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Charitable food assistance as symbolic gesture: An ethnographic study of food banks in Ontario
Abstract
Community-based charitable food assistance programs have recently been established in several affluent nations to distribute public and corporate food donations to 'the needy'. In Canada, food banks comprise the primary response to hunger and food insecurity, but problems of unmet food need persist. We conducted an ethnographic study of food bank work in southern Ontario to examine the functioning of these extra-governmental, charitable food assistance programs in relation to problems of unmet need. Our results suggest that the limited, variable and largely uncontrollable supply of food donations shaped the ways in which food assistance was defined and the practices that governed its distribution. Workers framed the food assistance as a supplement or form of acute hunger relief, but generally acknowledged that the food given was insufficient to fully meet the needs of those who sought assistance. In response to supply limitations, workers restricted both the frequency with which individual clients could receive assistance and the amount and selection of food that they received on any one occasion. Food giving was essentially a symbolic gesture, with the distribution of food assistance dissociated from clients' needs and unmet needs rendered invisible. We conclude that, structurally, food banks lack the capacity to respond to the food needs of those who seek assistance. Moreover, the invisibility of unmet need in food banks provides little impetus for either community groups or government to seek solutions to this problem.
... Parece-me fazer sentido afirmar que vários desafios organizacionais vão sendo, em diversos casos, geridos com base na promoção de dinâmicas relacionais positivas. Tarasuk e Eakin (2003) constaram que o processo de doação de alimentos em contexto de ajuda alimentar pode funcionar mais como um gesto simbólico do que, propriamente, um apoio eficaz na resolução de problemas como a fome, a pobreza e a insegurança alimentar. Perante a incapacidade das organizações em darem resposta às carências alimentares dos beneficiários, ganha, portanto, lugar o simbolismo das práticas, dos valores, dos rituais e das relações estabelecidas. ...
... Os próprios voluntários parecem procurar compensar a ausência de um serviço de qualidade através da simpatia, boa disposição e de um atendimento de maior proximidade. O processo de doação constitui, assim, em diversos momentos, mais um gesto simbólico do que, propriamente, um apoio eficaz na resolução de problemas como a fome, a pobreza e a insegurança alimentar (Tarasuk e Eakin 2003). Para além da alimentação: Iniciativas de apoio alimentar, atores e dinâmicas 257 Em termos de participação social e perante os sucessivos impactos negativos, os beneficiários olham para o seu futuro no seio das iniciativas com algumas reticências. ...
... Preocupações relacionadas com a preservação da autonomia dos beneficiários, através da implementação de diferentes modalidades de distribuição (e.g., modelo supermercado); com a garantia do seu anonimato, através da desidentificação dos sacos de transporte de alimentos; com a entrega de bens alimentares ao domicílio; e com a disponibilização de outro tipo de bens e serviços (e.g., espaços de convívio) são exemplos da referida aposta(Harrison 2014;Holweg e Lienbacher 2011; Möller 2021). Além disso, diversas iniciativas de apoio alimentar lidam com sérias limitações no que toca à gestão dos seus stocks de bens alimentares, conduzindo a que as doações ocorram mais como um gesto simbólico do que uma ajuda efetiva que permita satisfazer as reais necessidades dos beneficiários, neste contexto, os voluntários/funcionários podem procurar compensar a escassez alimentar com uma maior atenção ao tratamento relacional(Tarasuk e Eakin 2003).Estas e outras práticas de cuidado interessam aflorar no âmbito da presente pesquisa. A sua identificação e compreensão permitem dar a conhecer um lado das iniciativas de apoio alimentar que tem encontrado pouco eco na literatura científica(Cloke, May, e Williams 2017;Williams et al. 2016). ...
O lugar ocupado pelas iniciativas de apoio alimentar, no contexto das sociedades ocidentais modernas, encontra-se envolto em indefinições. O desenvolvimento deste tipo de iniciativas tem gerado múltiplos debates, dentro e fora do espaço académico, acerca do que elas representam ou deveriam (idealmente) representar. Considera-se que um elemento central e transversal às diferentes perspetivas em torno destas organizações, relaciona-se com a referência ao seu papel social. Este constitui, justamente, o foco da presente pesquisa: compreender e analisar o papel social desempenhado pelas iniciativas de apoio alimentar, recorrendo, para tal, às perspetivas dos seus atores (responsáveis, voluntários e beneficiários). Estas respostas controversas e contestadas têm vindo a ser analisadas à luz de quadros teóricos que se consideram ser restritivos, na medida em que promovem leituras circulares e fechadas. Além disso, denota-se, sobretudo no contexto nacional uma quase completa ausência de estudos sobre estas iniciativas. Escasseiam, assim, análises sobre a heterogeneidade que caracteriza o universo sobre a ajuda alimentar, sobre os seus atores e sobre as dinâmicas entre ambos. Com o intuito de mitigar estas questões, a presente pesquisa avança com uma estratégia metodológica qualitativa comparativa de carácter etnográfico institucional para explorar a perspetiva de atores chave inseridos em diferentes modelos de ajuda alimentar - Organização de Redistribuição de Alimentos (ORA), Cantina Social e Mercearia Social. A análise e interpretação dos dados através de um quadro teórico inovador (lente crítica do cuidar) conduziu a descobertas que rompem e desafiam as narrativas dominantes em torno das iniciativas de apoio alimentar. Os principais resultados apontam, por um lado, para a existência de múltiplas práticas de cuidado ‘veladas’ e ‘improvisadas’ nas iniciativas investigadas que vão para além das questões alimentares e, por outro lado, para a constatação de que as mesmas podem assentar em atos altruístas e/ou constituir um mecanismo compensatório face a um serviço prestado que é entendido, pelos seus próprios atores, como sendo insuficiente. São ainda avançadas algumas reflexões e recomendações, tanto a nível da investigação como em termos de políticas públicas e intervenção social.
... In this food system, food banks operationalize a broad definition of food waste. This conceptualization allows food banks to discursively frame their narrow food rescue operations as a solution to the food insecurity crisis (Tarasuk and Eakin 2003;Booth and Whelan 2014;Lohnes and Wilson 2018), even though food surplus is not interchangeable with food waste (Garrone et al. 2014;Teigiserova et al. 2020). ...
... As noted by Galli et al. (2018) and Hecht and Neff (2019) in their review of food rescue organizations, food banks and other food gleaning operations utilize the trope of food waste when needed to broaden their range of stakeholders and increase the flexibility of their mission. In this way, food banks often leverage a broad and vague definition of food waste to discursively frame their narrow food rescue operations as a solution to the food insecurity crisis (Tarasuk and Eakin 2003). ...
... Although the scale of operations differs quite dramatically across the continent, European food banks are positioning themselves to be players in food relief (European Food Banks Federation 2020b). In many cases, food banks have utilized vague definitions of food insecurity and food waste in order to frame their narrow food rescue operations as a solution to the food insecurity crisis (Tarasuk and Eakin 2003). As noted by Lougheed and Spring (2020), this positioning as a "win-win" solution even in the face of limited impacts and unintended consequences underscores the political and social influence that food banks carry in contemporary European society. ...
