Article

Changing western German internal migration systems during the second half of the 1980s

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Abstract

"This study has two purposes. First, we will analyze in detail the extent to which regional demographic changes during the second half of the 1980s represent a return to concentration in western Germany.... The second purpose of this paper will be to measure regional demographic impacts in western Germany as the result of the large East to West movement of population that occurred before formal unification...." The results indicate that "the slow downward trend toward greater spatial deconcentration in West Germany during the time period 1970 to 1984 shifted back toward concentration from 1985 and through 1988." This involved both labor market changes affecting primarily the population aged 25-49, and greater concentrations of population in densely populated regions such as the Ruhr-Rhine and Saarland.

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... Another important movement that can be traced in post-war Germany is, a long period of population redistribution towards the non-metropolitan regions of Germany (Kontuly and SchOn, 1994). Even if this pattern changed in the late 1980s, the elderly continued to deconcentrate towards the less populated areas (Kontuly & Schon, 1994;Dangschat and Herfert, 1997). ...
... Another important movement that can be traced in post-war Germany is, a long period of population redistribution towards the non-metropolitan regions of Germany (Kontuly and SchOn, 1994). Even if this pattern changed in the late 1980s, the elderly continued to deconcentrate towards the less populated areas (Kontuly & Schon, 1994;Dangschat and Herfert, 1997). On a local level, a more comprehensive move towards the cities' hinterland started around 1960, when car-ownership became more common. ...
Chapter
Second home tourism is probably the most researched interface between tourism and migration (Williams and Hall, 2000). The reasons for that are quite obvious. First, research on tourism suffers from a lack of comprehensive and reliable data. In contrast second homes are often covered in national property cadastres and thus well documented and relatively easy to research. Nevertheless, most studies focus on smaller areas or do not provide a comprehensive picture of the entire spectrum of second home ownership (Bohlin, 1982; Halseth, 1993; Halseth and Rosenberg 1995; Wolfe 1951). Alternatively, the level of analysis does not penetrate beyond the administrative levels (Ragatz, 1970; Clout, 1972; Clout, 1977; Löhr, 1989; Buller and Hoggart, 1993). Second, research on second homes addresses land use issues and thus a core topic of geographical research. Most second home buyers as well as other migrants are led by lifestyle considerations and bear a certain positive image of the countryside in their minds, sometimes based more on fictional sources than real experience (Tuan, 1974; Short, 1991; Bunce, 1994; Butler and Hall, 1998; Riley et al. 1998). Hence, the encounter with the rural population and the rural traditions does not occur without tension (see Chapter Ten). Finally, the purchase of a second home in the countryside also entails a long-term commitment to the host community including an increasing involvement into local issues. Several studies show that this process, sometimes labeled rural gentrification (Phillips, 1993), results in newcomers and the local population sharing the rural space but live in separate domains (Halseth 1993; Phillips, 1993; Müller, 1999). Particularly because the second home owners consume the countryside as a recreational resource only, research on second home ownership is tightly connected to research on contested.
... New demographic developments in the 1980s, first noticed in the United States, which showed that for a while at least, rural areas grew at a faster pace than urban areas, led many authors to study population distribution trends in industrialized countries [1,[7][8][9][10][11][12][13][14][15][16][17][18][19][20][21]. It was not clear if the new development was a reversal of the historic trend from a predominately rural to a predominately urban society, or if it was a case of continued but less concentrated urbanization, or if it was a case of urban decentralization [22,23]. ...
... The country's total population in 2000 was 7,204,100 of which 5,77,9700 were Swiss citizens and 1,424,400 were foreign nationals. Thus, Switzerland hosts a large and growing foreign-born population: 16.7% in 1990, 19.2% in 2000, and 20.7% in 2005. The distribution of foreign nationals does not follow the same pattern as that of Swiss citizens. ...
... In the literature, it has been suggested that long-standing residential preferences for lower density locations underline the counterurbanisation process (see, for example, Kontuly and Scho« n, 1994). In an economic sense, broadly described, a`gentrification hypothesis' can be set against a`pauperisation hypothesis', so that it becomes either the rich' or`the poor' who explain shifts of populations. ...
... Internationally, research on the roles of different age groups in the urbanisation and counterurbanisation processes is limited. Some exceptions are the work of Kontuly (1991) and Kontuly and Scho« n (1994), who showed that two age groups, 25^29 and 30^49 years, were responsible both for spatial deconcentration from 1975 to 1984, as well as for concentration from 1985 to 1990, in Western Germany, whereas those over 50 deconcentrated during both periods. However, those studies were based on quite different spatial divisions from those used in this study. ...
