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An Empirical Classification of Motivations for Domestic Violence

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PIP This study evaluates gender differences in self-reported motivations for use of violence. It was hypothesized that men would report motivations related to themes of domination and control, while women would report motivations related to self-defense or retaliation. Overall, the findings suggest more differences than similarities in the type of stated motivations of violence given by male and female perpetrators. Moreover, the hypothesis was generally supported. Female perpetrators were more likely than male perpetrators to report using violence to defend them from direct physical attack, escape from direct attack, or retaliate for prior physical and emotional abuse. In contrast, male perpetrators reported violence motivations related primarily to domination and control. These include domination and control, physical control, punishment for unwanted behavior, and imposing of coercive emotional control.

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... Five (16%) studies were identified in which management of negative emotions/interactions were explored in relation to IPV perpetration, three of which were low quality. One study was qualitative in design (Hamberger et al., 1997⁎). Robertson and Murachver's (2007⁎⁎) study was the only study which utilised female control groups. ...
... Robertson and Murachver (2007⁎⁎) found that communication problems and lacking an alternative to violence were factors associated with perpetrating physical and psychological IPV in both men and women, and negative attribution was associated with perpetrating physical IPV only in both men and women. In a qualitative study, Hamberger et al. (1997⁎) found that anger expression/tension release was a common theme for both women and men, and Kernsmith (2005⁎⁎) also found that expressing anger was a common theme for both women and men. However, she also found that women were more likely to report feeling scared, powerless and weak in the context of violence and were also more likely to report emotional justification for their use of violence. ...
... One high quality study conducted in Polish prisons, found no difference in the frequency that males and females reported using violence in selfdefence (Rode et al., 2015⁎⁎⁎) and the same was also found by Kernsmith (2005⁎⁎). Hamberger et al. (1997⁎) in qualitative interviews coded two themes of 'self-defence' and 'escape from aggression' as motives for IPV in women but this was not found in the male responses, although this was a study assessed as low quality. The motive of selfdefence increased the likelihood for IPH among females but decreased the likelihood in males, again in a study of lower quality (Weizmann-Henelius et al., 2012⁎⁎). ...
Article
There is a lack of understanding of the risk factors for female-perpetrated intimate partner violence (IPV) relative to men's IPV behaviours. Males can access offence-specific interventions in prison and on probation. However, depending on national criminal justice policies, female IPV perpetrators access general offending behaviour programmes only or offence-specific programmes that have been designed with male perpetrators in mind. The extent to which men's and women's treatment needs are similar or different is unclear. The aim of this systematic review was to synthesise what is known about the risk factors for IPV perpetration by women located within criminal justice settings to inform appropriate interventions for this group of offenders. Thirty-one studies met inclusion criteria and no factors meeting our definition of risk factor were identified. However, there were associations between IPV perpetration and experience of child abuse, substance use, borderline personality traits, attachment issues and experiencing trauma. It remains unclear what factors need to be targeted in interventions for female IPV perpetrators, although associations have pointed to possible predisposing factors. In order to improve the evidence base for IPV interventions, researchers need to clearly define the term ‘risk factor’ extending beyond reporting on prevalence only, and to increase understanding of the pathways to IPV perpetration among women.
... The majority of studies cite self defense as the primary reason women aggress against a partner. Women were more likely than the men to use violence to defend themselves from direct physical attack, to escape from attack or to retaliate for prior physical and emotional abuse, whereas men used violence mostly to dominate and control their partner (Barnett, Lee, and Thelen, 1997;Hamberger & Guse, 2002;Hamberger, Lohr, Bonge, and Tolin, 1997). In the Barnett et al. (1997) study, 34 men who were arrested for physically assaulting their spouse, and 30 women from a battered women's shelter were recruited. ...
... Similarly, in another study, Hamberger et al. (1997) categorized the motives of 215 men and 66 women who had been referred to attend a domestic violence program. Each participant completed an intake interview where information about past exposure to childhood and adult abuse was examined. ...
... However, most of the information on motivators for female aggression is gathered from populations that are court ordered or from shelters, which tend to have larger numbers of IT, mutual violent control, and violent resistance. In studies which sampled from this type of population, both Hamberger and Guse (2002) and Hamberger et al. (1997) found that women often committed IPV in order to protect themselves from their partner and to retaliate for previous abuse. There is a lack of information on what the motivators are for female aggression in situationally violent relationships; the violence is typically mild-to-moderate, and therefore, self-defense may not be as strong a motivator for IPV. ...
... Many scholars and victim advocates report that women have different motivations for using force against their current or former intimate partners. More specifically, women are far more likely than men to employ force with their intimate partners in the context of self-defense (Barnett, Lee, & Thelan, 1997; Cascardi & Vivian, 1995; Dasgupta, 2001; DeKeseredy & Schwartz, 1998; Hamberger, Lohr, Bonge, & Tolin, 1997; Hamberger & Potente, 1994; Molidor & Tolman, 1998; Saunders, 1986; Schwartz, 1987). Indeed, Anderson and Umberson's (2001) study of male IPA offenders concluded that these men were effective in twisting their less serious (female) partners' behaviors into the major violence, while they excused their own abusive behaviors as rational, capable, and nonviolent. ...
... Indeed, Anderson and Umberson's (2001) study of male IPA offenders concluded that these men were effective in twisting their less serious (female) partners' behaviors into the major violence, while they excused their own abusive behaviors as rational, capable, and nonviolent. While women are more likely than men to use force to resist violence initiated by their intimate partners, men are more likely than women to use force in order to control and exercise power over their partners (Barnett et al., 1997; Hamberger et al., 1997; Hamberger & Guse, 2002; Hamberger & Potente, 1994). Indeed, Worcester (2002) emphasizes that any analysis of women and girls' use of force in intimate relationships must be through a " framework that keeps power and control central to the definitions of domestic violence " (p. ...
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Applied Research Applied Research papers synthesize and interpret current research on violence against women, offering a review of the literature and implications for policy and practice. The Applied Research initiative represents a collaboration between the National Resource Center on Domestic Violence, the National Sexual Violence Resource Center, and the Minnesota Center Against Violence and Abuse. VAWnet is a project of the National Resource Center on Domestic Violence. "The research review reported in this paper concludes that IPA is gendered: Men and boys are more likely (than women and girls) to be the perpetrators, and women and girls are more likely (than men and boys) to be the victims of IPA. At the same time, it is necessary to recognize that there are some women and girls who are abusive and violent to their intimate male partners. This is estimated to be in five percent or fewer of the cases. Research indicates that women's and girls' IPA needs to be understood in the context of learn-ing abuse/violence, the opportu-nity to use abuse/violence, and choosing to use abuse/ violence." P erpetration of intimate partner abuse (IPA) by women against men has received widespread attention from both practitioners and researchers. Some research suggests that contrary to popular belief, women are just as likely as men to be perpe-trators of IPA (Brush, 1990; Madgol, Moffit, Caspi, Fagan, & Silva, 1997; Moffit & Caspi, 1999; Morse, 1995; O'Leary, Barling, Arias, Rosenbaum, Malone, & Tyree, 1989; Straus & Gelles, 1990). Others argue that IPA continues to be perpetrated largely by males against their female partners and ex-partners (Dasgupta, 2001; Dobash & Dobash,1984-1988 in References; Dobash, Dobash, Wilson, & Daly, 1992; McLeod, 1984; Melton & Belknap, 2003; Saunders, 1986; Tjaden & Thoennes, 2000; Vivian & Langhinrichsen-Rohling,1994). While the debate continues regarding women's use of violence against intimate and former intimate male partners, several issues have emerged regarding research on woman-perpetrated IPA. The purpose of this essay is to critically review the existing research on the question of gender symmetry in IPA. Gender symmetry is the terminology often used to indicate that men and women are equally likely to be IPA offenders. This paper presents and discusses the varied findings on women's roles as perpetrators of IPA. The reasons for these varied findings are examined and the implications of the research finding gender symmetry in the perpetration of IPA are discussed. This paper documents the importance of the ap-proach taken by the researcher regarding whether IPA is found to be gendered. This overview of scientific research concludes that IPA is indeed gendered, that the perpetrators are more commonly men and the victims are more commonly women. This review also emphasizes the importance of not simply examining types of abuse reported, but the consequences of the abuse. We hope to clarify women's use of violence in IPA as having typically different intentions than men's abuse of intimate partners.
