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Immigrant Involvement in the Informal Economy: The Portuguese Case
Abstract
"This article demonstrates how Portugal, despite appearing to be a country which would be [an] unattractive country to immigrants, is rapidly becoming a country of immigration. The existence and extent of opportunities for immigrants in Portugal is assessed with this objective in mind. On the basis of an analysis of the country's labour market, the immigrants' economic profiles and the Portuguese informal economy--and the interaction of these factors--it is concluded that the Portuguese economy is currently generating labour demands which the immigrants are satisfying. In some cases they complement and in others they substitute for the domestic labour force."
... Em Portugal é a partir da década de 1980 que o fluxo imigratório é reconhecido por inúmeros estudos científicos e artigos jornalísticos e é objeto de debates públicos. Nas duas décadas que se seguiram, os estudos acerca da imigração em Portugal realçaram sobretudo ligações das populações estrangeiras à marginalidade laboral (Baganha 1998, Peixoto 2008. Contudo, com a viragem do século essas perspetivas foram substituídas por leituras que consideram também os contributos positivos da imigração para Portugal: para as contas do estado (Almeida, 2003), para a demografia (Rosa et al., 2004; Oliveira e Gomes, 2014 e 2018), para a economia (Ferreira et al., 2004;Oliveira, 2004bOliveira, e 2005, ou para a sustentabilidade da Segurança Social (Peixoto, 2010;Oliveira e Gomes, 2014e 2018. ...
... É também em finais da década de 1980 e inícios da década de 1990 que se define um importante crescimento do PIB e os níveis de desemprego encontram-se abaixo da média da União Europeia (Baganha et al., 1999). Entre 1992 e 1995, porém, verifica-se um abrandamento na economia com consequências nas tendências imigratórias da década anterior. ...
... Em suma, ao longo das últimas décadas, definiu-se progressivamente uma etnicização de alguns sectores do mercado de trabalho português (Baganha et al., 1999). As vagas de imigrantes africanos e do Leste europeu no setor da construção civil e obras públicas; os imigrantes asiáticos no setor do comércio, restauração e hotelaria; e os europeus e os americanos sobre representados na categoria dos profissionais científicos e técnicos. ...
... In 1997, in Portugal, only circa 11% of adults had a tertiary level diploma (higher education), compared to almost 19% in the EU. Hence, an important flow of professionals could be expected to enter the country, attracted by frequent employment opportunities (due to the local shortage) and pushed by eventual redundancy (unemployment or under-use of their skills) in their own countries (Baganha, 1998). However, the low levels of income in Portugal rend again difficult the prediction. ...
... The idea of a relatively major under-evaluation of the lower skilled segments, often affected by irregular situations (see Baganha, 1998), does not completely hold, since the highly skilled may also be said to be under-evaluated, due to the temporary status of many stays. Considering detailed occupations, it can be found that the majority of the highly skilled group is engaged in professional and technical occupations (24.4% in 1998), whilst the remaining are managers and cadres (5.8% in 1998). ...
... It is important to note that this relationship was observed while controlling for a set of relevant socio-demographic characteristics. Some of these socio-demographic variables were indeed associated with the experience of having worked without a contract, having a lower level of education, being a woman, and having an immigration background (Baganha, 1998;Deidda et al., 2015;Williams & Horodnic, 2017). ...
A myriad of factors influence young people’s vulnerability and the likelihood of becoming NEET. Moreover, the share of young NEETs in European countries is very high. Institutional and governmental initiatives aiming to promote the inclusion of young people in the labour market are of paramount importance. However, the socio-economic conditions and the level of vulnerability alongside other socio-demographic characteristics are likely to influence the extent to which young people ultimately engage with such programmes. The current study ascertains whether previous experience of informal work increases young people’s propensity to participate in programmes offered by public employment services, such as the Youth Guarantee Programme. Indeed, we hypothesise that the experience of working without a contract makes young people more aware and concerned about the risk of remaining trapped in a spiral of vulnerable jobs. To test this, we used data from a survey of 4,273 NEETs and focused on Italy, Portugal, and Spain. The study’s findings contribute to a better understanding of the relationship between past experience in the informal economy and engagement with the Youth Guarantee. Besides contributing to the literature, the study can also contribute to policy making and practitioners’ assessment of the relative efficacy of Youth Guarantee initiatives among different subgroups of young NEET and tailor the interventions accordingly. In other words, the outcomes of this study should signal to governments that greater efforts should be made to implement initiatives reaching out to young people, as well as acting to reduce the precariousness in job contracts, which negatively impacts their quality of life.
... Moreover, Portugal's admission to the European Union in 1986 brought some promise of prosperity, halting emigration temporarily (Baganha 1998). Feldman-Bianco (1992, however, identified a wave rarely acknowledged, which she coined "the return of the caravels", from Portugal to Brazil, taking place in the 1990s during the presidency of Fernando Henrique Cardoso. ...
... Moreover, Portugal's admission to the European Union in 1986 brought some promise of prosperity, halting emigration temporarily (Baganha 1998). Feldman-Bianco (1992, however, identified a wave rarely acknowledged, which she coined "the return of the caravels", from Portugal to Brazil, taking place in the 1990s during the presidency of Fernando Henrique Cardoso. ...
The subject of this chapter is the study of migration as a business in the aftermath
of the Second World War by focusing on the aforementioned aspects. The main idea is to research the generation of revenue through the migration process. The means which generated this revenue were the migrants themselves; “human cargo” is the term used by the transport sector in reference to the individuals it carried. Thus, human mobility is examined as commerce and migrants as “goods”. Particular attention will be given to the participation of states and private companies. It should be noted that this perspective of migration as a business does not reflect how the migrants perceived themselves in this
process, as commodities, but comments on how the procedural mechanism that managed the migratory process was handled; an approach which was carried out not under humanitarian terms, but under commercial ones. Therefore, this chapter researches the mechanisms of migration, focusing on “how” rather than “why” the migrants moved, acknowledging a migration business which profits from the commercialization of the
migratory process.
