional (clinical psychologist ) and timed appropriately
so that FTT was held during the first day after the suicide
and PD (that lasted for two hours) was conducted during the
following day.
Although school B had a contingency plan, in case IV
only classroom meetings (an adapted version of PD, that
lasted for 1 hour conducted by a teacher) were organized in
all but one 8
th
grade class, where no intervention was
performed. The timing of the classroom meeting was late
(one week after the suicide). In case V an adequate crisis
intervention (FTT, and PD that lasted for one hour and was
conducted by a trained mental health professional) was
organized and timed appropriately (FTT was held during the
first day after the suicide and PD four days after the suicide).
CASE DATE METHOD AGE SEX EXPOSURE RELATIONSHIP
I 08/95 Self-immol. 17 M No
II 09/95 Firearm 15 M Heard Friend
III 01/96 Firearm 15 M Heard Friend
IV 08/95 Firearm 14 F No
V 10/95 Firearm 14 M Heard Acquaintance
VI 01/96 Firearm 13 M 
Table 1. Characteristics of the Suicides of Students
166 Poijula/ ADOLESCENT SUICIDE AND SUICIDE CONTAGION
Results
Contagion of the Suicides
Two suicides of 15-year-old male students occurred after
the first suicide within 4 months in school A (270 students).
Assuming a rate of 21.6 per 100,000 students per year (the
national suicide rate among 15- to 19-year-old males reported
by Statistics Finland, 1998), one would expect to see 0.0311968
suicides in this secondary school of 148 male students in
one year and 0.00324 in the group of 15 boys in homeroom
classrooms. The observed rate was 62.6 times the expected
rate in the whole school and 617.3 in the two homeroom
classes.
In school B (346 students), two suicides of 14-year-old
students occurred in one month. Assuming a rate of 1.9 per
100,000 students per year (the national suicide rate among
10- to 14-year-old males reported by the Statistics Finland,
1998), one would expect to see 0.003249 suicides of male
students in this secondary school of 171 males per year and
0.00285 in the homeroom classes group of 15 boys. The
observed rate was thus 307.8 times that expected for the whole
school for males and 3508.8 for homeroom class males. For
females (rate of 1.8 per 100,000) in a school of this size the
expected number is 0.00315 and for homeroom classes group
of 17 girls 0.00306. The observed rate is 317.5 times that
expected for the whole school for girls and 3268.0 for the
homeroom classes girls.
Using the Poisson distribution, the number of suicides
that occurred in all secondary schools in one year were
markedly increased beyond chance (p < 0.001). Contagion
did not appear in the first ten days, but 1 (two suicides), 1½,
2 and 4 months after the first suicide.
Intervention and Suicide Contagion
In cases III, V and VI but not in the others, the intervention
SCHOOL A
Case I none
Case II none
Case III First day
SCHOOL B
Case IV none
Case V First day
SCHOOL C
Case VI First day
Table 2. Schools and Interventions after Suicides
Timing of First
Talk-through
Psychological Debriefings,
Duration and Conductor
Timing of debriefing
after suicide
none none
none none
2 days
1 week
4 days
Mental Health Professional
Debriefing, 2 hours,
Classroom meeting,
Exclusion of 1 class, 1 hour,
Teacher
Debriefing, 1 hour
Mental Health Professional
Debriefing, 1 hour,
Mental Health Professional 2 days
International Journal of Emergency Mental Health 167
of the school was adequate (FTT and PD). In schools and
classes where a first talk-through and psychological
debriefing were conducted by a mental health professional
as the intervention, no new suicides appeared during the
four year follow up period (August 1995  August 1999, Table
2). In school B teachers conducted a classroom meeting in
all but one 8th grade class. In that school, a second suicide
was committed two months later by a student whose class
had not had the classroom meeting.
Discussion
The contagion hypothesis was supported in this study.