... Adulthood animal abuse was also positively associated with IPV perpetration. Research on individuals' motivations for IPV perpetration (Hamberger, Lohr, Bonge, & Tolin, 1997;Stuart, Moore, Hellmuth, Ramsey, & Kahler, 2006) and animal abuse committed as children and adolescents (Kellert & Felthous, 1985;Merz-Perez & Heide, 2004;Tallichet, Hensley, & Singer, 2005) reveals areas of substantial overlap for some of the most popular motivations, including retaliation, control, and the expression of anger. It may be that an individual's propensity for maladaptive coping strategies in one setting (e.g., the use of aggression toward animals) is consistent across other settings (e.g., the use of aggression toward intimate partners). ...
... Therefore, it is possible that this propensity for aggression would extend to animals. With increasing evidence that aggression may be widespread in many IPV perpetrators' lives (e.g., aggression against non-intimate partners, children, and animals), interventions that focus on more general cognitive and behavioral tendencies (Murphy & Eckhardt, 2005), such as anger control (Glancy & Saini, 2005;Hamberger et al., 1997), deficits in social information processing (Fite et al., 2008;Holtzworth-Munroe, 1992;Taft, Schumm, Marshall, Panuzio, & Holtzworth-Munroe, 2008), and problematic alcohol use (Stuart, O'Farrell, & Temple, 2009), rather than solely on intimate relationship tendencies (Stuart, Temple, & Moore, 2007), may produce more effective treatment outcomes. ...
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Learning more about intimate partner violence (IPV), perpetrators could aid the development of more effective treatments. The prevalence of adulthood animal abuse (AAA) perpetration and its association with IPV perpetration, antisociality, and alcohol use in 307 men arrested for domestic violence were examined. Forty-one percent (n = 125) of the men committed at least one act of animal abuse since the age of 18, in contrast to the 1.5% prevalence rate reported by men in the general population. Controlling for antisociality and alcohol use, AAA showed a trend toward a significant association with physical and severe psychological IPV perpetration.
... The motivations for engaging in violence against an intimate partner appear to differ between men and women (Hamberger, et al., 1997). Swan and Snow (2006) classified the motivation of women's use of violence into two groups: defensive motivations and active motivations. ...
... Defensive motivations include self-defense and protecting children. A majority of the women who use violence claimed that self-defense is the main reason they use violence (Hamberger et al., 1997;Swan & Snow, 2003). In fact, female victims of severe violence are more likely to report the use of violence to defend themselves (Swan & Snow, 2003;Hughes et al., 2007). ...
... Third, a team comprised of three independent coders systematically reviewed all 31 transcripts, with the most attention directed to the abovementioned RVCI questions, to identify characteristics of the situation reported by participants that resulted in anticipation of imminent victimization. To reduce the potential influence of coder gender on coding and analysis (Hamberger, Lohr, Bonge, & Tolin, 1997), both male and female coders were utilized. Fourth, coding discrepancies and revisions to the coding tree were discussed and resolved through repeated transcript reviews and a process of consensus. ...
... Within the current sample, those who indicated anticipating risk of physical IPV victimization reported many situational risk factors previously identified as proximal antecedents of physical IPV victimization within the scholarly literature (for reviews, see Cattaneo & Goodman, 2005;Stith, Smith, Penn, Ward, & Tritt, 2004;Wilkinson & Hamerschlag, 2005). Among the most frequently identified proximal antecedents are alcohol consumption (Leonard & Senchak, 1996), verbal arguments (Byun, 2012), and verbal and physical aggression precipitated by the victim (Hamberger et al., 1997). These themes emerged in our sample. ...
Article
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Little is known about intimate partner violence (IPV) victims' situational risk recognition, defined as the ability to identify situational factors that signal imminent risk of victimization. Using semi-structured interviews, qualitative data were collected from a community sample of 31 female victims of IPV episodes involving substance use. Thirteen themes were identified, the most prevalent being related to the partner's verbal behavior, tone of voice, motor behavior, alcohol or drug use, and facial expression. Participants reporting at least some anticipation of physical aggression (61.3% of the sample) tended to identify multiple factors (M = 3.47), suggesting numerous situational features often contribute to situational risk recognition.
... The historical view of IPV in more consolidated relationships (also known as domestic violence) has deemed such a phenomenon to stem from power and control differentials; therefore, it is widely treated as a gender issue, that is, a problem affecting women and perpetrated primarily by men (García-Moreno, Jansen, Ellsberg, Heise, & Watts, 2005). Conversely, there is also research that has shown that rates of (Straus & Gelles, 1990) and motivations for (Hamberger, Lohr, Bonge & Tolin, 1997;Langhinrichsen-Rohlin, McCullars, & Misra, 2012) IPV have similarities and differences between the sexes. For example, research reveals control, dominance, and coercion as similar motives for IPV perpetration by men and women (Hamberger et al., 1997;Langhinrichsen-Rohlin et al., 2012). ...
... Conversely, there is also research that has shown that rates of (Straus & Gelles, 1990) and motivations for (Hamberger, Lohr, Bonge & Tolin, 1997;Langhinrichsen-Rohlin, McCullars, & Misra, 2012) IPV have similarities and differences between the sexes. For example, research reveals control, dominance, and coercion as similar motives for IPV perpetration by men and women (Hamberger et al., 1997;Langhinrichsen-Rohlin et al., 2012). ...
Article
Psychological aggression is a widespread form of abuse in dating relationships, especially in collectivist societies with ties to patriarchal beliefs. Despite the prevalence of psychological aggression, it has seldom been studied in connection with known antecedents of interpersonal violence, including dominance, attitudes supportive of violence, and violence socialization processes during childhood. The present study sought to test relationships among these variables in young men and women. A total of 500 Mexican undergraduate students in northern Mexico reported on their experiences with psychological aggression, the dominance of a dating partner, and violent socialization during childhood, as well as on their approval of violence within and outside the family. The results indicate that the dominance of a dating partner is directly linked to male and female intimate partner violence (IPV) perpetration. Violent socialization and proviolent attitudes appear to be related to female dominance. Female and male psychological aggression victimization was predicted by the participant’s own perpetration. In general, a dyadic approach appears to be useful for explaining psychological aggression perpetration and victimization in a collectivist society, in light of recent changes in normative beliefs held by young educated Mexicans. Implications for future research and public policy are discussed.
... Other studies have asked perpetrators of relationsbip aggression why they used it. Women tend to give self-defense as one of their motives (e.g.. Makepeace, 1986) although both men and women give a variety of reasons including anger expression and coercive control (Hamberger, Lohr, Bonge, & Tolin. 1997;Follingstad, Wright, Lloyd, & Sebastian, 1991). Indeed, Giordano and Cemkavich (1999) found that women's anger self-concept was a significant predictor of their perpetration of relationship aggression, and that it held greater predictive power for women than men. This finding appears to contradict the view tbat women's physical aggressio ...
... We used qualitative thematic analysis methods (Boyatzis, 1998) to draw reliable themes from participants' open-ended responses. Having reviewed the literature on motivations for adolescent and adult aggression (Hamberger, Lohr, Bonge, & Tolin, 1997;Hinduja & Patchin, 2009;Pronk & Zimmer-Gembeck, 2010), the primary investigator conferred with the second author to generate hypotheses about what might motivate emerging adults to perpetrate electronic aggression. A preliminary set of themes was identified based on these hypotheses. ...
