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"On the Internet No One Knows I'm an Introvert": Extroversion, Neuroticism, and Internet Interaction


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Social communication is one of the most common reasons for using the Internet. This paper examines how the personality characteristics of the user affect the meaning and importance of Internet social interaction in comparison with "real life," face-to-face interactions. Forty subjects all of whom were familiar with using "chat" participated in this study. After a at" session, they were instructed to answer several questionnaires. It was found that introverted and neurotic people locate their "real me" on the Internet, while extroverts and nonneurotic people locate their "real me" through traditional social interaction. The implications of our results for understanding the user-net interaction, the "real-me" location, extroversion, neuroticism, and Internet interaction, and the treatment of social phobics are examined.
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“On the Internet No One Knows I’m an Introvert:
Extroversion, Neuroticism, and Internet Interaction
Social communication is one of the most common reasons for using the Internet. This
paper examines how the personality characteristics of the user affect the meaning and impor-
tance of Internet social interaction in comparison with “real life,face-to-face interactions.
Forty subjects all of whom were familiar with using chatparticipated in this study. After a
“chatsession, they were instructed to answer several questionnaires. It was found that intro-
verted and neurotic people locate their “real me” on the Internet, while extroverts and non-
neurotic people locate their “real me” through traditional social interaction. The implications
of our results for understanding the user–net interaction, the real-melocation, extrover-
sion, neuroticism, and Internet interaction, and the treatment of social phobics are examined.
Volume 5, Number 2, 2002
© Mary Ann Liebert, Inc.
by the Internet is that of social communi-
Kraut et al.
carried out a longitudinal
Internet study. Their main conclusion was that
Internet use leads to loneliness and depression
among its users. Conversely, McKenna and
found that, for people who felt that
their identity carried a stigma with it, the
anonymous Internet environment and the ease
with which it is possible to find like-minded
people helped them to build significant rela-
tionships with others. Some of them actually
chose to meet their Internet respondent face to
face and even entered into matrimony.
criticized the work of
Kraut et al.
on several counts. First, that it
failed to take into account that the population
of Internet users is not uniform but comprises
many different personality types. Second, that
it ignored the fact that the Internet does not pro-
vide only one service, which is taken up by all
its users, but rather, it provides a variety of ser-
vices, which are used by different types of peo-
ple in different ways according to preference.
Therefore, the effect of this interaction between
personality and Internet use is likely to vary
among different individuals and similarly the
impact on user well-being will not be uniform.
McKenna and Bargh
suggested that social
interaction on the net has unique characteris-
tics: (1) anonymity, the fact that relationships
may be formed without the ubiquitous require-
ments of physical presence and proximity;
(2) that the individual can choose when to log
on and off and repeatedly rewrite what he/she
wishes to say, which gives him/her far greater
control than is usual for a relationship happen-
ing in real time. McKenna and Bargh
gone on to suggest that there are two main mo-
tivators behind the tendency to interact with
others on the Internet: self-related motives and
social-related motives. Those for whom these
needs are not satisfied through daily social in-
teraction may attempt to fulfill them through
Psychology Department, Bar-Ilan University, Ramat-Gan, Israel.
the Internet. McKenna and Bargh focused on
the self-related needs and argued that, when
the self cannot be expressed in the immediate
environment, the individual will strive to find
a social framework in which he/she can ex-
press his/her personality and needs. McKenna
and Bargh
have based their concept of the real
self on Rogers,
who argued that the discovery
of the true self is an essential part of therapy. To
achieve personal satisfaction, a person has to
be able to express his/her real self in social in-
teraction and receive social recognition for it.
To assess the ability to express the personality
layers significantly in communication with
others, McKenna and Bargh
created an indica-
tor called the “real me.” This stands for the de-
gree of ability to express fully the real self in a
social environment.
Through their work that
includes two extensive surveys of Internet
users and two laboratory experiments, they
were able to suggest that the tendency of peo-
ple to build close and meaningful relationships
on the net is mediated by the location of their
“real me” on the Internet, rather than in the
“real world.”
One personality theory that may be strongly
related to the concept of real-me and may give
it a broader interpretation is the theory of the
extroversion and neuroticism scale.
burger and Ben-Artzi
demonstrated that
extroverts and introverts neurotic and non-
neurotic use different services in different
ways when on the net. This study examines
the interaction between the real meand the
extroversion neuroticism scales through ques-
tionnaires completed by subjects who are reg-
ular users of “chat. It is predicted that
(1) people who are introverts or neurotic be-
cause of their difficulties in social interactions
will locate their “real me” through the Inter-
net; and (2) extroverts and nonneurotic people
will locate their “real me” through traditional
social interactions.
Subjects and procedure
Forty subjects, hi-tech workers (19 men and
21 women) who described themselves as chat
users, ranging in age from 20 to 32 years (
25), volunteered to participate. To refresh the
experience of “chat, each participant was
asked to enter the chat room #Israel in Dalnet
and take part in a discussion for 20 min. They
were then instructed to complete the following
Real-me questionnaire.