Over the past few decades, large food banks that collect, warehouse, and redistribute food have become institutionalized across Europe. Although food banks gained increased visibility as important food relief mechanisms during the covid pandemic in 2020 and 2021, the crisis also highlighted their structural weaknesses and the fragility of the charity-based emergency food system. In particular, many European food banks faced higher costs, lower food stocks, uneven food donations, and lower numbers of volunteers and personnel as demand for food relief increased sharply. Also, many food banks lacked personal health and safety equipment for front-line staff and volunteers, many of whom were vulnerable or aged, thus forcing the closure of some charities due to health concerns. Yet, the impact of the pandemic was uneven across the continent as the covid pandemic strengthened some food banks while others were weakened. To explore these dynamics in detail, this paper utilizes in-depth interviews and surveys of key food bank operators in the Netherlands, Norway, and Greece to analyze how and why European food bank systems fared so differently from the pandemic. In short, the findings in this paper reveal how the Norwegian food bank system leveraged its position to increase fundraising and visibility, while the Netherlands food bank system suffered from long-term structural weaknesses, and the Greek food bank system was further embroiled in government tensions that threatened its existence. The preexisting structure of food bank systems, broader political economy, and historical context significantly impacted how food relief networks fared during the pandemic.
... Relying on gifted or free food as the main means of subsistence, and only purchasing food to supplement this, has been documented in other neoliberal high-income countries (Franklin et al., 2012;Loopstra, Reeves and Tarasuk, 2019;Long et al., 2020). Multiple problems with this method of acquiring food were highlighted both in this study and in the wider literature, including the poor nutritional quality of gifted food, which has been deemed to be potentially obesogenic, as well as the lack of agency in being able to choose Eakin, 2003, 2003;Middleton et al., 2018). It is worth noting that in this study, nutritional quality was not perceived to be as much an issue because fruit and vegetables were the main 'groceries' given out by FoodCycle (in addition to the sit-in meal). ...
... These behaviours suggest that participants perceived their feelings to be shaped as a response to the material context of their daily lives (i.e. the food environment of their household). Ethnographic accounts of food insecurity among marginalized communities mirror this finding, whereby participants also describe the experience of food insecurity as a 'hunger of the mind' (Tarasuk and Eakin, 2003;Chilton and Booth, 2007). Indeed, the experience of food insecurity goes beyond not being able to access food due to 'lack of resources', as is suggested on the FIES scale (Piperata and Dufour, 2021), but rather encompasses the persistent psychosocial stress and shame of having to obtain food through non-socially acceptable means, such as food pantries. ...
The UK has experienced alarming increases in the number of individuals living with food insecurity as a result of the rise in the cost of living. The mechanisms linking household economic insecurity to food insecurity, and perceived health outcomes, are not well understood. The aim of this study was to explore how individuals with lived experience of food insecurity are coping with the rise in the cost of living, the trade-offs they might be making between food and other household expenses, and how these might impact eating behaviours and health outcomes. Using a qualitative inductive approach rooted in hermeneutic phenomenology, nine semi-structured interviews were conducted among individuals using charity-run food provision services in Bristol, UK. Narrative accounts from these interviews were analysed thematically. Almost all participants were recipients of benefits at the time of interviews and were living under high levels of economic insecurity. The rise in the cost of living forced complex budget management strategies, including relying on donated food and shoplifting. It also influenced eating behaviours through altered cooking strategies to save energy, substituting food for cheaper, less-nutritious, alternatives, and rationing meals. Food insecurity was experienced as a form of psychosocial violence, engendering high levels of stress, particularly for individuals with diet-related chronic diseases. There is therefore an urgent need for policies that tackle structural causes of overall household economic insecurity, and improve economic access to adequate nutritious foods, to prevent further entrenching social inequalities.
... Although these practices within food assistance initiatives bring together diverse actors, it is crucial to recognize their varied purposes, not all inherently driven by altruistic or selfless motives. It is noteworthy that the symbolic gestures performed by volunteers (Tarasuk and Eakin 2003) may align with their individual interests. Möller's (2021) concept of "pastoral care" suggests that these care practices might also aim to convert or transmit specific religious values. ...
... Faced with the absence of a quality service, the beneficiaries choose to highlight the possible positive aspects, and the volunteers seek to compensate through their friendliness, positive disposition, and benevolent actions. Thus, food assistance often becomes a symbolic gesture (Tarasuk and Eakin 2003) based on "remedial measures." However, this does not mean that the good relational environment found in the initiatives analyzed results only from the problems identified. ...
This paper seeks to understand the social role played by food assistance initiatives in Portugal. Based on the understanding that these organizations are “spaces of care,” it is possible to reflect on the support provided by them in a more comprehensive and integrative way. Therefore, the various care practices that emerge in these organizational contexts are explored. This study presents a qualitative comparative methodological approach and a range of ethnographic methods to explore the perspectives of different actors (supervisors, volunteers, and beneficiaries) within different models of food assistance (Surplus Food Redistribution Charity, Soup Kitchen, and Social Supermarket). The main results indicate the presence of several “improvised” and “veiled” care practices in the analyzed initiatives that go beyond food issues. These manifestations of care may stem from altruistic acts and/or function as a “remedial measure,” serving as a compensatory mechanism in response to services deemed inadequate.
... Thus, we hypothesized that the within-person association between food security level and binge-eating symptoms may be stronger in individuals participating in SNAP or WIC than those not participating in these government food assistance programs. We hypothesized that there may be similar differences by use of charitable food assistance (e.g., food pantries, food shelves, food banks), given that many charitable food assistance organizations have restrictions on how frequently clients may visit (Tarasuk & Eakin, 2003), which may similarly exacerbate the "feast-or-famine" cycle. Conversely, we hypothesized that the within-person association between food security level and binge-eating symptoms may be weaker in individuals who engage in more food insecurity coping strategies (e. g., grocery shopping strategically, borrowing money for food from social networks) and in individuals with higher levels of food security-related self-efficacy (i.e., confidence in ability to feed the household on a limited budget), as these factors were expected to facilitate more stable levels of food availability throughout the month. ...
... Results of this study also indicate that the within-person link between food availability and binge-eating symptoms is amplified among individuals using charitable food assistance and among those engaging in more resource trade-off coping strategies. The finding for charitable food assistance use was consistent with what we expected, considering that many food pantries and the like limit how frequently clients may visit-with many only allowing one visit per month (Tarasuk & Eakin, 2003)-which may also exacerbate the "feast-or-famine" cycle. It is worth noting, however, that due to the nature of the question used to assess charitable food assistance use in the present study, we were not able to distinguish whether there were visitation frequency restrictions at the food pantries/food shelves participants visited, nor were we able to examine how frequently participants visited them. ...
Food insecurity (FI) may increase risk for binge eating through a “feast-or-famine” cycle, where fluctuations in food availability correspond to alternating periods of food restriction and opportunities for binge eating, but research on this topic is limited. To clarify the relationship between food availability and binge eating in the context of FI, this study examined the association between momentary food security level and subsequent binge-eating symptoms among individuals in food-insecure households and investigated how this association differs by factors that may modify the extent to which food availability fluctuates. Ecological momentary assessment data were collected in 2020–2021 from 75 young adults (Mage = 25.3 ± 1.8 years; 72% female; 72% Black, Indigenous, or a Person of Color) in the United States who had experienced past-month household FI. For 14 days, participants reported four times per day on food security and eating episodes, and binge-eating symptoms were assessed for each reported eating episode. About 35% of the variance in momentary food security ratings was accounted for by within-person variability over time. A significant within-person association was observed in multilevel analyses, indicating that instances of greater food security relative to one's average level predicted greater subsequent binge-eating symptoms. Moderation analyses revealed that this association was significant only among individuals reporting use of food assistance programs, high engagement in resource trade-off coping strategies (e.g., skipping bill payments to buy food), or low food security-related self-efficacy. Overall, findings offer support for the “feast-or-famine” cycle hypothesis as an explanation for the link between FI and binge eating, emphasize the importance of identifying approaches to promote more stable access to adequate food, and suggest potential intervention targets to reduce risk for binge eating in populations experiencing FI.