Article
The present study used quantitative and qualitative methods to investigate contextual factors and motivations associated with emerging adults' electronic aggression victimization and perpetration with friends and dating partners. Participants (N = 226) reported online about electronic aggression occurrence and motivations, family risk, support from friends, and emotion regulation. Males reported more victimization than perpetration overall, whereas females reported more victimization than perpetration only with friends. Jealousy/insecurity emerged as the most common motivation for electronic perpetration; second most common was humor for males and negative emotion for females. Overall, risky family environment was associated with electronic aggression; yet, support from friends and emotion regulation each moderated this association. Discussion addresses potential miscommunications that can occur in electronic communication and the need to look at the interplay between in-person and online interactions. © 2013 Society for the Study of Emerging Adulthood and SAGE Publications.
... In this line of thinking, the primary motive for men's intimate violence against women is to control; and because the control motive is linked to patriarchy and patriarchy bene fi ts men, women's violence is presumed to be driven by other motives, primarily self-defense and resistance to such control (Dragiewicz, 2008 ;Kimmel, 2002 ) . While women do sometimes initiate physical assaults against their male partners, they are presumed to do so more for expressive rather than instrumental reasons, an anger-based reaction in a mutually escalating con fl ict (Hamberger, Lohr, Bonge, & Tolin, 1997 ;Swan, Gambone, Caldwell, Sullivan, & Snow, 2008 ) . ...
Article
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Violence between intimate partners (PV) is widely regarded as a crime committed by men against women, and this paradigm has informed policy on criminal justice interventions for the past three decades. Having found symmetry across gender in many aspects of PV, most scholars now question this paradigm and argue for more gender inclusive, evidence-based policies. Still, while many feminists now acknowledge gender symmetry in overall rates of perpetration, few would agree that women also engage in the more serious pattern of PV known as battering. This article explores the extent to which current law enforcement responses and training are based on credible, up-to-date research. We first explore findings from the largest partner violence research project ever undertaken, the Partner Abuse State of Knowledge Project (PASK), to determine what the empirical data suggests about the extent, causes and consequences of battering. We then report on our national study on police training manuals in 16 states with so-called dominant aggressor laws. Our findings indicate that even when framed as the more serious crime of battering, PV is mostly symmetrical across gender; yet current law enforcement training continues to reflect the prevailing gender paradigm and support practices that seriously discount violence perpetrated by women.
... The full magnitude of violence by females against males is not known and some males do experience substantial injury because of victimization. In fact, following mandatory arrest policies implemented across the United States, community studies have found the number of women arrested for perpetrating domestic violence has risen 10-to 12-fold (Hamberger, Lohr, Bonge, & Tolin, 1997). Current reports of an increase in the arrest rate of females for domestic violence are explained by police officers as an unintended effect of police training and legislation that seeks to identify the "primary aggressor" in cases of domestic violence. ...
Article
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This qualitative study examines advocates’ phenomenological experiences with victims of domestic violence, specifically whether advocates’ personal biases impede the delivery of services to victims. Agencies and shelters in the communities that serve victims of domestic violence are an invaluable resource; however, if advocates are not providing appropriate services, victims can often find themselves in a more traumatic state. Ten domestic violence advocates throughout the State of Connecticut were interviewed and asked a series of questions pertaining directly to their day-to-day roles. The study also examined their attitudes about domestic violence, their perceptions of the work they do, and whether or not they feel they are making an impact. To add to the much-needed literature base on the lived experience of domestic violence victim advocates, this study utilized a qualitative phenomenological methodology. Seven core themes were identified throughout the research. Many advocates are simply burned out and not providing adequate services to their clients. Many advocates do not feel valued or as though they are given proper, continuous training on topics relevant to their job. The identified themes are important for developing training initiatives, improving management / advocate relationships, as well as strengthening organizational soundness.
... This literature, often based on Feminist theories and qualitative methodologies, indicates that most serious IPV is committed by men against their female partners or ex-partners in a mostly unidirectional way (e.g. a clear offender and a clear victim). If women fight back, it is in selfdefense (Barnett, Lee & Thelen, 1997;Cascardi & Vivian, 1995;Hamberger, Lohr, Bonge, & Tolin, 1997). The term "Patriarchal or Intimate Terrorist" is sometimes used to describe the abuser (Johnson 1995, Johnson & Leone, 2005. ...
Article
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This study examines a hypothesis that has not received adequate scrutiny: that an important proportion of IPV incidents, particularly those that are more serious, involve generalist offenders known to the police. Many criminological theories and empirical studies suggest that offenders are often generalists, yet few IPV studies consider this hypothesis. Based on a sample of 52,149 IPV incidents recorded by police, we found that 31% of IPV incidents involved suspects only with criminal records for non-IPV criminality, 9% involved victims only with criminal records for non-IPV criminality, and 14% involved both suspects and victims with criminal records for non-IPV criminality. Thus, 45% of IPV offenders and 23% of IPV victims had criminal records for non-IPV criminality. Multilevel regression analyses reveal that controlling for prior IPV incidents, community context, and other individual and couple variables, IPV offenders with criminal records are 16% more likely to be involved in more serious incidents, and victims of IPV with criminal records are 17% more likely to be involved in more serious incidents. In addition, IPV incidents for which both suspects and victims had criminal records were 46% more likely to be more serious incidents. These results suggest that generalist criminals known by police have an important impact on the proportion of IPV incidents, particularly the more serious ones.
... A.-L. Zapata-Calvente and J. L. Megías though some motivations are shared by both men and women (such as expressions of anger and coercive communication; Hamberger, Lohr, Bonge, & Tolin, 1997), men tend to show a greater tendency than women to use violence instrumentally, that is, to exert control over their partner (Fehringer & Hindin, 2013), and their violence tends to be more focused on doing harm (Archer, 2000). In contrast, women's motivations are more often related to self-defence (Bair-Merritt et al., 2010), resistance (Bair-Merritt et al., 2010), response to previous abuse (Hamberger & Larsen, 2015;Shorey, Meltzer, & Cornelius, 2010) and difficulties regulating and expressing emotions (Shorey et al., 2010). ...
Article
We studied how the sex of the aggressor and their motivations for attacking influence the social perception of intimate partner violence, as well as the sex of the observer and their sexist ideology. University students read a scenario in which both members of a heterosexual couple harmed each other owing to controlling or reactive motivations. After that, they were asked to identify the motivations of each partner and estimate the seriousness of what occurred, the number of aggressions described and the frequency of this kind of episode in real life. The results showed that the men and women properly identified the motivations underlying the aggressive behaviours, considered control violence more serious than reactive violence, and perceived more of the first kind of aggression. However, the men estimated a lower frequency of these episodes in real life, especially episodes of control violence. The ambivalent sexism of the men is related to these assessments. These results are particularly important with regard to the debate on gender symmetry/asymmetry in intimate partner violence.
... Advocates for battered women, and some feminist scholars, contend that when women are arrested, they are usually victims acting in self-defense, or finally fighting back after years of abuse at the hands of male partners who are regarded as the dominant aggressor (DeLeon-Granados, Wells, & Binsbacher, 2006;Hamel, 2011;Hamel & Russell, 2013). Some advocates acknowledge that men and women physically aggress upon their partners at comparable rates; however, they argue that the risk factors, motives, dynamics, and consequences for PA are different across gender, with women far more likely to aggress in the context of a mutually escalating conflict rather than as a means to dominate and control their partner, as is presumed of men (Dalton, Drozd, & Wong, 2006;Dragiewicz, 2008;Hamberger, Lohr, Bonge, & Tolin, 1997;Kimmel, 2002;Swan, Gambone, Caldwell, Sullivan, & Snow, 2008). Some of these views are shared by mental health professionals, including social workers. ...