This comprised four
questions focusing on the ease with which
subjects opened up to their Internet friends as
opposed to their real-life friends. Two items
were closed questions (“yes or no” an-
swers): Do you think you reveal more about
yourself to people you know from the Internet
than to real-life (non-Net) friends?” and “Are
there things your Internet friends know about
you that you cannot share with real-life (non-
Net) friends?” Participants were then asked to
rate their answers to the next two questions on
a seven-point scale (1 being “not at alland
7 being a great deal). Question 3 assessed
the extent to which the respondent expresses
different facets of self on the Internet than he
or she does to others in real life,” Question 4
asked for the extent to which a respondents
family and friends would be surprised were
they to read his or her Internet e-mail and
newsgroup postings. The four items were
scale standardized (to
scores and then to
score), and then the average was found in
order to form a Real Meindex. The higher
the score indicates that the “real meis more
firmly placed on the Internet. Reliability for
the “real me” questionnaire was Cronbach’s
a = 0.79.
The Eyseneck Personality Question-
was then administered. For the
purposes of this study, the Extroversion Neu-
roticism scales only were calculated.
Means and standard deviations for the
study questionnaires are provided in Table 1.
Pearson correlations among extroversion and
neuroticism and the real me” are shown in
Table 2. An inspection of the correlation pat-
tern indicated that extroversion and neuroti-
cism correlate differently with “real me.” Ex-
troversion was negatively related to the real
me; that is, extroverts locate their real me
through face-to-face interaction, whereas neu-
roticism was positively related to the “real
me,namely, that neurotic people locate their
“real me through Internet interaction. What
seemed to be a difference in neuroticism be-
tween male and female participants was found
to be not significant (
= 1.02,
> 0.05).
To examine our results further, we have cut
participants’ results on the extroversion and
neuroticism scales by the median scores of
each of the scale results to high and low. This
has created four groups of subjects: (1) high on
extroversion and high on neuroticism; (2) high
on extroversion and low on neuroticism;
(3) low on extroversion and high on neuroti-
cism; and (4) low on extroversion and low on
neuroticism. A between-subjects factorial de-
sign (ANOVA), 2 (Extroversion) 2 2 (Neuroti-
cism) was conducted on participants real me
ratings. Results are shown in Table 3. There
was a main effect for extroversion (
(1, 36) =
< 0.016). As we can see from Table 4, ex-
troverts locate their “real mein face-to-face
interactions while introverts locate their “real
me through the Internet. The neuroticism fac-
tor was found nearly significant (
(1,36) =
< 0.072). As we can see from Table 4,
neurotic people locate their “real methrough
the Internet, while nonneurotic people locate
their “real me in face-to-face interactions.
There was no significant interaction. If we look
at Table 4, it is important to note that the neu-
rotic introverts were the highest on “real me
= 55.98), while the lowest were the extro-
vert nonneurotics (
= 46.06). These results
strengthen the results we obtained with the
Pearson correlations.
It was found that introverted and neurotic
people locate their “real meon the Internet,
while extroverts and nonneurotic people lo-
cate their real methrough traditional social
interaction. These results confirmed our
It would appear that the social services pro-
vided on the Internet, with their anonymity,
lack of need to reveal physical appearance,
rigid control of information revealed in the in-
teraction, and the ease with which it is possible
1. M
sample Males Females
Variable (n = 40) (n = 19) (n = 21)
E scale
M 14.7 15.36 14.09
SD 5.45 5.21 5.71
N scale
M 10.72 9.84 11.52
SD 5.21 4.92 5.45
Real me
M 50.00 50.46 49.58
SD 7.82 6.54 8.98
2. P
Real me Extroversion Neuroticism
Entire sample 20.45** 0.33*
Males 20.48* 0.16
Females 20.46* 0.46*
*p < 0.05.
**p < 0.01.
4. M
Extroversion scale
Neuroticism scale Extroverts Introverts
N 7 12
M 47.8 55.98
SD 8.73 6.02
N 13 8
M 46.06 49.33
SD 4.7 9.25
, E
Variables df MS F p
Extroversion (E) 1 305.53 6.38 0.016
Neuroticism (N) 1 164.5 3.43 0.072
E 2 N 1 56.33 1.17 0.285
to find like-minded people, provide an excel-
lent answer to people who experience great
difficulty in forming social contacts due to
their introverted personality.
McKenna and Bargh
showed that relation-
ships in cyberspace can and do move into real
life, and this may provide significant hope for
those who find it very difficult to build a con-
nection and who are consequently very lonely.
The concept of a virtual world, which is
sometimes used to describe the Internet, car-
ries with it the idea that the Internet is some
kind of replacement for the real world. How-
ever, our results indicate that, for introverts
and neurotics, the Internet can play a vital role
in providing the opportunity to express their
“real me. The expression of the “real meis
not a minor aspect of life but a very crucial one.