... As SNAP falls short, emergency food assistance, in the form of food pantries, food banks, or no-cost distribution models, have emerged as an important piece in food provisioning for food insecure Americans (Poppendieck, 1999). While often dismissed as a stopgap measure to address hunger, these types of food assistance have become a central component of the food provisioning strategies often used on a regular, long-term basis (Daponte et al., 1998;Lambie-Mumford and Dowler, 2015;Tarasuk and Eakin, 2003;Warshawsky, 2010). 1 In order to understand not only the structural barriers, but the emotional experience of food insecurity which often preclude food assistance as a component of food justice, we find it necessary to expand on existing definitions of food access. We incorporate insight from the emergent field of visceral geographies of food, alongside theories of neoliberal subjectivities and stigma, to call for the critical (missing) piece of emotional access to food as fundamentally tied into the struggle for food justice. ...
... In our research, people felt frustration with the transactional nature of emergency food assistance that can serve as a symbolic gesture of toptown charity, where they were just passive actors and receivers with unmet needs rendered invisible (Booth et al., 2018;Tarasuk and Eakin, 2003). Food access organizations should move towards programming focused on undoing neoliberal stigma by involving people (who are interested) to lead as contributors rather than solely users of programs. ...
Anti-hunger advocates and food geographers have often overlooked the role of emergency food assistance in struggles for food justice, dismissing food assistance as addressing symptoms rather than root causes of food insecurity. Yet, the vast network of food pantries and other free food programs are more than a stop-gap measure for millions of Americans — and thus warrant a closer look at how their practices, policies and spaces feel in practice and with what implications towards food justice goals. In this paper, we argue that barriers to emotionally-accessible food, in the form of neoliberal stigma around “free” food, play a prominent role in shaping peoples’ experiences with food assistance. Based on participatory research with a food redistribution non-profit in Boulder, Colorado, we discuss how the emotional burdens of food insecurity manifest in individual experiences with emergency food assistance programs and staff, leading to isolation and disconnection which actively inhibit more inclusive food systems. This research responds to scholarship in geographies of food and emotion, contributing analysis into how discomforts of (lacking/receiving) food are experienced viscerally. Furthermore, we discuss implications of the emotional (dis)comforts of food assistance when examining the role of emergency food assistance in broader struggles for food justice. To this end, we point to alternative practices in food assistance programs which might actively counteract narratives of neoliberal subjectivities, while simultaneously broadening the food justice community in terms of who feels comfortable participating in, and shaping, more equitable food systems.
... Higher religious attendance also often correlates with higher perceived social support [57][58][59][60], which, as mentioned, may be protective against food insecurity. Importantly, faith-based organizations, such as churches, are often crucial providers of community food aid programs (e.g., food pantries and soup kitchens), which can alleviate food insecurity [61][62][63]. Studies among Puerto Rican households (living in mainland USA) and rural mothers found that increased religious attendance was associated with lower odds of experiencing food insecurity [26,64]. ...
... Additionally, we note that contrary to our hypothesis, in our sample, religious attendance was not associated with food insecurity. Some studies have shown that faith-based organizations often provide community food aid programs that help reduce food insecurity [61][62][63]. It is possible that the particular religious institutions that our participants attended did not offer these programs, which may help explain our finding. ...
Little is known about the prevalence and correlates of food insecurity among immigrants and refugees. Acculturation and social connectedness may influence food insecurity (lack of access at all times to enough food for an active, healthy life) by affecting a person's ability to access and use governmental and charitable food assistance programs, as well as other community-based or informal food-related resources. We explored associations of acculturation and social connectedness with food insecurity among diverse immigrants and refugees living in metropolitan Atlanta, a major destination for these populations in recent years. From 2017 to 2018, we surveyed 162 adults attending health fairs or programs hosted by two community-based organizations serving immigrants and refugees. Food insecurity within the past year was assessed using the American Academy of Pediatrics' two-item questionnaire. Acculturation indicators included heritage culture and American acculturation scores (Vancouver Acculturation Index), English fluency, heritage language fluency, and percentage of lifetime in the USA. Social connectedness was operationalized using measures of religious attendance and social isolation. We conducted a multivariable logistic regression controlling for age, sex, education, household income, employment status, and household size. In the sample, 51.9% identified as Vietnamese, 16.0% Hispanic, 15.4% Burmese, 14.8% Bhutanese or Nepali, and 1.8% other. The average age was 39.10 (standard deviation [SD] =13.83), 34.0% were male, 73.8% had below a Bachelor's degree, and 49.7% were unemployed. Average scores for American acculturation (mean [M] = 3.26, SD = 1.05, range 1-5) were lower than heritage acculturation (M = 4.34, SD = 0.68, range 1-5). Additionally, 43.4% were fluent in English. Average percentage of life in the USA was 40.59% (SD = 33.48). Regarding social connectedness, 55.9% regularly attended religious services. Average social isolation scores were 3.93 (SD = 1.34, range 3-9). Overall, past-year food insecurity was reported by 17.3% (34.6% in Hispanics, 24.0% in Burmese, 13.1% in Vietnamese, and 8.3% in Bhutanese or Nepali). In adjusted models, food insecurity was associated with English fluency (adjusted odds ratio [aOR] = 0.36, p = .03) and social isolation (aOR = 2.29, p < .001) but not other measures of acculturation or religious attendance. Limited English proficiency may make it more difficult to navigate or use governmental and charitable food assistance programs. Social isolation may hinder individuals from obtaining information about food assistance programs, receiving aid for services navigation, and sharing or borrowing food from family, friends, and neighbors. Interventions should seek to improve access to English language and literacy services, enhance the linguistic and cultural competency of service providers, and build social connectedness among immigrants and refugees.
... These studies reveal surplus distribution as a private arrangement between organisations and third-sector organisations playing brokerage role between food donors and recipients. Similarly, given the conflicting goals of the organisations involved, there are inherent tensions between actors leading to various challenges and inefficient operations (Bramanti et al. 2017, Tarasuk andEakin 2003). ...
... , Pollard and Booth 2019). Food banks, as an integral part of the lived experience of poverty in developed countries have been researched extensively, focusing on the rise of food banks, the impacts of seeking food assistance on users, and the inequalities it mediates through grouping of users as 'others' (Garratt 2015, Middleton et al. 2018, Purdam et al. 2016, Tarasuk and Eakin 2003, van der Horst et al. 2014. In this research, we focus on food distribution as a solution to the problems of food waste and poverty. ...
The paradox that tonnes of food is wasted while people go hungry has raised concern from national and international authorities. In developed countries, reducing these problems has focused on surplus food distribution as a 'win-win' solution contributing to sustainable development goals. While the existing literature acknowledges the role of third-sector organisations, research on the supply chain of surplus food distribution and the coordination among actors is limited. This research explores actors and organisations in the value chain of surplus food distribution at the city level. Based on semi-structured interviews and participant observation, our findings highlight the need for a coordinated effort between actors as an essential arrangement to capture the value of surplus food. Despite the close cooperation, hierarchical power relationships exist between organisations in the supply chain. We unpack challenges in the surplus food supply chain, such as lack of a legislative framework for food donations and organisational sustainability issues that have forced third-sector organisations to work independently to reduce the uncertainties of food quality and quantity. We shed light on the practical implications by highlighting how multiple stakeholders could improve the efficiency of surplus food distribution.