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Objective The purpose of the present study was to investigate the impact of gender and other variables commonly associated with intimate partner abuse perpetration on program completion and pretreatment abusiveness profiles among a sample of men and women ordered into a 52-week batterer intervention program (BIP). Method The study employed a posttest only design with nonequivalent groups (comparing program completers to dropouts and men to women) in an analysis of 175 clients mandated into a BIP. Results Analysis indicated that there were no significant differences between men and women in terms of program completion and that women were significantly more likely than men to report engaging in severe physical abuse perpetration, and a logistic regression analysis indicated that dropouts were 6 times more likely to have initiated physical abuse compared to completers. Conclusion These findings reveal characteristics of BIP program participants as they relate to self-reported abusiveness and provide preliminary evidence suggesting that both BIP pretreatment profiles and treatment completion rates of men and women are similar, with implications for policy and treatment.
... research also indicates that the emotional context of the domestic violence offending, and arguments about victim provocation, should not been seen as mitigating culpability. abuse and violence in relationships have long been recognized as a means of control to obtain victim compliance (mahoney 1991;hamberger et al. 1997;Johnson and Ferraro 2000;hessick 2007). Domestic violence perpetrators frequently blame their victims to legitimize their offending (Koss et al. 1994;, which may obscure the perpetrator's self-interest in acting violently (mahoney 1991). ...
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Despite shifts in Western liberal democracies towards stronger criminal justice responses to domestic violence, the issue of sentencing disparity between domestic and non-domestic violence offending cases remains largely neglected. Using a population of cases sentenced in the New South Wales (Australia) lower courts between January 2009 and June 2012, we report multivariate analyses of the sentencing of domestic violence and non-domestic violence offences. Results show that when sentenced under statistically similar circumstances, domestic violence offenders are less likely than those convicted of crimes outside of domestic contexts to be sentenced to prison although the substantive impact is small. Further, of those imprisoned, domestic violence offenders receive significantly shorter sentenced terms. Our findings also suggest that, for domestic violence offences, there may be a ‘punishment cost’ to being older, male and Indigenous. The role of outmoded stereotypical assumptions around domestic violence in sentencing decision making is discussed.
... Joint family and less duration of marriage are important parameters of domestic violence. [19][20][21][22] A large number of cases were illiterate and illiteracy seems to be one of the most prominent causes of Domestic violence. [23,24] Domestic violence were more common in lower socio economic group and about 84% cases experienced domestic violence belong to income group less than ` 2935 monthly. ...
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Background: Domestic violence against women is widely recognized as important public health problem, owing to its substantial consequences for women's physical, mental and reproductive health. This study tried to assess the frequency and patterns of domestic violence against women experienced by attendees of Domestic Violence counselling centre Department of Psychiatry, MY Hospital, Indore. Aims & Objective: To study the nature and causes of domestic violence. Material and Methods: Cross sectional study using a pre designed pre tested semi structured questionnaire was carried out and the data were analyzed using MS excel. Results: Most common type of domestic violence faced is physical (80%) followed by mental (8%), social (8%) and sexual (4%). Monetary issues (26%) and alcoholism (22%) are the two most important causes of domestic violence, other causes being extra marital affair (6%), Family conflicts (6%) and dowry (6%). 64% victims were either illiterate or primary pass; 34% were skilled workers; 56% victims had their per capita income between`980between`between`980 and 2935; 76% had their modified Kuppuswami score between 5-10. 56% victims face domestic violence daily. Conclusion: Monetary problems, alcoholism, illiteracy, extramarital affairs and dowry are the major causes of domestic violence. The victims most commonly face physical violence by their partners daily. There is an urgent need of more and more domestic violence counselling centers throughout the country.
... Relatedly, no research has sought to capture perpetrator's underlying motivations which would also inform theory. (Hamberger, Lohr, Bonge, & Tolin, 1997, provide a useful example of this in the context of domestic violence.) What is clear is that perpetrator's motivations for acting out are far more complex than is generally recognized (Goergen & Beaulieu, 2010;Grabosky & Walkley, 2007). ...
Article
The tendency to label all elder abuse perpetrators as the "bad guys" has diminished our ability to respond effectively. A review of the literature demonstrates that elder abuse perpetrators are in fact heterogeneous with important differences across types of abuse. A reformulation of perpetrator interventions away from a singular emphasis on prosecution to meaningful alternatives that utilize criminal justice and/or therapeutic approaches tailored to the needs of the case is needed. These interventions must incorporate the needs of both victims and perpetrators, take into consideration the type of abuse involved, acknowledge the variations in perpetrator culpability, and recognize the continuum of complexity among these cases. Without addressing these nuances, intervention and prevention efforts will be futile if not harmful.
... Although previous studies have documented the associations between these variables, no study has yet examined a mediational model using all of the variables proposed here. We analyzed separate models for men and women based on prior research suggesting that there may be different motivations and potential causal factors in men versus women's IPV perpetration (e.g., Hamberger, Lohr, Bonge, & Tolin, 1997). Our hypotheses were as follows: (a) In women and men, higher levels of secure attachment would be associated with lower levels of anger and jealousy, which in turn would be associated with less IPV perpetration; (b) in women and men, higher levels of preoccupied and fearful attachment would be associated with greater levels of anger and jealousy, which in turn would be associated with more IPV perpetration; (c) in women, higher levels of dismissive attachment would be associated with greater levels of anger and jealousy, which in turn would be associated with more physical IPV perpetration; (d) in men, higher levels of dismissive attachment would be associated with lower levels of jealousy and anger, which in turn would be related to lower levels of physical violence perpetration, given prior research documenting the negative association between dismissive attachment and IPV perpetration in men (Holtzworth-Munroe et al., 1997;Powers, 1999). ...
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Objective: The purpose of this study was to determine whether anger and jealousy mediate the relationship between adult attachment styles (i.e., dismissive, fearful, preoccupied, secure) and physical intimate partner violence (IPV) perpetration for both men and women. Method: Undergraduate students (n = 431) were sampled from a large Midwestern U.S. university. Results: Mediational analyses revealed that anger mediated the associations between each of the four attachment styles and violence perpetration for women. However, neither anger nor jealousy mediated the association between attachment and violence perpetration for men. Conclusions: Young women's IPV perpetration appears more closely related to their emotional responses, in particular anger, but violence perpetration in young men does not necessarily seem to follow this pattern. These findings suggest specific strategies which may be useful for preventive efforts of violence perpetration in young adult women, such as anger-related emotion regulation skills training.
... Dans une etude sur des couples en therapie signalant de la violence de part et d'autre, les femmes ayant pose des gestes a I'echelle violence grave du CTS etaient plus susceptibles d'indiquer I'avoir fait pour se defendre et les hommes pour contrder leur partenaire, les repondantes mentionnant aussi un haut niveau de violence psychologique de la part de leur conjoint (Cascardi et Vivian, 1995). Une etude aupres de femmes et d'hommes arretes pour violence conjugale fait aussi &at de differences significatives selon le sexe : les repondantes etaient plus susceptibles d'indiquer avoir pose des gestes pour se defendre, pour s'enfuir ou pour riposter a de la violence physique ou psychologique; les repondants etaient plus susceptibles d'indiquer des motivations liees a la domination et au contr6le (Hamberger, Lohr, Bonge et Tolin, 1997). ...
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The present discourse on symmetry of violence between partners originates in the results of surveys primarily using one type of instrument, the Conflict Tactics Scales (Straus, 1979). An examination of the critiques that have been formulated and of the justifications given by the authors of the instrument suggests that symmetry is a result of a specific representation of action constructed by the instrument. Comparing the protocols and results of four large surveys in Canada, England and the United States, the authors underline the importance of taking into account severity in the measurement of violence.