... Moreover, Portugal's admission to the European Union in 1986 brought some promise of prosperity, halting emigration temporarily (Baganha 1998). Feldman-Bianco (1992, however, identified a wave rarely acknowledged, which she coined "the return of the caravels", from Portugal to Brazil, taking place in the 1990s during the presidency of Fernando Henrique Cardoso. ...
The book explores the linkages between Southern Europe and South America in the post-World War II period, through organized migration and development policies.
In the post-war period, regulated migration was widely considered in the West as a route to development and modernization. Southern European and Latin American countries shared this hegemonic view and adopted similar policies, strategies and patterns, which also served to promote their integration into the Western bloc. The book showcases how overpopulated Southern European countries viewed emigration as a solution for high unemployment and poverty, whereas huge and underpopulated South American developing countries such as Brazil and Argentina looked at skilled European immigrants as a solution to their deficiencies in qualified human resources. By investigating the transnational dynamics, range and limitations of the ensuing migration flows between Southern Europe and Southern America during the 1950s and 1960s, this book sheds light on post-WWII migration-development nexus strategies and their impact in the peripheral areas of the Western bloc.
Whereas many migration studies focus on single countries, the impressive scope of this book will make it an invaluable resource for researchers of the history of migration, development, international relations, as well as Southern Europe and South America.
... The authors estimated that the size of the shadow economy in the period 2002-2003 was about 28.3 per cent of GDP in Greece, 26.2 per cent of GDP in Italy and 22.3 per cent of GDP in Portugal and Spain. Since foreigners are over-represented in this sector, it has typically provided a privileged route of entry for labour migrants, regular and irregular (Baganha 1998;Reyneri 1998;Mingione & Quassoli 2000;Fakiolas 2000). ...
This volume of the latest research in European migration embraces a continent-wide outlook on migration processes and accounts particularly from Southern and Eastern European perspectives. This is accomplished by analyzing the long-term transition that countries undergo from net emigration to net immigration, as well as developments in their migrant inflows, integration, and policy. The mix of authors' representing several academic centers across Europe yet pursuing a common vision of European migration past, present, and future' utilize new empirical evidence, specially designed and collected.'
... Through these measures, the prospect of a protracted spell of undocumented residence is less appealing to prospective immigrants and more threatening to those who have already arrived. In particular, employer sanctions are considered by many analysts as the cornerstone of any effective policy against undocumented residence: without the possibility of earning an income in the receiving society, the whole migratory project of a large majority of undocumented residents would crumble (Baganha 1998;Reyneri 1998). ...
Focusing mainly on the European experience including Eastern Europe, this important volume offers an advanced introduction to immigrant incorporation studies from a historical, empirical and theoretical perspective. Beyond incorporation theories, renowned scholars in the field explore incorporation in action in different fields, policy issues and normative dimensions.
... Without such a big and widespread illegal economy, the unauthorized immigrants would have soon left Italy to go back to their countries of origin. Indeed, Italy and the other southern European countries were particularly attractive to immigrants because it was quite easy to enter and live in these countries without a residence permit for work reasons (Baganha, 1998;Reyneri, 1998 and2001;Baldwin-Edwards and Arango, 1999). Eventually, most of the illegal immigrants got regularized and were incorporated into the regular economy where they could occupy several niches of the labour market that were in need of low-skilled workers (OECD, 2005). ...
... imiscoe.org. 2 Only ten countries were considered. Figures for 1981and 1991in OECD 1994and Baganha 1996 Liberal in the sense that 'migration policy' was not aimed at restricting entry of aliens but rather at ensuring a sufficient supply of (cheap) labour. 4 Article 16(2) of the Constitution simply read: 'Politically persecuted [persons] enjoy the right to asylum'. 5 The principles of a European migration policy have been defined in the 1999 Tampere Summit following the objectives stated in Amsterdam. ...
... As mentioned by Joaquín Arango (2005) and António Vitorino (2007: 23), for some Northern European politicians and public officials, their transition has even represented a danger for the whole EU due to the 'promotion' of irregular migration supposedly associated with the successive immigrant regularisations that took place in the second half of the 1980s. However, authors such as Martin Baldwin-Edwards (1999) remarked that the reactive and fragmented Southern European (and therefore Iberian) immigration policies were in line with the dominant local regulation scheme and its associated economic model, marked by an extensive informal economy and low wages in many sectors (Reyneri 1999;Baganha 1998). ...
... The authors estimated that the size of the shadow economy in the period 2002-2003 was about 28.3 per cent of GDP in Greece, 26.2 per cent of GDP in Italy and 22.3 per cent of GDP in Portugal and Spain. Since foreigners are over-represented in this sector, it has typically provided a privileged route of entry for labour migrants, regular and irregular (Baganha 1998;Reyneri 1998;Mingione & Quassoli 2000;Fakiolas 2000). ...
... 3 Esta afirmação apenas é válida quando estes grupos são tomados em conjunto, uma vez que no interior de cada grupo se verificam diferentes evoluções. Por exemplo, no caso dos imigrantes de um dos Países Africanos de Língua Oficial Portuguesa (PALOP), é possível constatar a perda de peso relativo dos caboverdianos (que passam de 39,3%, em 1980, para 22,9%, em 1999) Baganha, 1996;1996-2001: INE, Estatísticas Demográficas, 1996-20012001 Notas: * Inclui autorizações de residência e autorizações de permanência; ** Inclui autorizações de residência, prorrogações de autorizações de permanência e prorrogações de vistos de longa duração; *** Inclui autorizações de residência e prorrogações de vistos de longa duração. ...