... Without proper guidance, volunteers may inadvertently distribute unsafe products [43,44]. Implementing food safety training for volunteers, as carried out in the United Kingdom, could help mitigate these risks [45,46]. Additional challenges such as compromised temperature control during transport further jeopardize food safety. ...
Background: Food insecurity is a major global problem, with over 2.8 billion people reported as unable to afford a healthy diet in 2022. While charitable food assistance programs (CFAPs) play an important role in improving food access, ensuring the quality and safety of donated foods is crucial for safeguarding needy communities from food-related illnesses. This study evaluated the safety and quality of food donations at a food bank warehouse in the eThekwini District using a novel methodology. Methods: In March 2024, a five-day audit was conducted at a food bank warehouse in the eThekwini District, KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. A mobile device was utilized to document comprehensive information on all incoming deliveries, including the type of food, product details (such as brand, name, and variety), donor information, weight, and date markings. The audit assessed 1037 items, totaling 64,818 kg of donated food, against established food safety standards. Each item was visually inspected upon arrival and classified as ‘unsuitable’, ‘potentially unsafe’, or ‘unsafe’ for human consumption. Results: Out of the 64,818 kg of donated food, 95.5% (61,886 kg) was deemed satisfactory. However, 4.5% of the total, which amounts to 2932 kg, was categorized as either unsafe (355 kg), potentially unsafe (1182 kg), or unsuitable (1395 kg) for consumption. Retail supermarkets donated the largest weight of food, and also of the food classified as unsafe or unsuitable. Conclusions: The study highlights an urgent need for improved quality control and safety measures in food donations to CFAPs. Stricter handling and inspection guidelines are essential to ensure the quality of charitable food, reduce health risks, and build public trust in donation programs.
... Changes are now taking place in the way banks are providing food assistance [131,132]. Some offer a variety of services such as nutrition education, job training opportunities, and health and social support services, in addition to food assistance [131][132][133][134][135]. These changes coincide with the findings of this study, which show that FBs in Spain carry out a variety of activities and projects that go beyond the food industry. ...
The Principles for Responsible Investment in Agriculture and Food Systems (CFS-RAI) are suitable standards for contributing to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in the area of sound consumption and sustainable food. In this context, food banks have demonstrated their significant role in supporting vulnerable groups and reducing food waste through the implementation of various projects and activities. This study identifies and classifies the good practices of 54 food banks that comprise the Spanish Federation of Food Banks (FESBAL). The methodology applied was based on the Working with People model, integrating a social and collaborative learning process based on the accumulated experience of food banks over 35 years. The analysis was carried out based on four dimensions of sustainability, namely social, economic, environmental, and governance, in alignment with the CFS-RAI Principles. The results obtained show the good practices of food banks, highlighting their positive effects on the dimensions of sustainability, consistent with the CFS-RAI Principles, and the SDGs, evidencing improved food security and a holistic contribution to sustainable development.
... This underscores a critical gap in training, as highlighted 40 , who stress the importance of such training in fostering awareness of proper food safety and hygiene practices among food handlers. The workforce composition of CFAPs being predominantly female (94%) aligns with similar findings from studies in Korea 41 , Finland 42 , Canada 43,44 , and the US 45,46 , reinforcing the notion that charitable food assistance practices globally tend to be female-dominated 47 . In this study, the predominance of women in operating charitable food assistance programs (CFAPs) aligns with broader societal roles where women are traditionally engaged in food preparation and handling. ...
Unsafe food handling practices by food handlers have dire health and financial implications worldwide. Each year, approximately 600 million people, or about 1 in 10 people, are said to become ill from eating contaminated food, and 420,000 people inadvertently die. According to the 2019 World Bank report on the economic burden of foodborne diseases, the annual cost of treating foodborne illnesses is estimated to be US 95.2 billion annually. The purpose of this study was to assess the food handling practices and sanitary conditions of the charitable food assistance programs (CFAPs) in the eThekwini District of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. A descriptive cross-sectional study was conducted among 196 CFAPs in eight study settings across five municipal planning regions (MPRs) of the eThekwini District between January 2021 and May 2021. Data were collected using a standardized 37-item observational checklist and analysed through Stata Statistical Software (TX: StataCorp. 2021 LLC.: Release 17. College Station). Compliance levels were calculated using the compliance score (C-score), whereby 0.0–0.20 (0–20%), 0.21–0.40 (21–40%), 0.41–0.60 (41–60%), 0.61–0.80 (61–80%), and 0.81–1.00 (81–100%) were determined as very poor, poor, average, good, and very good, respectively. Statistically significant associations were declared at p < 0.05. Compliance with food hygiene, storage, and packaging was very poor (C-score = 0.003), as were personal hygiene and staff facilities (C-score = 0.147), as well as product information/labelling (C-score = 0.003). Similarly, waste management and pest control systems (C-score = 0.203), compliance with health and hygiene education/training (C-score = 0.335), as well as use and maintenance of transport (C-score = 0.333), all scored ‘poor’. Only the design of premises and facilities had an average compliance score (C-score = 0.43). Given CFAPs’ role in mitigating the impact of poverty, their strict compliance with hygiene protocols is of utmost importance. Systems for identifying and correcting common noncompliance in CFAPs are required.
... Disparities in food assistance participation, food accessibility, and food insecurity outcomes underscore the problem's urgency and the pressing need for action [165][166][167]. Addressing the inequities in emergency food access requires an immediate influx of government and philanthropic dollars, individual donations, and enhanced infrastructure to bolster the capacity of emergency food organizations to meet community needs. ...
Background/Objectives: Puerto Rican households often face elevated rates of food insecurity. Frequently, households experiencing food insecurity turn to federal and emergency nutrition assistance for urgent or prolonged aid. This study analyzes factors influencing food insecurity and food assistance program involvement among Puerto Ricans in Holyoke, Massachusetts, amidst the COVID-19 pandemic. Methods: Using a combination of community-based participatory recruitment, purposive sampling, and web-based tools, we collected 284 survey responses. Our paper employed Pearson’s chi-square, logistic regression, and hierarchical linear models to assess relationships between demographic and household attributes and food access outcomes. Results: Variables such as having children in the household and age significantly influenced food relief participation and food insecurity outcomes. Puerto Rican heritage and low educational attainment were strong predictors of obtaining federal food aid. Low-income participants disproportionately faced food shortages and depended on emergency food initiatives. Our findings indicate that demographic and household factors significantly influence food insecurity and accessibility. Conclusions: Our study demonstrates that the pandemic made it challenging for households to obtain consistent, safe, and affordable nourishment. The impacts were unequally spread; hence, Puerto Rican communities and low-income groups were most affected.
... Food pantry staff may also perceive the food that is distributed to be a symbolic gesture, rather than as an essential service meant to keep clients from experiencing hunger (Tarasuk et al., 2018;Tarasuk & Eakin, 2003). To address these gaps in food expenses, food pantry clients may also use other forms of assistance to decrease their food insecurity; for example, reliance on grocery store donations and reciprocal, informal, food-sharing social networks (Grier-Welch et al., 2021). ...