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This study focuses on the population changes in the countryside and in urban centres within the municipalities of Sweden outside the metropolitan areas, between 1990 and 1997. Overall, the countryside showed a higher population increase than the municipality centres. Smaller population centres suffered a population decline. The increase in population in the countryside was strongest in areas surrounding the metropolises and around regional centres. Statistical analysis showed that population change outside population centres mainly varies with the average income, labour-market access, and taxation values or housing costs in the municipalities. This process of change has run directly counter to the policy that was formulated for small municipalities from the end of the 1960s onwards. The growth in rural population was spontaneous for the most part, and more or less in conflict with the plans of the municipalities.
... There are several studies which illustrated that wide income gaps and unemployment stimulated population movement in developing countries (Skeldon 1990, Liang et al. 2002 as well as developed ones (Kontully andShon 1994, Gordon andLamont 1998). The impact of distance over all the population movements has already been recognized by several authors. ...
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The present study investigates age-specific provincial migration in Turkey using both, five-year and life time measures for 2007-2008 and 2010-2011, a method which allows changes in the pattern of job markets and human settlements to be tracked. The aim of this study is first, to investigate in detail the relationship between the in-and out-migration of the provinces at the country level. The second is to determine the relationship between the in-migration and out-migration and the age-pyramids of the provinces. The third is to show the relationships between the economic development islands and the age-pyramids of the provinces. According to the results; at the provincial level, while the in-migration decreases as the distance increases between the origin provinces for the Western provinces, out-migration increases as the distance increases between the origin provinces in the East, SouthEast and the Black Sea regions. Although in general, distance negatively effects in-migration at the country level, for the less developed provinces in the East, SouthEast and the Black Sea regions, out-migration increases to the large metropolitan areas in the West. Consequently, it is therefore necessary to stimulate a public and private investment to create new jobs and to improve the quality of educational facilities.
... More recently, however, Nucci and Long (1995) presented evidence that deconcentration in the US is again gathering strength in the 1990s; they attribute its downturn in the 1980s to cyclical effects. For western Germany, Kontuly and Schon (1994) showed that the trend shifted abruptly from deconcentration to renewed concentration between 1985 and 1988; since then, east-west migration due to the 1990 reunification of Germany has complicated the picture. For Sweden, BorgegArd et al. (1995) showed that concentration and deconcentration can occur simultaneously at different levels of spatial aggregation; at the local level in the most recent period (post-1988) continued counterurbanisation of native Swedes has been masked by foreign immigration to larger cities. ...
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In Turkey, a large gap in economic development has encouraged migration from less developed to more developed provinces. The aim of this study is to study in detail the relationship between migrants and the concentric zones surrounding them from 2007 until 2012. According to the results of the study, the highest amount of migration is shown to be between the origin province and a 400km concentric zone, beyond which they gradually decrease. This pattern is often repeated, but in less populated provinces, which are further from large metropolitan areas, it becomes more homogenous, with unique peaks in the more distant concentric zones.
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This paper examines the significance of spatial and socioeconomic factors in determining place attractiveness, and it suggests an explorative method for the analysis of detailed patterns of spatial attractiveness. By departing from a simple spatial model that distinguishes between different hinterlands at varying distances from the individuals' immediate neighbourhood, we analyse the relative importance of demographic, labour-market, service as well as physical factors for income levels and in-migration rates. Based on a longitudinal spatially referenced micro-database covering over 100 annual attributes per individual and digital land-use information for the entire territory, vicinity characteristics were calculated for every populated square kilometre (108,000 squares). Regression, a partial F test and η2 were used to decompose explained variation in attractiveness into indicators classified in socioeconomic categories and spatial ranges. The findings indicate a considerable variation across the spatial scale. For example, the characteristics of the vicinity (km2) seem to have a much larger influence on variation in place attractiveness than the characteristics of the hinterland (within 5 to 50 km). Moreover, place attractiveness seems to be determined to a very small extent by physical factors in the immediate vicinity. Demographic and socioeconomic factors appear to be the main determinants of place attractiveness. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
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