Forty years ago, Portugal was a country of emigration that had some immigrants. Today it is a country of migrations. Between the return or repatriation of many Portuguese nationals and the reception of hundreds of thousands of foreigners, national demography gained diversity and complexity. Without immigration, we would be numerically less, and we will be poorer and older. After the announced end of emigration, we have gone through several cycles of emigration and return. Migratory outflows have never ceased to have social and sociological consequences. After all, emigration is more structural than we believed. The dynamics and diversity of the origins of migrants to Portugal, but also the multiple geography of the destinations of Portuguese emigrants represent the position change in the global migration system. Portugal is not (yet) a center, but it is (no longer) a periphery (or perhaps it still is, for some emigrants). Nationality law has evolved alongside more or less inclusive ideologies, and extended the number of citizens who are a part of
the national community. Portugal is now a country in movement, full of migratory dynamics. This portrait allows us to foresee a future full of challenges regarding integration and diversity management.
... Perhaps, the state is incapable of or unwilling to control informal activities, and in this regard, the entrepreneurial processes of the women are inserted in the Ghanaian embeddedness of non-enforceable laws and regulation and widespread acceptance of economic informality. This is similar to the Portuguese case described by Baganha (1998). ...
Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to highlight the role of female immigrant entrepreneurs generally and more specifically Nigerian women entrepreneurs in Ghana, West Africa.
Design/methodology/approach
This is a qualitative research that draws on a broad-based research on Nigerian men and women immigrants’ entrepreneurship in Ghana. Face-to-face interviews with six women in the study are analysed here to provide insights into their motivations for and embeddedness of their entrepreneurship activities in Ghana.
Findings
The women’s entrepreneurship activities lend themselves to the mixed embeddedness argument in two ways: first is their ethnic embeddedness, and second their embeddedness in informality and policy framework. Also, all the women work in very trying circumstances and thus display what can be described as a “daring entrepreneurship” drive.
Practical implications
This paper is positioned at the intersection of ethnic embeddedness, informality and daring entrepreneurial drive by migrant women.
Originality/value
The paper provides an unprecedented and a refreshing account on the entrepreneurship and operational pathways of women in the margin of the global economy.
... Za število in gostoto priseljencev po provincah in pokrajinah glej grafično prilogo št. 3. 05-2pogl.p65 20.2.2007, 12:32 67 63. »Neformalno ekonomijo« ( Baghana 1998;Baldwin-Edwards in Arango 1999;Solé in Parella 2003) nekateri avtorji imenujejo tudi »skrito« ali »vzporedno ekonomijo« ( Carella in Pace 2001), »črno ekonomijo« ( Williams in Windebank 1995) ter »ilegalno ekonomijo« ( Baldwin-Edwards 1999). _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ , 12:32 68 galnih imigrantov (Baldwin-Edwards 1999: 5). ...
Temeljni namen pričujoče monografije je v prvi vrsti prikazati kompleksnost transnacionalnih povezav med Argentino in Evropo ter raziskati povezavo med migracijskimi procesi ter oblikovanjem transnacionalnih skupnosti in identifikacij pri argentinskih priseljencih v Evropi in slovenskih priseljencih v Argentini. V raziskavi me je zanimalo, kako migracijske izkušnje mobilnih posameznikov, ki so se v svojem življenju
preselili iz Slovenije v Argentini ali iz Argentine v Evropo, in njihov odnos do izhodiščne domovine, porekla in drugih migrantov, ki so doživeli podobne izkušnje, vplivajo na (pre)oblikovanje njihovih temeljnih identifikacij. Pri transnacionalnih migracijah med Evropo in Argentino so me zanimali različni vidiki migracijskih procesov – simultana vpetost migrantov v več družbah, pomen političnih in ekonomskih dejavnikov ter migracijskih politik v državah emigracije in imigracije, zlasti pa prepletenost globalnih procesov z vlogo posameznikov, socialnih mrež ter večplastnih osebnih in skupinskih identifikacij. Migracija je navsezadnje vedno odločitev in osebno dejanje vsakega posameznika, za njeno razumevanje pa moramo upoštevati večplastne kontekste, saj so migracijski procesi odvisni od historičnih, lokalnih, (trans)nacionalnih, političnih in zlasti kulturnih dejavnikov.
... The construction sector (Baganha, 1998a and1998b;Baganha, Marques e Góis, 2002) has traditionally been one in which migrants make up a large share of the labour force and, at the same time, one in which the prevalence of informality is especially high. Based on information from privileged informants in the sector, DGEEP/MTSS (2006b) have estimated undeclared work to account for 15% to 37% of the total work performed in construction in the Lisbon region in 2001. ...
Migration is a familiar part of the history of Hungary. During the twentieth century alone, the borders of Hungary have moved four times. They moved inwards in 1918, when Hungary lost two-thirds of her former territory due to the Peace Agreements at the end of the First World War. The borders were then moved eastwards in the early 1940s restoring the historical borders with Romania, Czechoslovakia and Serbia. The borders were then moved inwards again by the Peace Agreement in 1945 which annulled the decisions in Vienna and returned the borders to where they had been in 1938. On each occasion millions of former Hungarian citizens of the ethnically mixed population were forced to change citizenship, identity, national loyalty and language — even if they had never left their home town. A large number of these were ethnic Hungarians. As an anecdotal example, there is a small village in Ukraine in which the ethnic Hungarian population changed citizenship five times within the century (from Hungarian to Slovakian, to Romanian, to Soviet, to Ukrainian) without ever leaving the perimeters of their village. This history clearly colours the attitudes of Hungarians toward migration and the discourses of migration that have developed there. Historical examples can also be misleading however, since the economic and political context of the migration of people and of borders are very different during the various periods of Hungarian history and this affects the motivations of migrants.