... Following this framework, it is possible that witnessing domestic violence in the home models a maladaptive interpersonal style that is then adopted by the abuseexposed child. Though it may be expected that witnessing violence in the home would more clearly model aggressive behavior (i.e., that the relationship between domestic violence and psychopathy would be strongest for the Factor 2 antisocial features of the disorder), domestic violence is frequently characterized by manipulation and coercion (Hamberger, Lohr, Bonge, & Tolin, 1997;Strauchler et al., 2004). Though the MACE does not directly assess exposure to psychological or emotional abuse, it is possible that children with frequent exposure to domestic violence are more likely to witness manipulative behavior by a caregiver (in the context of domestic violence), and are thus more likely to develop a conning and manipulative interpersonal style. ...
Article
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While there is growing evidence that suffering physical abuse during childhood is subsequently associated with psychopathic traits in both juvenile and adult offenders, there is considerably less research on whether exposure to domestic violence as a witness, rather than as a direct victim, influences the subsequent presentation of psychopathic traits in adulthood. Accordingly, the current study examined the relationship between witnessing domestic violence during childhood (i.e., witnessing, hearing, or intervening in abuse against a parent/sibling) and psychopathic traits in adulthood in a sample of n = 127 incarcerated male offenders. As predicted, witnessing domestic violence was significantly associated with overall level of psychopathy, with a particularly strong relationship to the interpersonal/affective features of psychopathy. Importantly, this relationship held when controlling for the experience of domestic violence as a direct victim. These results add to the growing body of literature linking adverse and traumatic events during childhood with psychopathic traits later in life, and suggest that domestic violence exposure may be one factor contributing to the manipulative, interpersonal style exhibited by individuals high in psychopathy.
... Murthy et al. (2004) argues that numbers of family members, kind of marriage and husband's level of education besides menstrual problems have significant influence on domestic violence. While many researches come out with argument that lifestyle of men such as smoking, alcoholism and drugs promote men to commit domestic violence (Leonard, 1992;McKenry et al., 1995;Rao, 1997 andBhatt, 1998), some are of the view that masculinity and domestic violence are closely interlinked (Duvvury andNayak, 2003 andHamberger et al., 1997). Again, persons with lower socialization and responsibility are found to be the enhancers of the problem (Barnett and Hamberger, 1992). ...
Article
Women at Risk: Understanding Power and Violence in Kashmir
... Intergenerational violence transmission theory offers one explanation for the etiology of IPV within family systems (Kalmuss, 1984;Ballif-Spanvill et al., 2008;Breslin, Riggs, O'Leary, & Arias, 1990). Based on this theory, children who are exposed to family violence treat aggression as a socially learned behavior to express oneself, feel powerful, and gain control within intimate relationships in later life, thus transmitting a capacity for violence from one generation to another (Hamberger, Lohr, Bonge, & Tolin, 1997;Harned, 2001). As such, abused children may develop an expectation for violence as a normal part of romantic relationships and/or necessary to maintain control and power in their lives (Wekerle et al. 2001), opening up a pathway for IPV victimization, perpetration, or both. ...
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Purpose: Intimate partner violence (IPV) has detrimental effects on individuals' physical and mental health. Intergenerational violence transmission theory posits that child abuse (CA) is an important determinant of later IPV perpetration due to socially learned aggression and expectations of violence in romantic relationships. However, less research exists on family protective factors like the mother-child relationship, the strength of which may mediate this link. The present study explored the association between mother-child relationships, child abuse, and adult IPV perpetration--specifically, whether mother-child relationship quality mediated the effects on the link between child abuse and later IPV. Methods: This study analyzed data from individuals who completed Waves I and Wave IV of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (N=3718 respondents). Structural equation modeling (SEM) was used to investigate mediation dynamics between CA, mother-child relationship, and adult IPV perpetration. Results: Structural equation model fit the data well (CFI = .918, RMSEA = .051 [.045, .057]). The mediation model revealed that the direct effect of childhood abuse on IPV was .067 (p<.001), while the indirect effect of childhood abuse on IPV (i.e., the effect operating through the mother-child relationship) was .005 (p<.001). Conclusions: While CA remains a significant risk factor for adult IPV perpetration, findings suggest that high-quality mother-child relationships may have a buffering effect and aid in preventing intergenerational violence transmission. Continued efforts to research, fund, and implement interventions that build healthy family dynamics are needed to support traumatized children into adulthood and end intergenerational violence.
... Murthy et al. (2004) argues that numbers of family members, kind of marriage and husband's level of education besides menstrual problems have significant influence on domestic violence. While many researches come out with argument that lifestyle of men such as smoking, alcoholism and drugs promote men to commit domestic violence (Leonard, 1992;McKenry et al., 1995;Rao, 1997 andBhatt, 1998), some are of the view that masculinity and domestic violence are closely interlinked (Duvvury andNayak, 2003 andHamberger et al., 1997). Again, persons with lower socialization and responsibility are found to be the enhancers of the problem (Barnett and Hamberger, 1992). ...
... Many, however, have not yielded on the issue of control, despite evidence to the contrary. Men are presumed to assault their intimate partners as a means of exercising power and control over them, whether to enforce male privilege or for psychological reasons; whereas women do so primarily in self-defense, or in resistance to men's attempts dominate them (Dragiewicz, 2008;Kimmel, 2002), or done for expressive (emotion-driven) rather than instrumental reasons (Hamberger, Lohr, Bonge, & Tolin, 1997;Swan, Gambone, Caldwell, Sullivan, & Snow, 2008). This alternative version of the paradigm appears to have deep roots in the sort of gender stereotypes cited by Straus (2009). ...
Article
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Intimate partner violence (IPV) is regarded by key stakeholders involved in shaping arrest and intervention policies as a gendered problem. The prevailing assumptions guiding these policies, centered on patriarchal social structures and men's motivation to dominate their female partners, have collectively been called the gender paradigm . When states started to enact laws against domestic violence in the late 1970s, it was due to the efforts of battered women and their allies, including second wave feminists fighting for the political, social, and economic advancement of women. The focus was on life-threatening forms of abuse in which women represented, and continue to represent, the much larger share of victims. Since then, IPV has been found to be a more complex problem than originally framed, perpetrated by women as well as men, driven by an assortment of motives, and associated with distal and proximate risk factors that have little to do with gender. Nonetheless, the gender paradigm persists, with public policy lagging behind the empirical evidence. The author suggests some reasons why this is so, among them the much higher rates of violent crimes committed by men, media influence and cognitive biases, political factors, and perpetuation of the very sex-role stereotypes that feminists have sought to extinguish in every other social domain. He then critically reviews two theories used in support of the paradigm, sexual selection theory and social role theory, and explores how empirically driven policies would more effectively lower IPV rates in our communities, while advancing core feminist principles.
... Murthy et al. (2004) argues that numbers of family members, kind of marriage and husband's level of education besides menstrual problems have significant influence on domestic violence. While many researches come out with argument that lifestyle of men such as smoking, alcoholism and drugs promote men to commit domestic violence (Leonard, 1992;McKenry et al., 1995;Rao, 1997 andBhatt, 1998), some are of the view that masculinity and domestic violence are closely interlinked (Duvvury andNayak, 2003 andHamberger et al., 1997). Again, persons with lower socialization and responsibility are found to be the enhancers of the problem (Barnett and Hamberger, 1992). ...
Article
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From times immemorial, Patriarchy has always been an instrument of oppression and exploitation against women resulting in the various forms of gender based violence. It occurs in all settings; at work, in the home, in the streets and the community at large, in situations of armed conflict and is perpetrated by men. Most significant fact is that women and girls experience violence primarily at the hands of men they know and within the so-called 'safe heaven' of the home and family. In all of these situations gender power differentials and other inequalities play an important role in the dynamics of violence. Women in Kashmir equally share the sorrows and fortunes of life with women in order parts of world, although the practice of infanticide, foeticide, dowry deaths are not resorted to, women are generally abused and maltreated, subjugated and physically victimized right from their childhood because of the socially structured inequality.The present paper examines the nature and extent of domestic violence against women in Kashmir and to come up with the strategies to deal with such violence against women. The research paper is based on the empirical findings.