People who can’t express their real me” are
prone to suffer from serious psychological dis-
It is therefore important to continue re-
search in this field that will enhance our
knowledge of the interaction between the user
and the Internet and its impact on well-being.
1. Hamburger, Y.A., & Ben-Artzi, E. (2000). The rela-
tionship between extraversion and neuroticism and
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2. Kraut, P., Patterson, M., Lundmark, V., et al. (1998).
Internet paradox: a social technology that reduces
social involvement and psychological well-being?
American Psychologist 53:65–77.
3. McKenna, K.Y.A., & Bargh, J.A. (1998). Coming out
in the age of the Internet: identity de-marginaliza -
tionthrough virtual group participation. Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology 75:681694.
4. Amichai-Hamburger, Y. (2002). Internet and person-
ality. Computers in Human Behavior 18:1–10.
5. McKenna, K.Y., & Bargh, J.A. (2000). Plan 9 from cy-
berspace: the implications of the Internet for person-
ality and social psychology. Personality and Social
Psychology Review 4:57–75.
6. McKenna, K.Y.A., & Bargh, J. (2002). Can you see the
“real me”? A theory of relationship formation on the
Internet (in press).
7. Rogers, C. (1951). Client-centered therapy. Boston:
8. Eysenck, S.B.G., Eysenck, H.J., & Barrett, P.A. (1985).
Revised version of the psychoticism scale. Personality
and Individual Differences 6:21–29.
Address reprint requests to:
Dr. Yair Amichai-Hamburger
Psychology Department
Bar-Ilan University
Ramat-Gan, 52900, Israel
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The Internet could change the lives of average citizens as much as did the telephone in the early part of the 20th century and television in the 1950s and 1960s. Researchers and social critics are debating whether the Internet is improving or harming participation in community life and social relationships. This research examined the social and psychological impact of the Internet on 169 people in 73 households during their first 1 to 2 years on-line. We used longitudinal data to examine the effects of the Internet on social involvement and psychological well-being. In this sample, the Internet was used extensively for communication. Nonetheless, greater use of the Internet was associated with declines in participants' communication with family members in the household, declines in the size of their social circle, and increases in their depression and loneliness. These findings have implications for research, for public policy and for the design of technology.
Just as with most other communication breakthroughs before it, the initial media and popular reaction to the Internet has been largely negative, if not apocalyptic. For example, it has been described as “awash in pornography”, and more recently as making people “sad and lonely.” Yet, counter to the initial and widely publi cized claim that Internet use causes depression and social isolation, the body of ev idence (even in the initial study on which the claim was based) is mainly to the con trary. More than this, however, it is argued that like the telephone and television before it, the Internet by itself is not a main effect cause of anything, and that psy chology must move beyond this notion to an informed analysis of how social iden tity, social interaction, and relationship formation may be different on the Internet than in real life. Four major differences and their implications for self and identity, social interaction, and relationships are identified: one's greater anonymity, the greatly reduced importance of physical appearance and physical distance as “gating features” to relationship development, and one's greater control over the time and pace of interactions. Existing research is reviewed along these lines and some promising directions for future research are described.
The Internet is becoming increasingly influential in our daily lives. The author suggests that the personality of the net user is, for the most part, ignored by Internet designers who decide the future development of the Internet. The main reason for this is the heavy emphasis placed by designers on technological advancement to the detriment of user needs. The author argues that the only way to redress this balance is through a cooperative effort by Internet designers and psychologists working in the field of personality. The article examines the potential contribution of each of these professions toward promoting a genuinely interactive Internet, fully committed to being user-friendly and promoting user well-being.
The present study involves the development of a new self-report scale for the use of Internet services, and examines its relationship to extraversion and neuroticism. Forty-five males and 27 females, differing in extraversion and neuroticism, rated the frequency with which they use each of 12 main Internet services. An exploratory factor analysis revealed three factors of Internet services: social services; information services; and leisure services. Extraversion and neuroticism showed different patterns of relationships with the factors of the Internet-Services Scale, with different patterns of association for men and women. For men, extraversion was positively related to the use of leisure services and neuroticism was negatively related to information services, whereas for women, extraversion was negatively related and neuroticism positively related to the use of social services. Implications for the study of the psychological influences of the Internet are discussed.
In view of certain psychometric deficiencies of the original Psychoticism scale, an attempt was made to improve the scale by adding new items. It was attempted to increase the internal reliability of the scale, improve the shape of the distribution and increase the mean and variance score. Two different studies are discussed. Reliabilities are now somewhat improved, distributions are closer to normal and mean scores are higher than on the old scale. Four new short 12-item scales for the measurement of P, E, N and L are also given.
Can you see the " real me " ? A theory of relationship formation on the Internet
  • K Y A Mckenna
  • J Bargh
McKenna, K.Y.A., & Bargh, J. (2002). Can you see the " real me " ? A theory of relationship formation on the Internet (in press).