... The construction sector (Baganha, 1998a and1998b;Baganha, Marques e Góis, 2002) has traditionally been one in which migrants make up a large share of the labour force and, at the same time, one in which the prevalence of informality is especially high: based on information from privileged informants in the sector, DGEEP/MTSS (2006b) have estimated undeclared work to account for 15% to 37% of the total work performed in construction in the Lisbon region in 2001. Another specific area characterized by the coexistence of significant informality and the recruitment of foreign workers, in this case mostly women, is cleaning and caring. ...
This article seeks to contribute to the debate on the issues of the socioeconomic consequences of demographic ageing in Portugal, the available policy responses to this problem, and replacement migration as a partial solution. It begins by presenting and discussing the demographic ageing dynamics currently in place, as well as their potential consequences; it then lists the available instrumental alternatives and their respective advantages, disadvantages, and structural limitations; and, finally, it analyses the recent Portuguese experience in terms of migration dynamics and policies, under the light of the potential contribution of immigration to mitigating the consequences of demographic ageing.
... Compared to the guest-workers who had dominated the scene of the major migratory wave after the Second World War in Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, the UK, Switzerland and Scandinavian countries, Southern Europe is facing a spontaneous and non-regulated labour immigration that have opportunely been defined as 'useful invaders' (Ambrosini 1999). Unwelcome but necessary, migrants have found increased opportunity for integration in the labour markets of Southern European countries, also thanks to the important function of attraction and concealment carried out by a widespread underground economy (Baganha 1998;Droukas 1998;Reyneri 1998Reyneri , 2003Solé et al. 1998;Baldwin-Edwards and Arango 1999). In Mediterranean countries, foreign workers have performed both a substitutive and a complementary function compared to the native labour force (Domingo and Gil-Alonso 2007): in some cases working in ever less-attractive fields for the native-born and in others contributing to create by themselves with their supply a new labour demand in rapidly expanding sectors, for instance, in care services. ...
Analysis of the institutional characteristics and structure of host societies and the labour market has become increasingly important to explain the processes of immigrant integration. From this viewpoint, Italy would appear an optimal case study. Economic and employment imbalances between the Centre-North and the South have represented the background in which the immigrant labour market integration in terms of employment opportunities, distribution by sector, professions and working conditions have historically differed at a territorial level. This article contributes to the debate analysing territorial disparities in terms of ethnic penalty, looking at the employment performances of immigrants compared to natives: an attempt to verify if and to what extent, within the same institutional context, the differentiation of the structure and the informal regulation of the labour market lead to significantly different mechanisms of penalty. Results show that also from this viewpoint, labour market integration of immigrants in the two macro-areas seems characterised by significant differences, which may be summarised in the considerable trade-off between employment entry chances and job quality. A finding that confirms the results of recent comparative analyses between old and new European receiving countries and offers important insights to define a South European model of immigrant employment integration.
... The construction sector (Baganha, 1998a and1998b;Baganha, Marques e Góis, 2002) has traditionally been one in which migrants make up a large share of the labour force and, at the same time, one in which the prevalence of informality is especially high: based on information from privileged informants in the sector, DGEEP/MTSS (2006b) have estimated undeclared work to account for 15% to 37% of the total work performed in construction in the Lisbon region in 2001. Another specific area characterized by the coexistence of significant informality and the recruitment of foreign workers, in this case mostly women, is cleaning and caring. ...
... Esta evolução promoveu uma crescente informalização laboral e uma progressiva substituição da mão-de-obra nacional pela mão-de-obra imigrante, claramente evidenciada pela etnicização que ocorreu em algumas profissões neste setor por via da adoção de formas atípicas de trabalho e de um movimento de restruturação do setor da construção. A subempreitada, subcontratação, outsorcing, cedência de mão-de-obra, flexibilização externa da mão-de-obra, etc., são 'formas atípicas de trabalho' (Cristóvam et al., 1996) 27 Sobre a qualificação escolar dos imigrantes da Europa de Leste veja-se, por exemplo, (Baganha, 1996, Baganha e Marques, 2001: 35, Malheiros, 1996 (Baganha, 1998, Baganha et al., 1999, Baganha e Marques, 2001 Baganha et al., 2002, Baganha et al., 1999, Baganha e Góis, 1998/1999, Baganha et al., 2000. ...
... Neste âmbito deve discutir-se até que ponto as iniciativas empresariais dos imigrantes são condicionadas pelo 82 Segundo alguns autores a concentração de estrangeiros no sector dos serviços em Portugal está muito relacionado com a importância da economia informal (Malheiros 1996, Baganha 1998 Guerreiro (1996) e Freire (1995. ...
... The authors estimate the size of the shadow economy in 2002-2003 to be about 28.3% of GDP in Greece, 26.2% of GDP in Italy and 22.3% of GDP in Portugal and Spain. Since foreigners are over-represented in this sector, it has constituted a privileged route of entry for (irregular) labour migrants (Baganha, 1998;Mingione and Quassoli, 2000;Fakiolas, 2000). ...
... Many illegals live in poor conditions close to their place of work and often they are bonded workers in the sense that employers will retain their personal documents (passports, birth certificates, ID-cards, etc.) as security against desertion.The workers are thereby obliged to cooperate given the inherent danger of being revealed to the authorities, and in extreme instances, deportation. The consequence of this situation is that Portugal's burgeoning underground economy can be effectively maintained with minimal government intervention (Baganha 1998b).There is also a suggestion that the state colludes with this activity in that it tacitly condones the developmental fruits of the clandestine workforce's efforts. ...