... There is arguably even more impetus to intervene when children are being exposed to IPV, particularly in view of the research supporting the long-lasting negative outcomes to such children. Research generally supports the theory that IPV can be passed on intergenerationally; i.e., exposure to violence in one's family of origin is a fairly significant predictor for future partner violence and violent victimization (Alexander, Moore & Alxander, 1991;Coker, Smith, Bethea, King, & McKeown;Ehrensaft et al., 2003;Hamberger, 1997;McGuigan & Pratt, 2001). It seems like a common-sense proposition that if people grow up witnessing their caregiver's violence or experiencing it themselves, they, in turn, may model this violence and have a script for it in their future relationships and/or conversely end up relationship in which they endure violence. ...
Chapter
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The last several decades have produced research, which suggests that the faces of perpetrators and victims of intimate partner violence (IPV) defy commonly held beliefs; that is, intimate partner violence is now being recognized to be perpetrated not only by males against females in heterosexual romantic relationship, but also by females in both heterosexual and lesbian relationships and by men in homosexual relationships. Sometimes, violence between partners is bidirectional; i.e., in some cases there is not a clear cut dichotomy between perpetrator and victim. This chapter attempts to debunk stereotypes about perpetrators and victims, and it highlights health issues common to those involved in IPV. This chapter also discusses challenges primary care clinicians face in addressing this issue. Finally, suggestions with respect to screening and intervention are made.
... Although research has shown that lower perceived power is associated with aggressive responses (e.g., Babcock et al., 1993;Ronfeldt et al., 1998;Overall et al., 2016;Sagrestano et al., 1999), there is also evidence that greater desire for power promotes relationship aggression (e.g., Dutton & Strachan, 1987;Felson & Outlaw, 2007;Whitaker, 2013). For example, men who are violent within their relationships often report that their aggression is motivated by a need to control and dominate their partner (Barnett, Lee, & Thelan, 1997;Dobash & Dobash, 1979;Dutton & Strachan, 1987;Hamberger, Lohr, Bonge, & Tolin, 1997). These types of associations are often understood to reflect that intimate partner violence arises as a means to achieve dominance or possess power (see Holtzworth-Munroe, Bates, Smutzler, & Sandin, 1997;Hotaling & Sugarman, 1986;Whitaker, 2013). ...
Article
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Protecting men's power is fundamental to understanding the origin, expression, and targets of hostile sexism, yet no prior theoretical or empirical work has specified how hostile sexism is related to experiences of power. In the current studies, we propose that the interdependence inherent in heterosexual relationships will lead men who more strongly endorse hostile sexism to perceive they have lower power in their relationship, and that these perceptions will be biased. We also predicted that lower perceptions of power would in turn promote aggression toward intimate partners. Across 4 studies, men who more strongly endorsed hostile sexism perceived lower power in their relationships. Comparisons across partners supported that these lower perceptions of power were biased; men who more strongly endorsed hostile sexism underestimated the power they had compared with their partners’ reports of that power (Studies 1 and 2). These lower perceptions of power, in turn, predicted greater aggression toward female partners during couples’ daily interactions (Study 1), observed during couples’ video-recorded conflict discussions (Study 2), and reported over the last year (Studies 3 and 4). Moreover, the associations between hostile sexism, power, and aggression were specific to men perceiving lower relationship power rather than desiring greater power in their relationships (Studies 3 and 4), and they were not the result of generally being more dominant and aggressive (Studies 3 and 4), or more negative relationship evaluations from either partner (Studies 1–4). The findings demonstrate the importance of an interdependence perspective in understanding the experiences, aggressive expressions, and broader consequences associated with hostile sexism.
... This abuse most likely takes place in a cycle of mutually escalating conflict, rather than as an active strategy to establish dominance and gain control, which is often presumed of male perpetrators (Dalton, Drozd, & Wong, 2006;Dragiewicz, 2008;Hamberger, Lohr, Bonge, & Tolin, 1997;Kimmel, 2002;Swan, Gambone, Caldwell, Sullivan, & Snow, 2008). Jealousy and sexual possessiveness have long been held as the dominant predictive factors of men's violence against women . ...
Chapter
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http://www.aps.edu.pl/uczelnia/wydawnictwo/nowo%C5%9Bci/odrow%C4%85%C5%BC-coates-anna-goswami-sribas-red-symbolic-violence-in-socio-educational-contexts-a-post-colonial-critique/
Article
The topic of female partner aggression has been a controversial focus of debate over the past 25 years, and yet we lack a coherent body of literature that effectively describes the phenomenon of female partner violence and guides the treatments we are able to provide. This paper is an attempt to gather and integrate the fragments of data that we do have with related treatment issues, such as substance abuse, trauma, and attachment disorders, that appear to be highly relevant to this population. A structured cognitive-behavioral group treatment program, designed to address women's needs as both victims and perpetrators, is described, and suggestions for further investigation are offered.
Article
The movement among states to promulgate, publish, and implement treatment standards for programs and providers of treatment for men who batter has gained increasing momentum in recent years. This movement, in turn, has created controversy. On the one hand, there are those who view the process of standards development, as well as the products, as essentially good and evolving. On the other hand, there are those who have argued that the process has been flawed, exclusionary, and the products based more on philosophy than sound science. The present paper describes the thoughts of a researcher who also served as chair of a state standards committee. The role of research in standards development and evolution is discussed. The role and contribution of researchers to a collaborative process of standards development and implementation is discussed. Suggestions for enhancing the collaborative process are provided.
Article
The move to arrest, in particular mandatory arrest, has not come without criticism. Of particular concern has been the observed increase in the percentage of those arrested who are women. In this article, the authors examine the reasons for the enactment of primary aggressor laws and present an overview of those laws. They use a sample of intimate partner intimidation and assault cases reported to the police in calendar year 2000 in 25 jurisdictions in four states (Connecticut, Idaho, Tennessee, and Virginia) to examine the relationship between dual arrest rates and the existence of a primary aggressor statute.
Article
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The main purpose of this review article was to collect and summarize all available papers that reported empirical data related to men's and women's motivations for IPV. To facilitate direct gender comparisons, the motives reported in each obtained study were coded by the current authors into seven broad categories: (a) power/control, (b) self-defense, (c) expression of negative emotion (i.e., anger), (d) communication difficulties, (e) retaliation, (f) jealousy, and (g) other. Across the 75 samples (located in 74 articles) that were reviewed and coded for this study, 24 contained samples of only women (32%), 6 samples consisted of only men (8%), and 46 samples used both women and men (62%). Power/control and self-defense were commonly measured motivations (76% and 61%, respectively). However, using violence as an expression of negative emotion (63%), communication difficulties (48%), retaliation (60%), or because of jealousy (49%) were also commonly assessed motives. In 62% of the samples, at least one other type of motive was also measured. Only 18 of the located study samples (24%) included data that allowed for a direct gender comparison of men's and women's reported motivations. Many of these studies did not subject their data to statistical analyses. Among those that did, very few gender-specific motives for perpetration emerged. These results should be viewed with caution, however, because many methodological and measurement challenges exist in this field. There was also considerable heterogeneity across papers making direct gender comparisons problematic.
Article
Despite a growing number of studies exploring perpetrator's motives for intimate partner violence (IPV), methodological and conceptual issues evident in current research continue to limit our understanding of such motives. In an effort to address these issues, Flynn and Graham (2010) developed a conceptual model of perceived reasons for IPV; however, this model presents several limitations. Drawing on the social interactionist theory of coercive actions (Tedeschi & Felson, 1994) and the event process model of family violence (Stairmand, Polaschek, & Dixon, 2019), we propose an alternative conceptual framework for motives for physical and psychological IPV. The proposed conceptual framework addresses existing limitations of motives research and conceptual models by differentiating motives from the contextual factors that may influence their selection, and by providing a temporal framework from which to better understand the dynamic nature of IPV events. This paper provides an overview of the proposed conceptual framework and discusses its implications for research and clinical practice. Further research is required to determine the utility of the framework for understanding motives for sexual IPV and non-IPV forms of family violence (e.g., child-maltreatment).