Noting the importance of food assistance programs to low income families in New York City (NYC), the research questions for the present study were: (1) What are the facilitators and barriers to social service utilization for food pantry clients in the South Bronx?, and (2) Does receiving food pantry services serve as a point of entry for social service utilization? We surveyed 218 food pantry clients at a community-based, social service organization based in the South Bronx. Our findings indicate that being aware of local social services was the strongest predictor for utilizing social services. Social service utilization was also predicted by high use of the food pantry (weekly or more); high levels of food insecurity, depressive symptoms; and the ability to communicate ef-fectively in English. Given rising inflation costs and the continued higher expenses as-sociated with food consumption in the United States generally and in NYC specifically, our findings suggest that food pantry sites in the South Bronx bear the potential to be vital entry points for social service referral and utilization, particularly for the screen-ing and assessment of depressive symptoms. Given these findings, nonprofit leaders and social service funders should prioritize capacity building of food pantries as sites for the delivery of health promotion interventions and social services.
... Research suggests that the food distributed through food banks across the developed world continues to be nutritionally poor [19,20]. The provision of low-quality food is likely a reflection of the broader food system and donors' priorities [21,22] and also results in an unpredictable and variable food supply [23]. This is further complicated by increasing demand for food and the finite capacity of food banks [24], which are some of the many operational challenges food banks confront daily. ...
Food banks provide an indispensable service to people experiencing severe food insecurity. Food banks source donations from across the food system; however, the food redistributed to clients across the developed world is nutritionally poor. This, together with the increasing prevalence of diet-related diseases and food insecurity, has prompted a focus on nutritional quality. Despite more food being distributed via food banks in Australia, the nutritional quality of donated food remains unreported. This study analyzed all food (84,996 kg (1216 products)) donated to Foodbank WA over a 5-day period using diet-, food-, and nutrient-based nutrition classification schemes (NCSs). A total of 42% (27% of total weight) of donated food products were deemed ‘unsuitable’ and 19% (23% by weight) were ‘suitable’ according to all NCSs. There was no agreement on 39% of products (50% by weight). Overall, NOVA and the Healthy Eating Research Nutrition Guidelines (HERNG) (κ = 0.521) had the highest level of agreement and the ADGs and HERNGs the lowest (κ = 0.329). The findings confirm the poor nutritional quality of food donated to food banks and the need to work with donors to improve the food they donate. Fit-for-purpose nutrition guidelines are urgently needed for Australian food banks to support them in providing nutritious food to their vulnerable clients.
... The unpredictability and variability in frequency, type and volume of donated food is cited as a barrier to providing sufficient and nutritious food to clients (Chapnick et al., 2019;. Donor distribution practices are excessively driven by donor supply choices and are dissociated from client need (Tarasuk & Eakin, 2003). Overwhelmingly, people using the CFS desire nutritious food for meals Cahill et al., 2019;Caspi et al., 2021;Cooksey-Stowers et al., 2019;Pollard et al., 2019;Verpy et al., 2003), and consider discretionary food items the least important Caspi et al., 2021;Cooksey-Stowers et al., 2019). ...
... ger and distracts attention from measures that could (Poppendieck, 1998;Tarasuk & Eakin, 2003). In her influential 1998 book Sweet Charity? ...
It has become fashionable to call for ending food charity. Anti-hunger activists and scholars advocate instead for ensuring through government programs that everybody has enough money or vouchers to purchase all the food they need. Their criticisms rightly denounce charitable food for being incapable of eradicating hunger, but they neglect the advantages that charity confers as a non-market food practice—that is, an activity that produces or distributes food that is not for sale. Our interviews with non-market food practitioners in the Brattleboro, Vermont, area demonstrated that distributing food for free strengthens relationships, fosters resilience, puts edible-but-not-sellable food to use, and aligns with an alternative, non-market vision of a desirable food future. Interviewees suggested that market food systems, in which food is distributed via selling it, cannot replicate these benefits. Yet food pantries and soup kitchens tend to imitate supermarkets and restaurants—their market counterparts—since purchasing food is considered the dignified way to feed oneself in a market economy. We suggest that charities might do well to emphasize the benefits specific to non-market food rather than suppressing those benefits by mimicking markets. But charities face limits to making their food distribution dignified, since they are essentially hierarchies that funnel gifts from well-off people to poor people. Food sharing among equals is an elusive ambition in this highly unequal world, yet it is only by moving in this direction that non-market food distribution can serve society without stigmatizing recipients.
... Longer term and ongoing use were more likely among persons with health and mobility challenges, those reliant on disability-related income, and those supporting larger household sizes and children [80]. Furthermore, while most food bank users report more severe and protracted forms of food insecurity, there is little evidence that longer duration or higher frequency of food bank usage substantively diminishes the severity or stress related to food insecurity for most users [54,[83][84][85]. Given the cross-sectional nature of the current study design, we cannot draw inferences about whether or how access to or use of community-based food programs impacted respondents' experiences of food worry or vice versa. ...
Background
Early in the COVID-19 pandemic, nearly one in five adults in Canada worried about having enough food to meet their household’s needs. Relatedly, throughout the pandemic, public messaging repeatedly urged Canadians to support food charities, including food banks. Yet few studies have examined food bank usage during the pandemic or whether food charities were widely used by Canadians worried about food access.
Methods
This study draws on four rounds of nationally representative surveying conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic between May 2020 and December 2021 among adults 18 years and older living in Canada. Descriptive statistics were used to examine rates of food-related worry during all four survey rounds. Data from the fourth survey round, collected in December 2021, were used to explore use of food-based community programs since the onset of the pandemic, including food banks. Logistic regression analyses were used to examine differences in socio-demographic and health-related characteristics between adults who did and did not report accessing food banks before and after adjusting for household income.
Results
Across survey rounds (n = 12,091), more than one in seven participants reported stress or worry related to having enough food to meet their household’s basic needs in the previous two weeks. Yet, by December 2021, fewer than 4% of participants reported ever accessing a food bank during the pandemic. Younger age, living with a child, financial concerns due to the pandemic, two different measures of food worry, pre-existing mental health conditions, disability, LGBT2Q + identity, and racialized or Indigenous identity, were each statistically significantly associated with higher odds of using food banks even when controlling for household income.
Conclusions
Despite persistently high rates of food-related worry in 2020 and 2021 in Canada, relatively few adults reported accessing food banks or other charity-based community food programs. While respondents facing social, financial, and health-related inequities and reporting food worry were more likely to use food banks, most respondents did not report food bank use, regardless of financial or demographic circumstances or experiences of food worry. Findings align with previous research indicating that more adequate and comprehensive supports are needed to alleviate food-related-worry in Canada.
... Some food banks rely solely on public and commercial donations, have little control over the items they obtain, and therefore are limited in what they can offer to those in need (Tarasuk et al., 2014), while others also buy food when their pillories are low (Riches, 2002). Food banks have been discussed with a view of deficiency in volume to respond unfailingly and fully to the food wishes of the abundant society using them (Tarasuk & Beaton, 1999;Tarasuk & Eakin, 2003;Tarasuk et al., 2014). Food banks are assumed to be able to contribute to, rather than solve the problem of food insecurity by allowing governments to look the other way, shifting responsibility for food insecurity to these charitable institutions, rather than establishing a common environment that would allow it to prevail (Booth & Whelan, 2014;Lambie-Mumford, 2013;Riches, 2011;Tarasuk et al., 2014). ...