A much higher probability for students to commit suicide
compared to the general population of the same age was
found. In contrast to a short delay between a death and a
new suicide found in a previous report (Phillips & Carstensen,
1986), the time interval from the death of the student before
a new suicide of a student took place in this study was from
1 to 4 months. The method of the suicides seemed also to be
an imitation from the first suicides of the students. All of the
victims of the second wave of suicides knew about the
method of suicide and had been friends of the student who
committed the initial suicide.
The second hypothesis about intervention reducing
suicide contagion was also supported. An appropriate
intervention (FTT and PD) by a trained mental health
professional seemed to be a factor in inhibiting new suicides
of the students. The intervention method varied in the
schools, from nothing to an adequate crisis intervention.
What we consider to be a complete intervention (well
conducted FTT and PD) was needed to prevent new suicides.
If an incomplete crisis intervention was conducted, a new
suicide was committed. The connection between crisis
intervention and the systemic effects of intervention, and
how to prevent possible negative effects of incomplete
intervention, demand further study. Early crisis intervention
fosters an open discussion of facts, thoughts and reactions.
This open and direct handling of death may prevent
fantasizing and idealization of death. It may prevent acting
out of unspoken trauma, and imitation of suicidal behavior. It
may also have long term effects in preventing suicidality of
potentially bereaved and depressed youth, exposed to
suicide.
Limitations of the Study
The phenomenon of adolescent suicide contagion is rare.
This research is based on a small number of cases, not optimal
for statistical analysis, lacking sufficient statistical power.
Although problematic, the natural research design we used
was a way of developing new knowledge on the phenomenon
and the findings serve as hypotheses for further testing. The
conclusions should be considered as tentative, leading to
more research on preventive measures in this area.
Conclusion
Preliminary findings of this study show that early crisis
intervention and use of first talk-throughs and psychological
debriefing do not cause suicide contagion, but lack of
intervention may do so. In organizing interventions, leaders
in schools dont need to be afraid of interventing in a
supportive and open atmosphere, but should provide
systematic crisis intervention for exposed peers to guide
physical and emotional recovery.
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International Journal of Emergency Mental Health 169
170
The Society of Clinical Psychology, Division 12 of the
American Psychological Association introduces a new
section for clinical emergencies and crises.
APA Division 12 has approved an innovative new Section that gives
recognition to the difficult clinical work that psychologists do with patients
or clients who engage in life threatening behaviors. The Section has been
established to advance the clinical and scientific understanding of
psychological/behavioral emergencies and crises as well as the clinical
abilities needed to evaluate and manage them. Emergencies include life
threatening behaviors such as acute suicidality, potential violence, and risk
to vulnerable victims of violence. The Section provides a forum for the
exchange of clinical information and research findings related to the
emergencies noted above and to the crises from which they so often develop.
It has the further purposes of fostering education and training in the
evaluation and management of these high risk clinical situations, as well as
understanding and assisting with the impact of such difficult and intense
work on the clinician. Membership is open to all members of the American
Psychological Association.
For information or an application contact: Philip M. Kleespies, Ph.D., Section VII Representative (Pro Team),
Psychology Service (116 B), VA Medical Center, 150 South Huntington Ave., Boston, MA 02130
Telephone: 617-232-9500 x4106 E-mail: Kleespies.Phillip_M_PHD@Boston.VA.GOV
... In secondary schools in one region of Finland, Poijula, et al. (2001) found an increase beyond chance in suicides in the year after a suicide in the schools, suggesting contagion. ...
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Why are we failing to prevent suicide? David Lester 2-3 How should Durkheim’s theory of suicide be modified? David Lester 4-53 A review of research on suicide in 2000: David Lester 54-109 A review of research using Lester’s Helplessness, Hopelessness Haplessness (HHH) Scale: David Lester 110-116 Guilt and suicide: a study of suicide notes: David Lester 117-122 Suicide notes from China: Zhao-Xiong He 123-141 A review of research on suicide in 2001: David Lester 142-205 Elderly suicide and the religion of their country: David Lester 206-208 Suicide as a political act: David Lester & Mahboubeh Dadfar 209-211 Suicide and the Menstrual cycle: David Lester 212-221
... According to the World Health Organization, suicide is the fourth leading cause of death among adolescents aged 15 to 19-year-old (World Health Organization, 2021). However, despite being well recognized, suicide was rarely addressed openly (Poijula et al., 2001). The lack of public education and open discussion has been identified as the principal trigger of the proliferation of misconceptions about suicide and mental health (Shahtahmasebi, 2014), which may have contributed to the increasing suicide rates and prompted 'more of the same' interventions (Pridmore et al., 2016;Shahtahmasebi & Cassidy, 2014). ...