This volume is the result of a conference organized by the Contemporary Portuguese Political History Research Centre (CPHRC) and the University of Dundee that took place during September 2000. The purpose of this conference, and the resulting book, was to bring together various experts in the field to analyse and debate the process of Portuguese decolonization, which was then 25 years old, and the effects of this on the Portuguese themselves. The book takes a multidisciplinary look at both the causes and the consequences of Portuguese decolonization, and places the loss of Portugal's Eastern Empire in the context of the loss of its African Empire. It also relates the process of Portuguese decolonization with the search for a new Portuguese vision of its place in the world.
... Domestic service remains their most common employment sector, reaching over 20 percent of their total number. In addition, Portugal has been signaled in earlier research for an expanded underground economy, which is expected to be largely fuelled by the operation of small enterprises and undeclared domestic services involving a disproportionate number of women and immigrants (Baganha, 1998;Schneider and Klinglmair, 2004;Casaca and Peixoto, 2010). ...
Purpose
– The purpose of this paper is to explore the extent to which the nature of a particular work activity – cleaning – changes across organizational contexts, considering specific industry characteristics and working conditions in urban settings in Portugal.
Design/methodology/approach
– The paper draws on the qualitative analysis of data collected between 2010 and 2013 using open-ended interviews with employees and direct observation in two shopping malls.
Findings
– The empirical evidence illuminates how the contexts under study shape the behavior of actors and their power relations. By placing the perspective of employees at the core of the analysis, the paper demonstrates that workplaces provide a major site of conflict and negotiation regarding dignity in cleaning work, but this dispute takes on different contours and sources of tension across organizational contexts.
Originality/value
– The seminal comparative analysis of commercial cleaning and housecleaning undertaken in this paper sheds light on the varying distribution of roles and authority at work. Differently than in earlier studies, the actual modes of service interaction in this industry are documented in a detailed and critical manner.
... Neste aspeto, os estudos das migrações têm estado na linha da frente, em larga medida devido à grande proporção de mulheres imigrantes que encontra trabalho no serviço doméstico (Baganha, 1998;Peixoto, 2006;Góis e outros, 2009;Miranda, 2009;Trovão e Ramalho, 2010). Karin Wall e Cátia Nunes (2010), em particular, examinam o laço entre fluxos migratórios, orientações do estado providência e modalidades de prestação de cuidados. ...
The bibliography on gender roles, welfare state policies and labour market developments helps us understand the continued existence of domestic services in the contemporary economy. However, little is known about the composition or dynamic of this branch of activities. The present article looks at a set of relevant studies and examines data from Statistics Portugal and the Social Security Service, mapping the evolution of paid domestic labour in the first decade of the 21st century in Portugal. The data suggest a considerable increase in both the intensity and the informal nature of the work. The author argues that the convenient alliance between a lack of social protection on the one hand and flexibility on the other is reversing the process of growing formalisation that characterised domestic service at the beginning of the decade, casting it back into an underground status.
In this article we will justify how the characteristics of Portugal, a country of emigration and a country of immigration, result from its structural insertion at the intersection between different migratory systems: the European migratory system (in which the freedom of movement of products, services and people is the foundation of the potential of migratory circulation) and the lusophone migratory system (a post-colonial political system made up of cultural, economic and political complicities that are still being consolidated). In addition to belonging to these early migratory systems, the growing importance of a global migratory system helps to contextualize migrations from (and to) Portugal, the type and profile of migrants and furthermore to explain the social structure of Portuguese emigration and immigration in Portugal.
In the past, researches make believe that the employment in ethnic businesses was equivalent to an inferior segment of the host societies labour market and that decreased the social mobility of immigrants. However recent studies proved that this is not the case. In fact, the employment in ethnic businesses can be the best way to access supervision positions and financial resources to develop other entrepreneurial activities. Having that in mind this article examines these new forms of immigrants economic integration in the Portuguese labour market. The characterization of these entrepreneurial strategies is further explored using the results of a survey undertaken with three immigrant populations: Cape-Verdeans, Chinese and Indians.
The aim of this chapter is to introduce the concept of the informal economy, and its manifestation in Western Europe. Therefore, I start by discussing the most influential definitions and taxonomies of the informal economy. This overview is far from exhaustive and does not cover definitions of related terms such as informal employment, informal work and so on. It is aimed more at illustrating the problematic nature of the conceptualisation and at stimulating the use of broad working definitions for empirical purposes than at offering an exhaustive overview. After clarifying the working definition, I problematise the measurement of the informal economy and offer some recent findings regarding its size and prevalence in Western Europe. Subsequently, I explore the underlying causes and determinants of the informal economy. Having done this, I proceed with a European literature review of the informal economy and seasonal work, street selling and prostitution (i.e., the three cases covered in the remainder of the book). The chapter ends with an overview of the methodology used in this book.
The text describes the evolution of immigration in Portugal, since of the process of decolonization to our days. For analytical purposes this period was divided in three. The migratory movements of the first period are imputed to the process of decolonization and the need to clarify national belonging; the second is attributed to our entrance for the EEC, which motivated the attribution of large amounts of structural funds and opened our economy to the exterior; the third is imputed to the favorable economic conjuncture and to the adopted model of development. Each period corresponds to immigrant populations with different national origins, demographic and socio-cultural profiles.
The present article analyses the migratory flows that have developed after the announced ‘end of Portuguese emigration’. It is argued that despite a political discourse and a research practice that tended to manifest a clear disinterest in the outflow of Portuguese nationals, this remains an important option for thousands of Portuguese that regard emigration as a valid and attractive option to overcome the constraints they face in the national labour market. In the prosecution of this objective, recent Portuguese emigration to Switzerland – one of the main migratory flows that have developed after the mid 80’s – is used to illustrate the ongoing emigration flows.