... Many food insecurity scholars are critical of the negative social and political consequences of food banks. In particular, scholars are critical of how food banks fail to address food insecurity, depoliticise hunger, do little to address food waste, foster shallow corporatecharity partnerships and claims to corporate social responsibility, and romanticise the power of local communities to make systemic change -a tenet of neoliberalism (Booth and Whelan 2014;Tarasuk 2012, 2013;Poppendieck 1998;Riches 2018;Tarasuk and Eakin 2003;Warshawsky 2010Warshawsky , 2015Warshawsky , 2016. Despite the legitimisation and institutionalisation of food banks over the decades, research shows that many food insecure people avoid using these types of resources, and that these programs do not address systemic problems at the root of food insecurity (Booth and Whelan 2014;Cloke, May, and Williams 2017;Mansfield et al. 2015;Mirosa et al. 2016;Riches 2018;Eakin 2003, 2005;Warshawsky 2015). ...
This research investigates a food rescue work integration social enterprise in Guelph, Ontario that upcycles surplus food into value-added products and meals. Charitable food aid organisations are widely criticised as stigmatising and ineffective by food insecurity and food waste scholars. We found that the Upcycle Kitchen’s social enterprise approach to food upcycling reduced the stigma associated with feeding rejected food to marginalised people, and the root of food insecurity (income inadequacy) is addressed through a training and employment program. This approach represents a compelling alternative to charity, and might affect waste and hunger policies through public advocacy and education.
... In this research we focused on food bank volunteers, attempting to understand their motivations for serving, as well as how volunteering affects them (Tarasuk & Eakin, 2003). What keeps volunteers coming back to the food bank, again and again? ...
We assessed the motivations, commitment, and subjective well‐being (SWB) of 441 food bank volunteers, using motivation scales derived from self‐determination theory and functional motives theory. Replicating the findings of Sheldon, Wineland, Venhoeven, and Osin's (2016) study of environmental activists, all motivation scales could be located on the autonomous or controlled motivation factors specified by self‐determination theory (SDT). In addition, SDT's intrinsic motivation construct was the best predictor of volunteer commitment and SWB. As a novel angle, we compared food bank volunteerism to a second free time activity, that was focused on the self rather than helping others. Participants reported less self‐determined motivation and lower SWB in the food bank activity, suggesting that volunteerism may impose costs, compared to self‐focused activities. We interpret the latter results via the Eudaimonic Activity Model (Martela & Sheldon, 2019), concluding that activities that sound eudaimonic, based on their virtuous aims, are not necessarily so, based on their underlying motivations.
... Food banks focus on the provision of foods versus addressing the root cause of food insecurity-income, and evidence suggests that use of food banks is one of the least common strategies used by severely food-insecure households when met with financial challenges [14]. Food banks have been criticized for a limited ability to meet individuals' food needs and not providing access to foods in a dignified, socially acceptable manner [15,16]. Income and housing policies are critical to promote food security, but in the absence of systems level changes, alternative food initiatives (AFIs) such as community gardens, cooking skill development programs, community kitchens, farmers markets, food waste 'rescue' programs, lowcost food markets and food budgeting among others are potential means to empower individuals and lessen the burden of food insecurity [17]. ...
An estimated 20 to 50% of post-secondary students experience food insecurity. Students who are food insecure are more likely to have poor health and lower academic performance relative to food secure peers. Food hubs are physical or digital spaces that provide access to food initiatives and wraparound programs such as employment placement or income support are increasingly of interest as a means to respond to food insecurity. We conducted a scoping review to identify best practices and effective approaches to food hubs that promote food security in post-secondary institutions in North America. The Medline, Embase, CAB Direct and Web of Science databases were searched. A total of 4637 articles were identified and screened by two reviewers. Four articles were included. They encompassed a mix of interventions: a campus pantry and garden, a food rescue program, food literacy-based curriculum and a toolkit to support implementation of interventions on campus. The heterogeneity of studies precluded identification of best practices, but positive impacts of all interventions were noted on metrics such as self-efficacy and greater awareness of food insecurity. The gap in evidence on effective approaches that promote campus food security is a critical barrier to development and implementation of interventions, and should be addressed in future studies.
... However, many community food security programs outside the food banking model build grocery distribution into their programs and also serve a vital function in redistributing food. Often overlooked, or dismissed as a temporary or insignificant components to address hunger, these types of food assistance programs have become a central and consistent source of food provisioning to millions of Americans on a regular, long-term basis (Lambie-Mumford & Dowler, 2015;Tarasuk & Eakin 2003, Warshawsky, 2010. While sometimes referred to as "charitable" food assistance, in this paper we characterize these programs as "emergency" to reflect the urgency inherent in an ongoing crisis of food insecurity . ...
The unprecedented circumstances of the COVID-19 pandemic have revealed weaknesses in our emergency food distribution programs and also highlighted the importance of the adaptive capacity that is actively fostered within such programs. Community-based food distribution programs have faced an increased reliance on their services due to record-breaking food insecurity since March 2020. Concurrently, these emergency food distribution programs have had to deal with the logistical challenges of operating their programs during a pandemic. How are they adapting, and which existing organizational assets have they been able to draw from and/or strengthen? Based on in-depth qualitative research with emergency food distribution programs in Boulder and Denver, Colorado, this paper analyzes how their operational responses to the COVID-19 crisis both demonstrate and reinforce adaptive capacities. By drawing from collective resources, leveraging the efficiency of their flexible and decentralized structures, and networking across organizations, the programs in our study took advantage of existing organizational assets. At the same time, we argue that by overcoming logistical and practical barriers to address emerging food insecurity needs, they simultaneously deepened their adaptive capacities to respond to ongoing and future crises.
... While the experiences of clients of the charitable food system have been explored qualitatively [13,21,22], and there is considerable individual-level data to evaluate food security programs, there has been little, if any, ecological data to describe the charitable food system. The charitable food system is one component, or sub-system, of the larger consumer food system, as well as part of the broader social and economic system. ...
Background
Our objectives were to describe both the development, and content, of a charitable food dataset that includes geographic information for food pantries in 12 American states.
Methods
Food pantries were identified from the foodpantries.org website for 12 states, which were linked to state-, county-, and census-level demographic information. The publicly available 2015 Food Access Research Atlas and the 2010 US Census of Population and Housing were used to obtain demographic information of each study state. We conducted a descriptive analysis and chi-square tests were used to test for differences in patterns of food pantries according to various factors.
Results
We identified 3777 food pantries in 12 US states, providing an estimated 4.84 food pantries per 100,000 people, but ranged from 2.60 to 7.76 within individual states. The majority of counties (61.2%) had at least one food pantry. In contrast, only 15.7% of all census tracts in the study states had at least one food pantry. A higher proportion of urban census tracts had food pantries compared to rural tracts. We identified 2388 (63.2%) as being faith-based food pantries. More than a third (34.4%) of food pantries did not have information on their days of operation available. Among the food pantries displaying days of operation, 78.1% were open at least once per week. Only 13.6% of food pantries were open ≤1 day per month.
Conclusions
The dataset developed in this study may be linked to food access and food environment data to further examine associations between food pantries and other aspects of the consumer food system (e.g. food deserts) and population health from a systems perspective. Additional linkage with the U.S. Religion Census Data may be useful to examine associations between church communities and the spatial distribution of food pantries.
... The nature of food banks means that surplus or outdated food may be offered. 105 In this review, provision of expired food was frequently reported in qualitative studies. 64,65,88,92 Encouraging food bank clients to use resources, such as the 'FoodKeeper App', which is a phone application to educate around food quality and storage, may be beneficial. ...