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Background Although the necessity and benefits of having the open and public discussion about suicide have been recognized, youths’ opinions regarding such discussion remain unknown. Aims To explore youths’ attitudes toward open suicide discussion, particularly concerning their preference of discussion contexts and impacts of Internet use. Method This exploratory sequential mixed-methods study targeted Hong Kong youths aged 15 to 19. A total of six focus groups and 12 individual interviews were held ( N = 40). Topics included adolescents’ views of open suicide discussion, concerns, perceived benefits, and preferred contexts. The questionnaire survey ( N = 1,676) was conducted subsequently to investigate the prevalence of youths’ perspectives on public discussion of suicide and relationships with discussion contexts, use of social media platforms, and motivations of online expression. Results Qualitative findings revealed three types of attitudes toward open suicide discussion: reluctance, support, and indifference. Major barriers included cultural norms, topic sensitivity, privacy concerns, contagion effect, fear of embarrassment, and unpleasant experiences in school programs. Results of quantitative analyses showed that reluctance was the dominant attitude among adolescents, and taboo was the top concern. Variations in youths’ attitudes were related to gender, school academic banding, and suicide-related experiences. Notably, adolescents who had been exposed to suicide messages in contexts of peer networks and online platforms were more likely to endorse open suicide discussion. In addition, an increased likelihood of engaging in public suicide discussion was associated with the use of Instagram, WhatsApp, and Snapchat, and the motive of ‘expressing emotions and opinions’ online. Conclusions Our results indicated a prevalent rejection among adolescents toward open suicide discussion, suggesting the issue of stigma, the need for tailored programs, the value of appropriate contexts, and the impact of Internet use. These findings may facilitate the development of school-based suicide prevention initiatives and the efficacy of online services for suicide-related communication.
... Expansion of crisis interventions in settings, such as schools, is recommended to prevent suicide contagion. Surveillance mapping techniques, like SaTScan, can provide the necessary locational information on where more targeted interventions are immediately needed [29]. Similar to previous work in NC, we found an high risk suicide clusters among youth in the western part of the state [30]. ...
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... The corpus of studies that have been conducted in this area have generally been descriptive, identifying clusters of suicide using statistical techniques [7][8][9][10], or mapping the relationships between members of given clusters [11]. Social links between individuals who died in suicide clusters have been observed in studies of small community settings [12,13] and in nationwide studies [14,15]. ...
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Suicide is a leading cause of death for school-aged preteens and adolescents and a growing risk for younger children. Schools are the ubiquitous institutional context serving this age group. These trends suggest a need for knowledge and guidance related to school postvention efforts, yet the available research is limited. Focusing on postvention, or the period after a peer suicide occurs, is critical to youth suicide prevention because this is a time of elevated suicide risk for youth. Targeted postvention interventions in schools can mitigate youth suicide risk and limit contagion within a school's student body. This article explores the scientific literature related to school-based suicide postvention, describing the strength and limits of research supporting common recommendations for suicide postvention in schools. It identifies widespread recommendations for school postvention that have only preliminary supportive evidence and notes several areas in need of additional research. With clearer postvention best practices to guide their suicide crisis preparedness plans and postvention procedures, schools can better support students, families, and the community as a whole in order to prevent further tragedies.