At present Europe appears to be faced with two diametrically opposed evaluations concerning the needs and opportunities for newly arrived immigrants. On the one hand, European governments are closing their borders, acting on the assumptions that the economic development model based on mass production in large industrial plants requiring a large supply of poorly qualified labour has ended, and that the new economic phase of post-industrial restructuring is (and will continue to be) based on automation and the expansion of the service sector, particularly in activities connected with information and knowledge, which require less, but much more qualified, labour. Incoming migrants, on the other hand, seem to subscribe to a quite different perspective on the economic opportunities the restructuring of the European economy opens up to them. Regardless of the general tightening of the borders, they keep on coming not only on family grounds and as asylum-seekers — the two ‘legitimate’ modes of entry for permanent stay — but also as temporary migrants and as tourists who overstay, or simply as undocumented migrants. At the same time, as previous chapters have shown, Southern European countries have become a magnet for a growing number of immigrants from Africa, Eastern Europe and elsewhere.
The paper presents the main lines of highly skilled immigration, looking into its origins and the first significant presence of highly skilled foreigners in Portugal. Concerning scientific mobility, the author assumes that a large part of the outflows are temporary and shows how Portugal benefits of a net migration gain. Concerning emigration, although the information are limited, the volume of flows seems to be residual. Outflows seem relatively more temporary and less company-related than inflows. Inflows present diverse characteristics: the ones from EU are the more company-related and, probably, more temporary. In general, immigration results from the need of accompanying foreign direct investment. "Independent" inflows, such as the ones coming from Brazil and resulting from the permanence of African students, are examined as they represent sort of brain drain benefiting Portugal. In the future, every thing points to an increase of flows both inwards and outwards. Areas of concern to Portugal are presented, such as the p ossible lack of capacity to attract the best talents, or the difficulty to assure the return of the more talented Portuguese that left the country.
Based on a number of ethnographic studies of migration in Spain and in other European countries, analyses of modern migration trends and migration and integration policies, the article examines some major quandaries of migration within the European Union. Emphasized are unequal statuses of different migrant groups and the prevalent illegal status of undocumented economic migrants, all of which are the result of migration policy and tend to trigger tension, and even open conflicts, within a society. The author points out that migration is an extremely complex phenomenon, discusses the historic causality of certain modern migrations, and examines different principles of integration; the latter are responsible for social, economic, and cultural exclusion based on alleged cultural characteristics and origin.
Examined is the link between the recent mass migration of African laborers to Spain and the need of Spanish informal economy for inexpensive, unregistered labor. Although the latter is by no means the sole motive for contemporary migration to Spain it was definitely one of the most crucial elements of early economic immigration. As a result, Spain is as yet unable to stop it neither by restrictive immigration laws nor by «defending» the Schengen Border. Yet migration processes do not diminish differences between the rich and the poor but even strengthen them. There is a marked differentiation between the citizens of Spain, the so-called «good» foreigners, and «bad» immigrants. As a result, economic immigrants are often at the very bottom of the social scale, and it is in the interest of the capital to continue the policy of exclusion and foster nonintegration.
These transfers of sovereignty resulted in extensive, unforeseen movements of citizens and subjects to their former countries. The phenomenon of postcolonial migration affected not only European nations, but also the United States, Japan and post-Soviet Russia. The political and societal reactions to the unexpected and often unwelcome migrants was significant to postcolonial migrants' identity politics and how these influenced metropolitan debates about citizenship, national identity and colonial history. The contributors explore the historical background and contemporary significance of these migrations and discuss the ethnic and class composition and the patterns of integration of the migrant population. © 2012 Ulbe Bosma, Jan Lucassen and Gert Oostindie. All rights reserved.
By linking the experiences of immigrant families with the increased reliance on cheap and flexible workers for care and domestic work in Southern Europe, this study documents the lived experiences of neglected actors of globalization - migrant women - as well as the transformations of Western families more generally. However, while describing in detail the structural and cultural contexts within which these women have to operate, the book questions dominant paradigms about women as passive victims of patriarchal structures and brings out instead their agency and the creative ways in which they take control of their lives in often difficult circumstances. Based on extensive ethnographic fieldwork and interviews, the author offers a valuable dual comparison between two Southern European countries on the one hand and between two migrant groups, one Christian and one Muslim, on the other, thus bringing to light unique detailed data on migration decision-making, settlement and on the multiple ways in which different women cope with the consequences of their transnational lives.
In the past, researches make believe that the employment in ethnic businesses was equivalent to an inferior segment of the host societies' labour market and that decreased the social mobility of immigrants. However recent studies proved that this is not the case. In fact, the employment in ethnic businesses can be the best way to access supervision positions and financial resources to develop other entrepreneurial activities. Having that in mind this article examines these new forms of immigrants' economic integration in the Portuguese labour market. The characterization of these entrepreneurial strategies is further explored using the results of a survey undertaken with three immigrant populations: Cape-Verdeans, Chinese and Indians.
Purpose
– This paper addresses the nexus of domiciliary care demand and vulnerable migrant women recruited as domestic workers, focusing on the role of two types of organizations operating at the meso-level: commercial companies and nongovernmental organizations. The purpose of this paper is to identify the ways in which these organizations seek to change the dynamics of paid domestic work and explore how they attempt to shape the voice of domestic workers and their employers.
Design/methodology/approach
– An actor-based approach is applied to the metropolitan area of Lisbon, a relevant setting for empirical research given local developments in the realms of care, employment, migration, and public policy. Qualitative case study techniques of data collection and analysis are adopted. The analysis is based on institutional records and open-ended interviews with managers of commercial companies and activists of nongovernmental organizations. Background contributions are drawn from interviews with domestic workers, private employers, and privileged informants.