Article
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The domestic violence is slowly becoming a popular topic among media and academicians in developing countries. The domestic violence against women has been considered as a major unsolved, challengeable issue since decades. However women play an important role in the overall development of a nation as they constitute half of the human resources of a country. The affirmative actions by government of India have brought about perceptual changes in the socioeconomic condition of women. In Himachal Pradesh workforce participation rate of female in rural sector was highest and it is 43.67 percent (C.S.O.2007) of total work force participation. Violence against working women affects their health as well as organizational health. In spite of their huge contribution in all round development of the country, they are fighting for their existence, rights and existence. A violent environment-within and outside the home discourage women from participating in the social , economic and political life of their communities, .According to W.H.O survey in India each incidence of violence against women costs an average of seven working days.
Article
Research shows that there are a variety of reasons why people self-report engaging in intimate partner violence (IPV) perpetration, but few studies report victims' attributions for their partners' IPV perpetration. Because there are two acting partners in relationships, as well as the IPV incidents that occur in the relationships, to fully understand the dynamics of IPV, both partners' perceptions of why the incidents occur must be understood. The authors of this article systematically reviewed the available empirical evidence regarding male and female perpetrators' endorsed attributions for their IPV perpetration, as well victims' attributions for their partners' IPV perpetration. Several literature databases were explored, resulting in 50 articles that met the criteria for inclusion in this review. IPV perpetrators' commonly endorsed attributions for physical and psychological IPV consisted of control, anger, retaliation, self-defense, to get attention, and an inability to express oneself verbally. Research has not examined endorsed attributions for coercive control. The few studies examining attributions for sexual IPV found that it was attributed to dominance or hedonism. Themes regarding victims' attributions were largely similar to those of the perpetrators, however, there were some differences. Victims' attributions for physical IPV perpetration consisted of anger, control, jealousy, and the influence of drugs/alcohol, which are similar to perpetrators' self-reported attributions for engaging in IPV perpetration. Victims' attributions for their partners' psychological IPV perpetration consisted of the perpetrator's personality, relationship dissolution, alcohol, and their partners' jealousy. Victims' attributions for their partners' sexual IPV perpetration, however, differed from perpetrators' attributions, consisting of the victim believing that the perpetrator thought they wanted it, being under the influence of alcohol/drugs, and doing it out of love. Methodological inconsistencies, directions for future research, and treatment implications are also discussed.
Article
Much research examines potential antecedents of intimate partner violence (IPV) perpetration. The current manuscript suggests that motivation orientations, as conceptualized by self-determination theory, may be a useful framework for understanding why some people engage in reactive IPV perpetration. Studies 1a (N=572) and 1b (N=265) developed, based on self-determination theory, the Relationship Causality Orientation Scale (RCOS), assessing autonomous, controlled, and impersonal motivation orientations toward romantic relationships. Studies 2 (N=324) and 3 (N=274) examined associations between the RCOS and different operationalizations of IPV. In Study 2, results showed that autonomous orientation predicted lower, and controlled orientation predicted higher, likelihood of IPV perpetration. Study 3 experimentally primed partner transgression and employed a voodoo doll task. Results showed that autonomous orientation predicted less IPV perpetration, and inserting fewer pins into the voodoo doll, while controlled orientation predicted more IPV perpetration and inserting more pins into the voodoo doll.
Article
Domestic violence is a civil war in our society, produced by the dehumanization of the perpetrators under the influence of masculinity driven power imbalance. Its silhouetting is getting worse, in spite of ascending governmental and civil society activism to address it. Now women are inducted into policing to deal with deviance involving women and children. In case of domestic violence, they handle the cases through counselling the victims and the perpetrators as well. For an unbeaten approach in this regard, we need to pragmatically emphasise the psychological and social responsibility aspects of police training.
Chapter
Motivations are difficult to measure since they rely on a combination of self-report from the offender, victim, crime scene, and act of violence. Animal victims cannot share their views of the offender’s behavior. Felthous (1986) noted that motivation is important to understand and along with Kellert presented nine motivations for animal cruelty.
Chapter
Although domestic violence may refer to all aspects of family violence this chapter focuses on violence within an intimate relationship. Ninety-five percent of such abuse involves a man abusing his female partner. Although several studies have shown an almost equal number of episodes of violence perpetrated by men and women, the context, intent, and outcome of these episodes result in injury and fear in the female partner.1 There is little published information concerning the remaining 5% of incidents, most of which occur between homosexual partners (male or female) and are even more likely than heterosexual abuse to be unreported by victims and unrecognized by clinicians.
Article
According to FBI statistics, each year 3.3 million wives and 250,000 husbands receive severe beatings from their spouses. This research tries to answer the question of why one human being would want to abuse another. More specifically, what is the function, purpose, or pay off of all this violence? This research identifies key features in Protection from Abuse Order Affidavits that are indicative of motives underlying interpersonal abuse. This was done by using content analysis that will aim to uncover such motives by relating the abusive behavior to the circumstances under which the perpetrator enacted them and the personal and interpersonal consequences they brought about. Three questions guide this research. First, what do documents such as Protection from Abuse Order Affidavits reveal about the abusive actions the perpetrator took against the victim? Second, what do such documents reveal about the circumstances under which the abuse occurred and about the consequences of the abuse? And third, which conclusions can be drawn from these documents about the perpetrator's motives for abuse? Upon completion of the content analysis the following motives were discovered: 1. Attacks on the woman's attempt to leave the relationship. 2. Punishment, coercion, and retaliation against the woman's actions concerning children. 3. Coercion or retaliation against the woman's pursuit of court or police remedies. 4. Assaults upon the woman's challenges to drinking and to other dimensions of male authority. 5. Attempts to try to control where she goes, whom she sees, and with whom she talks. By looking at these perpetrators' motives for the abuse I believe we will be better able to help victims free themselves from terror and fear and to hold batterers accountable for their actions. I believe that this research into motives for abuse will help us to understand the goals and meanings that violence may have for an abusive individual and to improve our efforts to stop interpersonal abuse.
Thesis
p>This thesis is based on 28 in-depth focussed interviews with women survivors of domestic violence which explored their perceptions and experiences of legal responses to domestic violence. The interviews were conducted and analysed using the theoretical framework and methods of Grounded Theory and feminist perspectives. The research examines women's different 'pathways' through 'domestic violence law', including the criminal, civil and family law systems. Recent legal reforms focus on responding to domestic violence as a crime, holding perpetrators accountable, changing their behaviour and protecting 'victims'. In focussing on these aspects of 'domestic violence law' we miss crucial aspects of the meaning of law in survivors' lives. For the women in this research legal responses were part of breaking the silence surrounding domestic violence, seeking 'connections' with others, establishing power in the violent relationship and creating a new life apart from the perpetrator. Women's experiences reveal that, generally, legal responses failed to recognise these needs or to respond to the complex emotional journeys of surviving domestic violence. Legal responses also tended to silence, exclude and disempower women. This thesis argues that there are 'therapeutic possibilities' for legal responses that 'heal' and 'serve' survivors of domestic violence. It is argued that we need to develop an understanding of the role of emotion in legal responses and in experiences of domestic violence and that empathy should be valued as central to legal practice. The thesis also argues that law should develop opportunities for empowering women at an individual and collective level.</p
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This edited volume about the educational, social and political issues of the globalized world, is a collection of chapters by experienced academics from many different countries that are directly or indirectly entangled in the post-colonial social and economic milieu. The chapters come from Algeria, Ecuador, India, Italy, Netherlands, Nigeria, Poland, the UK and the USA. The book offers original ways of understating the social and educational contexts of globalized societies, through the critical lens of a post-colonial framing. In the title, the word 'contexts' refers to the inescapable social and educational environments that one is immersed in during their upbringing and throughout adult life. In some of the chapters we find discussions on the sociological aspects of the environment in which the education is constructed and delivered, in others we find the interconnectivity between the sociological aspects of life and the systems of education. The issues of social inclusion and exclusion are ever-present in each of the chapters and power relations are carefully examined, questioning the ideological and economic underpinning of education and the world's social stratification. Due to the cross-continental nature of the book, the principle of world 'englishes' is willingly adopted, entrusting that the chapters will gain a global readership.