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Suicide rates continue to increase globally. The volume of research in this field has also expanded rapidly. In A Concise Guide to Understanding Suicide, leading researchers and clinicians provide a concise review of recent literature, report solutions achieved and give practical guidance for patient care to aid understanding and help prevent suicide. Each chapter is highly focused to provide pertinent information covering all major aspects of the field, from epidemiology and theories of causation through to treatment and prevention. This text will educate practising clinicians (psychologists, psychiatrists, nurses, counsellors, and emergency room personnel) and other health care workers and researchers, as well as providing a pathway for undergraduate and graduate students interested in furthering their understanding of the complexities surrounding suicide. Further, mental health professionals and those in the social sciences will be extremely interested in this monograph, as will the University community, armed forces and interested lay public.
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Background: Postvention aims to implement services adapted to the needs of a population that may be vulnerable after suicide. While a plethora of postvention programs exist, they are generally based less on solid evidence than on the judgment of health professionals. Using the Delphi method, an Australian study obtained a consensus among experts as to which postvention actions are to be engineered in a postvention program. Since no similar study has been carried out for programs in French-speaking countries, it seemed important to reproduce the same type of study and to compare the respective results. The present study is aimed at establishing a French inventory of postvention actions and at achieving a consensus among experts as to the actions to be included in a postvention program. Methods: A systematic review of the scientific literature (PRISMA method) and the gray literature (documentation on the WEB) made it possible to identify the different actions that have been included in various postvention programs. Using the DELPHI method, experts endeavored to assess their relevance. Results: An inventory of 190 postvention actions was established and they were classified according to a sequential axis (pre-event, at the time of the event, and post-event), according to type of action (environment-centered or people-centered). The experts identified 128 actions to be included in a postvention program. Conclusion: Convergence was observed among the experts, as they identified the practices to be encouraged following a suicide. When comparing the results in French-speaking countries to the 548 actions selected in the Australian study, we observe similarities between the two studies regarding types of postvention actions. This study provides an update for health professionals on the most relevant practices to be included in a postvention program.
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Across the domains of youth risk behavior, suicidality is a significant concern for parents and professionals alike, requiring ongoing efforts to better understand and prevent rising trends. Recent examinations of suicidal behaviors in the United States over the last decade revealed an increase in emergency and inpatient hospital settings. Of importance, seasonal variations were demonstrated, finding the lowest frequency of suicidality encounters in summer months, and observed peaks in the fall and spring, during the school year. Given these findings and the fact that youth spend nearly half of their time at school, consideration of youth suicide in the school environment is critical. This paper will review the trends of youth suicide within the school context, exploring factors such as at-risk youth, bullying, relevant legal issues, and the current state of crisis response in school settings. Recommendations for prevention, intervention, and postvention will be provided. The authors propose that school professionals play a vital role in addressing youth suicide and will aim to provide guidance on effective crisis response within the school context.
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An adolescent commits suicide by shooting in his mouth after firing with the shotgun against a group of children skating on a playground beneath the apartment.
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This article describes five school crises involving alcohol-related fatality, self-injurious behavior, school homicide, racial/ethnic conflict, and community violence. In each case example, errors in crisis management by school staff exacerbated the crisis and resulted in deleterious consequences for the school, its students, and the surrounding community. We identify common themes of leadership, teamwork, and responsibility that are critical to successful crisis management. (C) 1998 John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
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Postvention refers to those things done to address and alleviate possible aftereffects of trauma. It serves to mollify the pain inflicted by an unusual event, whether suicide, homicide, terrorist attack, and so on. The authors define such concepts as posttraumatic stress, suicide, and postvention and then, from the classical and current literature as well as almost 20 years of experience in schools and communities, explicate some basic guiding principles. These principles are presented as heuristic; there is no "cookbook" to address the complexity of traumatic, including suicidal, effects. It is concluded that there have been past errors in the field and that strong effort, by clinicians and researchers together, is needed for evaluation and research.
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Suicide is the second leading cause of death among adolescents. The peer survivors of an adolescent suicide experience a normal but individually variant grieving process. It is important that the survivors be understood and that they receive appropriate ameliorative affective attention through postvention efforts by significant adults in their environment. An important setting for this postvention is the school, where adolescents spend many of their waking hours. Components of a grief time frame for adolescent suicide survivors, referral guidelines, and factors to consider when implementing a school postvention program are discussed.