Findings
– Data from fieldwork demonstrate that the organizations under examination offer a significant and innovative contribution to raise and shape the voice of both paid domestic workers and their employers. More than introducing a radical perspective on the nature or content of domestic work, these organizations are engaged in stimulating a more efficient and sustainable organization of paid care in private households.
Research limitations/implications
– Given the novelty of the approach, the present analytical endeavour is chiefly exploratory and much of the regulatory interactions and behavioural patterns remains in the penumbra. Suggestions for future research include a more systematic and detailed scrutiny of the role of organizations, as well as the incorporation of other institutional actors such as state bodies and charitable organizations active in this field.
Social implications
– The findings show that commercial companies and nongovernmental organizations may become increasingly influential in the negotiation of working conditions for domestic workers while they remain highly experimental collective actors. The policy recommendation is to incorporate them as privileged subjects and actors in the public debate about the topical nexus of care crisis and migrant domestic labour. From the standpoint of social policy, the marketization of care provision is still lacking this crucial step: empowering representative bodies and fostering dialogue between them.
Originality/value
– The original emphasis on a meso-level of analysis and the choice of empirical qualitative examination – against a normative landscape of public regulation at the top and individualized actors down below – furthers the understanding of the topic and paves the way to promising developments in both scholarly research and policy debate.
Purpose
– The purpose of this paper is to examine the key differences between first- and second-generation immigrant entrepreneurs in their path to entrepreneurship. The aim of the study is to better understand entrepreneurial motivations amongst immigrants by comparing first- and second-generation entrepreneurs in their motivation for business entry, reliance on co-ethnic market, use of social and financial capital, business planning and marketing practices.
Design/methodology/approach
– Using an interpretivist approach and a qualitative design, this study comprises 20 in-depth interviews with first- and second-generation Turkish entrepreneurs (TEs) in Melbourne, Australia. Turks in Australia were chosen because of their high level of entrepreneurial activity. In order to uncover deep-seeded motivations, participants were interviewed in a face-to-face format guided by a semi-structured interview guide.
Findings
– The second-generation TEs were distinctively different from their first-generation counterparts in motivation for business entry, business establishment and use of ethnicity. The analysis shows that although the generations differ in their approach to business establishment, they both appear to be drawn to entrepreneurship based on “pull factors”. This is in contrast with previous literature suggesting that first-generation immigrant entrepreneurs were motivated by “push factors”.
Originality/value
– This paper suggests that both first- and second-generation immigrant entrepreneurs are “pulled” into entrepreneurship voluntarily. While the first-generation entrepreneurs seem to be motivated/pulled by financial reasons, the second generation are motivated by opportunity recognition, status and ambition. Nevertheless, a lack of trust in government support agency is found within both generations. Thus, outreach activities towards entrepreneurial immigrant communities may have positive effects for the economy as well as in the integration of ethnic enclaves.
Početkom devedesetih godina 20. stoljeća, a posebno nakon pristupanja Europskoj uniji, juž-
noeuropske zemlje susreću se s povećanim imigracijskim priljevom, osobito državljana tre-
ćih zemalja. Većina migracijskih tokova odnosi se na ilegalne migracije. U radu se pomoću
teorije segmentiranog tržišta rada analizira integracija novih imigrantskih grupa na tržištu
rada. Visoki stupanj segmentacije i nezakonitosti na tržištima rada u analiziranim zemljama
posebno je prisutan u građevinarskom, poljodjelskom i uslužnom sektoru (kućanstva, hotelijerstvo
i ugostiteljstvo). Nezakonito zapošljavanje važan je privlačni čimbenik za ilegalne
migrante i potiče razvoj ilegalnih migracija. Učestalom provedbom regulacijskih programa
tek se djelomično uspijeva riješiti problem ilegalnih migranata, a njima se usporedo »privlači«
sve veći broj novih imigranata. Zbog posebnih obilježja novijih migracijskih tokova
u južnoeuropskim zemljama, moguće je primijeniti Kingov i Ribas-Mateosov »južnoeuropski
imigracijski model« koji te tokove prikazuje triangularno. U tom se modelu masovni
imigracijski priljev povezuje s visokom razinom nezakonitosti u gospodarskom sektoru i sa
slabom socijalnom državom. Neujednačen gospodarski razvoj zemalja podrijetla i primitka
imigranata te percipiranje novih imigranata (državljana trećih zemalja) isključivo kroz prizmu
homo economicusa ne ulijevaju odviše optimizma da će se njihov položaj na tržištu rada
i u društvu u dogledno vrijeme bitno poboljšati. Zalažući se za pravednije postupanje prema
novim imigrantskim grupama, od vlada zemalja primitka trebalo bi zahtijevati veće uvažavanje
imigrantskih grupa te uređenje njihova položaja uvođenjem novih i drugačijih normi i
standarda utemeljenih prije svega na univerzalnim ljudskim pravima.