Background:
Research indicates that food parcels provided by foodbanks are nutritionally-poor. Food insecurity and foodbank use are rising, with detrimental effects on the dietary intake and health of users. This mixed-method systematic review aims to investigate the current nutritional adequacy of pre-packaged food parcels and whether using foodbanks reduces the food insecurity and improves the dietary intake of their users.
Methodology:
A mixed-method systematic literature review, restricted to articles published from 2015, was conducted using 8 electronic databases, 4 grey literature databases and 8 relevant websites. Quantitative findings, investigating the nutritional quality of food parcels and/or their impact on dietary intake or food insecurity, were presented narratively. Qualitative findings, reporting views of foodbank users regarding foodbank food, underwent thematic synthesis. These independent syntheses were integrated using configurative analysis and presented narratively.
Results:
Of 2,189 articles, 11 quantitative and 10 qualitative were included. Food parcels were inconsistent at meeting nutritional requirements and often failed to meet individual needs, including cultural and health preferences. Using foodbanks improved food security and dietary quality of users, allowing otherwise unachievable access to food. However, food insecurity remained, explained by limited food variety, quality and choice. The mixed-method findings support interventions to ensure consistent, adequate nutrition at foodbanks, including catering for individual needs.
Conclusions:
Foodbanks are a lifeline when severely food insecure. However alone, foodbanks struggle to eliminate the heightened food insecurity of their users. Efforts to improve the nutritional quality of food parcels could improve the experiences and diet-related outcomes of those requiring foodbanks. This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved.
... There is a gap in present research into how food insecurity is understood by people who are not food insecure in advanced capitalist nations. There are exceptions, such as a study of the perceptions of food bank workers in Canada [54] and of newspaper coverage of food bank proliferation in the UK [55]. However, there is a general dearth of research to support or guide efforts to progress efforts to implement a rights-based approach to addressing food insecurity, or to otherwise find ground on which to move away from reliance by societies on insufficient charitable responses which can work to obscure the breadth or intensity of food insecurity as a problem in advanced capitalist nations. ...
Food insecurity in advanced capitalist nations has persisted over decades despite excess food production, welfare systems, and charitable responses. This research examines the perspectives of practitioners who engage with food insecurity in Aotearoa New Zealand using a Q methodology study to synthesise and characterise three typical subjective positions. Consensus across the three positions includes the state’s responsibility for the food security of citizens, while points of contention include the role of poverty as a cause of food insecurity and the significance of a human right to food. The research contributes to research into food insecurity in advanced capitalist nations by identifying areas of consensus and contention among food insecurity practitioners, identifying the significance of children and moral failure in perceptions of food insecurity, and comparing practitioners’ perspectives to existing approaches to researching food insecurity in advanced capitalist nations.
... However, mostly the interviewees did not address the right of low-income people to choose. Instead, people with a low income were expected to accept charity with gratitude and without complaint (Tarasuk and Eakin, 2003;Van der Horst et al., 2014: 1513. ...
This study explores how ethical food consumption is framed in the accounts of ordinary people living in affluent societies, with a particular focus on income differences. Research on ethical consumption often associates ‘ethical’ with the consumption of certain predefined products. This study leaves the question of the content of ethical consumption open for empirical investigation. Further, instead of focusing only on the moment of purchasing, this study considers how people with different income levels relate to both food consumption and waste. The analysis draws from qualitative interviews with 60 people living in Canada and Finland. The analysis identified the techniques, subjects and norms through which the question ethical food consumption is posed by the informants and how they framed these issues with regard to income. The findings underline that ethical consumption is a socially constructed, contested and even internally contradictory discourse. Differences in income do not only mean differences in the role that money plays in food choices but also in what kind of consumption people consider worth pursuing. Further, differences in income dictate differences in how people are morally positioned vis-à-vis abundance. For people with a higher level of income, moral blame is asserted on wasteful consumption habits. For the people with a low income, in turn, it is ethically condemnable to refuse to rejoice at the abundance around us. The findings indicate that even in a society where the rhetoric of choice is prominent both as a right and as an obligation by which people ought to display ethical agency, the ethics of choice is tied to the resources available for consumption. People with a severely low income occasionally enjoy the trickling down of abundant treats and surprises. However, for them, occasional indulgence causes not only pleasure but also trouble.
... Like Chaniqua, food-insecure participants often continued to go to food pantries despite feeling dismay about how little they received, and some described focusing on what they could control: their feelings about the food and efforts to stretch it. Food pantries have experienced unprecedented demand during the pandemic (DeWitt 2021; Morello 2020), intensifying the challenges they already faced (Hardison-Moody et al. 2015;Scola and Brown 2020;Tarasuk and Eakin 2003). Mothers described waiting in long lines at food pantries for small amounts of food. ...
Government programs and other forms of assistance act as critical safety nets in times of crisis. The federal government’s initial response to coronavirus disease 2019 represented a significant increase in the welfare state, but the provisions enacted were not permanent and did not reach all families. Drawing on interviews with 54 lower-income mothers and grandmothers, we analyze how families navigated the safety net to access food during the pandemic. Pandemic aid served as a critical support for many families, but participants also described gaps and barriers. Following the argument that food is a basic human right, we identify how mothers encountered three forms of disenfranchisement: being denied or experiencing delayed public benefits, being afraid to access assistance, and receiving paltry or inedible emergency food. We conclude by arguing for an expanded social safety net that broadens access to necessary food resources before, during, and after crises such as the coronavirus disease 2019 pandemic.
... Although much of the literature discredits poverty discourses such as the culture of poverty (Baker Collins et al., 2020), the underclass (Raphael, 2011), and more recently, individual resilience (Park et al., 2020), these are explicitly or implicitly embraced by industrialized societies writ large. The notion of deservingness, replete with its ever-variable eligibility continuum, is firmly entrenched in the charitable model of social support (Smith-Carrier, 2020); a model that has achieved primacy as the singular solution to income and food insecurity (Tarasuk & Eakin, 2003). This is regrettable given the failure of this model to respond both adequately (the distribution of sufficient resources) and appropriately (non-stigmatized forms of assistance that promote dignity) to people rendered "poor" and food insecure (Riches & Silvasti, 2014 argue that there currently exists three predominant explanations of poverty: (a) an individualistic explanation that points to the failings and inadequacies of individuals as contributing to their poverty; (b) a structural explanation that looks to the systemic barriers (e.g., precarious labor markets, limited housing and childcare, poor economic conditions) that cause poverty; and (c) a fatalistic explanation that posits that people become "poor" due to fate (i.e., having "bad luck" or experiencing misfortunate events [e.g., illness or loss]). ...
The purpose of this research is to explore the representation of participants of the canceled Basic Income Pilot in Ontario, Canada. Applying social actor representation analysis and the Discourse-Historical Approach of Critical Discourse Analysis, we examined news articles and government Hansard records about the canceled Ontario Basic Income Pilot in 2018. A number of myths about poverty emerged in our analysis (e.g., “people are lazy, unmotivated, and need incentives to work”; “poor people are mentally ill and drug addicted”). We challenge the veracity of these myths, showing how they perpetuate an individual explanation of poverty, and are deeply flawed.
... The other barriers found from the extant literature are perishability and limited shelf life of donated food ( [46,49,52,81,94]]). The low nutritional value of the donated food is in question [82] and it is rather a general concern associated with the food banks all across the globe [30,45,79,[83][84][85]95]. These characteristics of donated food are the prime concerns of food banks. ...