Article
This article describes five school crises involving alcohol-related fatality, self-injurious behavior, school homicide, racial/ethnic conflict, and community violence. In each case example, errors in crisis management by school staff exacerbated the crisis and resulted in deleterious consequences for the school, its students, and the surrounding community. We identify common themes of leadership, teamwork, and responsibility that are critical to successful crisis management. © 1998 John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
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This chapter reviews 2 distinct traditions within the literature on suicide contagion: (1) studies investigating clusters or "outbreaks" of suicide defined by temporal-spatial factors and (2) efforts to determine the nature and scope of media influence on subsequent suicide-related behavior. Studies in suicide contagion among adolescents as well as adults are included. A discussion of cluster suicides highlights the methodological and qualitative shift from descriptive to inferential studies that has occurred in recent years. Additional topics include the influence of media portrayals of suicide, the mediational role of instructional suicide manuals in the development of subsequent suicidal behavior, and a discussion of alternative research strategies. Overall, the evidence to date suggests that suicide contagion is a real effect, albeit of a smaller effect size than other psychiatric and psychosocial risk factors for suicide. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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For example, psychological disturbance is stigmatizing, so knowledge that the suicide victim was psychiatrically disturbed may decrease the possibility that others will imitate the act. To assess this possibility, 306 undergraduate volunteers read a fictitious newspaper article about a 16-year-old high school sophomore, Pat, who committed suicide. There were 7 variations of the article, 4 containing negative circumstances (psychiatric disturbance, romantic relationship breakup, parents’ divorce, alcohol problems), and 2 containing positive circumstances (being a varsity athlete, being an honors student). A control group received no information about circumstances. Knowledge of Pat's life circumstances had no effect on respondents’ estimates of the possibility of the suicide being imitated, but did affect attitudes about the suicidal act itself and attitudes toward Pat's family. Apparently the circumstances surrounding the suicide have no affect on respondents’ estimates of themselves following suit, but do affect how they see the victim and bereaved family.
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The effect of suggestion on suicide is well established. However, the intrapsychic mechanisms of the contagion of suicides are poorly understood. In this article I first present the literature about suicide clustering and about projective identification. In the following clinical vignette I try to understand a patient's suicidal behaviour, referring to William Goldstein's clarifying model of projective identification. I aim to illustrate that his model has heuristic value in the treatment of suicidal patients when the effect of suggestion or identification is suspected.
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In a high school of 1,496 students, two students committed suicide within 4 days. During an 18-day period that included the two suicides, seven students attempted suicide and an additional 23 manifested suicidal ideation. Compared to expected rates, the rates of both completed and attempted suicide were markedly elevated. Seventy-five percent of the members of the cluster had at least one major psychiatric disorder antedating their exposure. One hundred ten students thought to be at high risk were psychiatrically screened on site. Within this group, students who became suicidal after exposure were more likely than their nonsuicidal counterparts to be currently depressed and to have had past episodes of depression and suicidality. Close friends of the victims manifested suicidality at a lower psychopathological threshold than those who were less close to the victims. Students who are friends of a victim or who have a history of affective disorder and/or previous suicidality should be screened for suicidality after exposure.
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We examined the relation between 38 nationally televised news or feature stories about suicide from 1973 to 1979 and the fluctuation of the rate of suicide among American teenagers before and after these stories. The observed number of suicides by teenagers from zero to seven days after these broadcasts (1666) was significantly greater than the number expected (1555; P = 0.008). The more networks that carried a story about suicide, the greater was the increase in suicides thereafter (P = 0.0004). These findings persisted after correction for the effects of the day of the week, the month, holidays, and yearly trends. Teenage suicides increased more than adult suicides after stories about suicide (6.87 vs. 0.45 percent). Suicides increased as much after general-information or feature stories about suicide as after news stories about a particular suicide. Six alternative explanations of these findings were assessed, including the possibility that the results were due to misclassification or were statistical artifacts. We conclude that the best available explanation is that television stories about suicide trigger additional suicides, perhaps because of imitation.