Obilježja migracijskih tokova i integracija novih imigrantskih grupa na tržištu rada u južnoeuropskim zemljama članicama Europske unije SAŽETAK Početkom devedesetih godina 20. stoljeća, a posebno nakon pristupanja Europskoj uniji, juž-noeuropske zemlje susreću se s povećanim imigracijskim priljevom, osobito državljana tre-ćih zemalja. Većina migracijskih tokova odnosi se na ilegalne migracije. U radu se pomoću teorije segmentiranog tržišta rada analizira integracija novih imigrantskih grupa na tržištu rada. Visoki stupanj segmentacije i nezakonitosti na tržištima rada u analiziranim zemljama posebno je prisutan u građevinarskom, poljodjelskom i uslužnom sektoru (kućanstva, hote-lijerstvo i ugostiteljstvo). Nezakonito zapošljavanje važan je privlačni čimbenik za ilegalne migrante i potiče razvoj ilegalnih migracija. Učestalom provedbom regulacijskih programa tek se djelomično uspijeva riješiti problem ilegalnih migranata, a njima se usporedo »pri-vlači« sve veći broj novih imigranata. Zbog posebnih obilježja novijih migracijskih tokova u južnoeuropskim zemljama, moguće je primijeniti Kingov i Ribas-Mateosov »južnoeurop-ski imigracijski model« koji te tokove prikazuje triangularno. U tom se modelu masovni imigracijski priljev povezuje s visokom razinom nezakonitosti u gospodarskom sektoru i sa slabom socijalnom državom. Neujednačen gospodarski razvoj zemalja podrijetla i primitka imigranata te percipiranje novih imigranata (državljana trećih zemalja) isključivo kroz priz-mu homo economicusa ne ulijevaju odviše optimizma da će se njihov položaj na tržištu rada i u društvu u dogledno vrijeme bitno poboljšati. Zalažući se za pravednije postupanje prema novim imigrantskim grupama, od vlada zemalja primitka trebalo bi zahtijevati veće uvaža-vanje imigrantskih grupa te uređenje njihova položaja uvođenjem novih i drugačijih normi i standarda utemeljenih prije svega na univerzalnim ljudskim pravima. KLJUČNE RIJEČI: imigranti, migracije, integracija imigranata, tržište rada, nezakonite mi-gracije, južnoeuropske zemlje UVOD Od sredine osamdesetih godina 20. stoljeća među najznačajnijim su europskim migracijskim trendovima imigracijski tokovi u četiri južnoeuropske zemlje – Itali-ju, Španjolsku, Portugal i Grčku, zbog čega ih se naziva novim imigracijskim ze-mljama (
This article begins by situating Portugal in the debate of circular migration and paid domestic work. Afterwards, the results from an empirical case study are examined drawing mainly on open-ended interviews with domestic workers. Disputes over economic and social autonomy are paid particular attention. I argue that the scenario underlying circularity in the eyes of respondents is one of uncertainty and experimentalism rather than strategic decision making. Beyond the corroboration of legal status and pecuniary accumulation as decisive factors, two elements are underscored: the emotional content of the employment relationship and the use of job sharing or replacement by workers.
Estratégias empresariais de imigrantes em cidades portuguesas. Oportunidades estruturais e étnicas e Recursos pessoais. 1 A partir da década de 1980 o fluxo imigratório é reconhecido em Portugal por inúmeros estudos científicos, artigos jornalísticos e é objecto de debates públicos. A primeira chamada de atenção vem de M. C. Esteves, em 1991. Contudo os estudos acerca da imigração em Portugal têm sido marcados por perspectivas pessimistas, que ligam as populações estrangeiras à marginalidade laboral (Baganha, 1998) ou à exclusão residencial (Silva et al. 1989). É exactamente com o intuito de contrariar estas perspectivas que novas leituras têm sido feitas, realçando a diversidade da integração económica imigrante em Portugal (Marques, Oliveira e Dias, 2002). É seguindo este novo enfoque que pretendo realizar este projecto de doutoramento, ao traçar o perfil das estratégias empresariais de imigrantes em cidades portuguesas, contextos privilegiados da recepção dessas populações. Este esboço de investigação ambiciona ser sobretudo uma primeira plataforma de análise do tema.
The article describes Guinea-Bissau immigrant organisations in Portugal and their role as transnational actors. Such organisations are analysed in accordance with a typology used previously, emphasising different sorts of activities in home country and are conceptualised as a substitute for a Guinea-Bissau failed state. Indeed, we are in front of a traditional case of organisational transnationalism that constitutes a third force at a distance. In fact, immigrants and their organisations are in parallel with home state and civil society, the third force that we could call a transnational immigrant civil society, developing and providing economic and social rights to their home communities.
PIP:
Trends in emigration from Portugal are reviewed over the course of the twentieth century. Particular attention is given to the impact of emigration on Portugal's economy. The author concludes that Portuguese emigration during this century consisted essentially of persons with little or no professional or technical qualifications, and that its net effect on the Portuguese economy seems to have been positive rather than negative.
O estudo das migraçães nacionais: ponto de intersecção disciplinar
- M I B Baganha
- J Peixoto
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‘Minorias étnicas pobres em Lisboa
- A Costa
- Bruto
- Da
Costa, A. Bruto da et al. (1991) 'Minorias étnicas pobres em Lisboa', Lisbon (unpublished)
A economia subterânea e o exercício da política económica e social em Portugal
- A M Figueiredo
Figueiredo, A.M. et al. (1985) A economia subterânea e o exercício da política económica e social em Portugal, Lisboa: Instituto Damião de Góis França, L. de et al. (Eds) (1992) A comunidade Cabo Verdiana em Portugal, Lisbon: IED (Instituto de Estudos para o Desenvolvimento)
Vale do Areeiro reflexões acerca de uma realidade multiétnica Actas do II Congresso Portugês de Sociologia, Volume I, Lisbon: Fragmentos
- M J Freitas
- P Castro
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Irregular work in Portugal Underground Economy and Irregular Forms of EmploymentEstrutura social e produtiva e propensão à subterraneidade no Portugal de hoje
- F M Lobo
Lobo, F.M. (1990) 'Irregular work in Portugal', in P. Barthelemy et al. (Eds), Underground Economy and Irregular Forms of Employment, 'Travail au Noir', Final Synthesis Report, Brussels: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities (CEE) Lobo, I. de Sousa (1985) 'Estrutura social e produtiva e propensão à subterraneidade no Portugal de hoje', Análise Social Vol. XXI No. 87-88-89: 527-62
Lisbon: MESS Ministério do Emprego e Segurança Social (MESS) (1992-1994) Balanço social Trajectórias profissionais dos imigrantes residentes em bairros degradados de Lisboa
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