Article
Violence between social equals differs in character from violence between persons in asymmetrical relationships. Specifically, issues of contention motivating violence vary by the relative status of opponents, such that violence over symbolic issues is more common between symmetrical than asymmetrical opponents. Recent studies have substantiated these predictions in nonpartner relationships. Using data from interviews of incarcerated women, this study explores how intimate partner violence compares with violence between nonpartner opponents. We find that intimate partner violence is more likely to involve symbolic issues compared with violence between all kinds of nonpartner opponents. Consequently, intimate partnerships might be viewed as hypersymmetrical.
Chapter
Since the announcement of the Independent Review of Hate Crime Legislation (the Bracadale Review) in 2017, Scotland has embarked on a journey towards modernising and consolidating hate crime legislation. These attempts invited have consideration of adding sex and/or gender to the Scottish hate crime framework, predominantly to enable recognition of hate crime directed at women because they are perceived as women. Following two consultations and a vivid, yet deeply polarising political and social debate, the Scottish Parliament passed the Hate Crime and Public Order (Scotland) Act in 2021 without capturing sex and/or gender. This chapter scrutinises the period of hate crime reform between 2017 and 2021, leading to consideration of the work of the Working Group on Criminal Justice and Misogyny in Scotland.
Article
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Refutes the argument of R. L. McNeely and G. Robinson-Simpson (1987) that domestic violence by women toward men has been underestimated and instead maintains that false portrayals of women as vindictive initiators of violence only adds to their oppression. It is suggested that McNeely and Robinson-Simpson may have strayed further from the truth by failing to mention limitations of the research they cite; ignoring evidence that counters the research; and relying heavily on conjecture, opinion, and anecdotal evidence. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
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The present study was designed to evaluate the context of marital violence through husbands' and wives' accounts of the worst violent episode in the year prior to assessment. The primary objective was to examine severity (mild or severe) and gender (husbands or wives) differences in reports of the worst episode of marital aggression using a functional analysis conceptualization. That is, within the specific episode, current stressors, setting events, outcome, and function of aggressive behavior(s) and victimization experiences were evaluated. Sixty-two couples, who presented for marital treatment over a three year period and also reported at least one episode of physical aggression in the past year, participated. In most cases, marital aggression appeared to reflect an outgrowth of conflict between both partners. However, wives consistently reported that their aggressive husbands had engaged in more psychological coercion and aggression than they as a marital conflict escalated to physical violence. Further, there was a tendency for wives to use severe physical aggression in self-defense more often than husbands.
Article
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Military couples mandated for marital violence treatment (n=199) self-reported pretreatment levels of marital violence. This sample is unique in that data from both partners in severely violent marriages were available. Spouses were interviewed conjointly about past and current marital violence, childhood victimization, type of parental violence witnessed, and subjective impressions of childhood emotional and/or physical abuse. Results suggest that in the majority of these couples both husbands and wives reported engaging in acts of current marital violence (83%). However, significant gender differences were found such that husbands were more likely to use severely violent tactics, less likely to receive a marital violence injury, and less likely to report being afraid during the last incident of marital violence than wives. Surprisingly, wives were more likely than husbands to blame themselves for the first incidence of violence in the marriage. Husbands and wives did not differ in the prevalence of witnessing parental aggression, but wives were more likely than husbands to report being beaten as children and to perceive themselves as abused. For both genders, victimization from mother predicted marital perpetration, whereas victimization from father predicted marital victimization.
Article
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A controversy exists regarding the nature of violence committed by women against their intimate partners. When battered women are violent it is not known if the violence should be labeled "mutual combat," "husband abuse," or "self-defense." Following a review of studies comparing the extent of husbands' and wives' victimization and some conceptual issues regarding self-defense, data are presented from 52 battered women on their motives for using violence against their partners. The most frequent reason for violence reported by the women was for self-defense. Only one woman reported initiating an attack with severe violence in more than half of her violent acts. Only eight percent of the women reported that nonsevere violence was used to initiate an attack more than half of the time. The concepts of "self-defense" and "fighting back" were significantly and positively correlated; that is, many women saw them as being the same. The women's self-reports were not contaminated by social desirability response bias. The results are discussed in the context of the need to collect data on relevant explanatory variables in family violence research and the application of a feminist perspective to reduce bias in such research.
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The purpose of this investigation was to study the affect, psychophysiology, and violent content of arguments in couples with a violent husband. On the basis of self-reports of violent arguments, there were no wife behaviors that successfully suppressed husband violence once it began; moreover, husband violence escalated in response to nonviolent as well as violent wife behaviors, whereas wife violence escalated only in reaction to husband violence or emotional abuse. Only wives were fearful during violent and nonviolent arguments. The observational coding of nonviolent arguments in the laboratory revealed that both battering husbands and their wives (DV) were angrier than their maritally distressed but nonviolent (DNV) counterparts. As predicted, on the more provocative anger codes, only DV men differed from their DNV counterparts. However, DV wives were as verbally aggressive toward their husbands as DV husbands were toward their wives.
Article
This article compares the rate of physical abuse of children and spouses from a 1975 study with the rates from a 1985 replication. Both studies used nationally representative samples (2,143 families in 1975 and 3,520 in 1985), and both found an extremely high incidence of severe physical violence against children ("child abuse") and a high incidence of violence against spouses. However, the 1985 rates, although high, were substantially lower than in 1975: the child abuse rate was 47% lower, and the wife abuse rate was 27% lower. Possible reasons for the lower rates in 1985 are examined and evaluated, including: (a) differences in the methods of the studies, (b) increased reluctance to report, (c) reductions in intrafamily violence due to ten years of prevention and treatment effort, and (d) reductions due to changes in American society and family patterns that would have produced lower rates of intrafamily violence even without ameliorative programs. The policy implications of the decreases and of the continued high rate of child abuse and spouse abuse are discussed.
Article
Both conflict tactics and injuries resulting from marital violence were assessed for both members of the dyad in a sample of 180 couples referred to a treatment program for domestic violence in three military bases. Though both men and women reported engaging in topographically similar aggressive acts, the percentage of women reporting injuries, especially severe injuries, was much higher than the corresponding percentage of men. Injuries were also related to use of more severe aggressive behaviors as assessed by the Conflict Tactics Scale. These results provide support for conceptualizations of spouse abuse which stress the importance of addressing impact dimensions of aggression in addition to topographic dimensions in comparing this phenomenon across genders.
Article
With increasing emphasis in recent years on mandatory arrest for partner violence, there has been a concomitant increase in the number of females arrested for assaulting their partners. The present paper describes the process one community experienced to understand and appropriately intervene with women who had been arrested for domestic violence and referred to court-mandated treatment. Issues related to conceptualization of the problem, identifying intervention goals and defining the intervention targets were discussed. Research with the community sample of domestically violent indicated most were motivated by a need to defend themselves from their partner's assaults, or are retaliating for previous batterings. As such, the intervention focused on issues of victimization and oppression. It is further suggested that intervention programs for domestically violent women must take place in the context of a broader community intervention which involves training and interaction with law enforcement and criminal justice agencies to determine criteria for arrest and prosecution of battered women when they fight back to protect themselves.
  • Aldenderfer, M. S.