Food banks play a significant role to ensure food security through surplus food recovery and redistribution to economically deprived and marginalized people. Food bank is a recent phenomenon in several countries including India. The purpose of this paper is to identify challenges and barriers that impede the growth and adoption of food banks in the Indian context and to evaluate critical barriers by prioritizing them. A total of 14 barriers have been identified through literature survey, qualitative interviews with different stakeholders of food banks in India and expert's inputs. These barriers have been clustered into 7 categories - Policy and regulation, financial resources, infrastructure and human resources, planning and coordination, knowledge, uncertainty, and characteristics of food, of main barriers. Then, DEMATEL is used to find the cause-effect relationship among the identified barriers. A network of inter-relationship among the identified barriers is devised using Analytic Network Process (ANP) using the output from DEMATEL. Results of DEMATEL indicates that lack of planning and coordination is the most significant barrier that hinders the growth and sustenance of food banks in India. Also, lack of infrastructure and human resources are the major effect of the other barriers. Further, the financial barrier attains maximum weight in the ANP process and came out to be the most critical barrier. This study can be help food banks and policy makers to devise the plans for sustenance of the food banks. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first attempt ever to identify and prioritize the barriers for the food banks.
... For food insecure families, food choices can be constrained through reliance on food donations, and this is often combined with fewer resources (e.g., cooking facilities) and less education on healthy food choices (Moffat 2010). Studies have shown larger households to receive less days of food supply compared to smaller households (Teron and Tarasuk 1999), and that food donation is not a lasting solution to food insecurity (Poppendieck 1999;Wakefield et al. 2013;Levkoe 2011;Heynen 2010;Tarasuk and Eakin 2003). The cause of food insecurity is based on political and economic factors, particularly income insecurity (Wakefield et al. 2013), and that food banks can perpetuate dependency in households and exacerbate inequality (Garrido et al. 2019). ...
... 21 Traditional food pantries provide eligible households with food items designed to support the family over a prescribed number of days. 22 Although food assistance programs were initially designed for temporary support, many clients rely on them for longer than 2 years. 23 Despite the decline in the number of food-insecure individuals in the years preceding the pandemic, 1 the amount of money needed to be food secure continues to increase. ...
Purpose: Food insecurity is a prominent issue in the United States, and it is well established that food insecurity is linked to health and chronic illnesses. Studies show that screening for food insecurity is not yet part of standardized practice among all primary care physicians, nor are care providers comfortable with how to proceed with a patient who presents with this issue. Food insecurity is often handled by community-based organizations (CBOs) such as food pantries. Family medicine and pediatric clinics (FMPC) and CBOs hold unique relationships with their clients and can benefit from partnerships with each other to improve health in their community. The goal of this research was to better understand the connections between primary care and community organizations in addressing food insecurity.
Methods: Focus groups and key informant interviews with FMPC providers and members of local CBOs (2 food pantries) were held from 2018 to 2019. Perceptions of participants regarding food insecurity were collected and analyzed concurrently using a grounded theory approach. Focus groups were transcribed and data analyzed for theme emergence.
Results: A total of 39 participants took part in 4 focus groups (each with 8–10 participants) and 4 individual key informant interviews. The following themes emerged in both FMPC and CBO, in parallel yet separate ways: meaningful relationships; stigma; conversation starters; having the answers; safe spaces; and purposeful training.
Conclusions: There is a disconnect between primary care and community organizations in regard to addressing food insecurity. FMPC and CBO could work together to create intentional intersections to address food insecurity and health in their shared populations.
... The material design and spatial divisions inside the food bank enabled many of these paternalistic practices and placed limits on what clients could say with a strict division between receiving clients as welcomed guests and giving volunteers residing over parcel composition. While clients were seated and questioned by a volunteer, another would go and put their parcel together in a discursive environment where visible expressions of gratitude are expected (Tarasuk and Eakin, 2003) and worthiness must constantly be performed. Any 'fussiness' over types, quality, and quantity of food would draw a suspicious pastoral gaze evaluating their genuine need: ...
Food banks across the UK are offering basic food supplies and a range of support services to people who have been affected by years of welfare cuts and the ongoing COVID-19 health crisis. Despite a growing research interest in the drivers and experiences of food bank use, their own role in constructing and managing poverty as a social problem has been neglected. Adopting a Foucauldian approach, this study critically explored how power is exercised and subjects are formed inside three UK food banks. The localised care for the poor is shown to work through a pastoral power, which requires confessions of crises and obedience to an expert regime in the diagnosis and treatment of poverty as an individual condition. By making food aid conditional on active engagement with other support agencies, volunteers negotiate and translate neoliberal discourses of personal responsibility and active citizenship. Findings are linked to a wider critique of neoliberal government, which works through therapeutic discourses and retains disciplinary and paternalistic elements in managing poverty at a distance.
... However, Riches ([8], p. 7) observes, "reduced access to food is a growing phenomenon in affluent First World countries." While research on food insecurity in affluent nations has predominately used a case study approach [9][10][11][12], a better statistical understanding of the drivers of food availability and access among affluent countries is necessary [3,[13][14][15][16][17]. Currently few studies examine the cross-national patterns in the international political economy that shape the distribution of food both within and between nations (except see, for example, [18,19]). ...
Few studies examine the distribution of food insecurity in advanced capitalist nations. This research investigates cross-national food insecurity in the world’s largest economies by estimating the impact of welfare spending and income inequality on food availability (measured by the FAO’s Dietary Energy and Protein Supply indicators) and food accessibility (measured by the Food Insecurity Experience Scale) in 36 Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries between the years of 2000 and 2018. Using a series of regression models on panel and cross-sectional data this research found that increases in state spending on social and health care are associated with (1) increases in food availability and (2) increases in food access. However, the findings also suggest that increases in food supplies do not produce more food security. Thus, for the OECD countries in this analysis, food availability is unrelated to food accessibility. We conclude by suggesting that high income countries that seek to promote global health should not only focus their efforts on poverty reduction polices that increase food accessibility within their own boarders, but must simultaneously ensure a more equitable global distribution of food.
... Food banks and hubs are now located in every Australian state and territory, providing food to over 2,500 community groups, charities and welfare agencies across the country (Foodbank Australia 2014). However, these organizations do more than fill the gap left by governments; they regulate and mediate access to food and help to solve another problem facing the food industry, namely food oversupply and waste disposal (Tarasuk and Eakin 2003). ...
Food insecurity is a significant problem in many countries, including Australia. Consequently, food hubs, through which food is distributed using a supermarket style layout, have become an important new source of charity food provision. However, little is known about users’ experiences. We draw on ethnographic research to understand the everyday experiences of people using South Australian food hubs. We suggest that attempts to produce a more dignified experience by creating a normalizing experience of shopping is not being achieved, because of the shame and stigma surrounding poverty, confusing operational processes, poor food quality, staff attitudes, and the disciplinary capacity of food hubs.
Purpose
This study aims to understand client food preferences and how pantry offerings can be optimized by those preferences.
Design/methodology/approach
This study develops and administers customized surveys to study three food pantries within the Second Harvest Food Bank of Northwestern North Carolina network. This study then categorizes food items by client preferences, identifies the key predictors of those preferences and obtains preference scores by fitting the data to a predictive model. The preference scores are subsequently used in an optimization model that suggests an ideal mix of food items to stock based upon client preferences and the item and weight limits imposed by the pantry.
Findings
This study found that food pantry clients prefer fresh and frozen foods over shelf-friendly options and that gender, age and religion were the primary predictors. The optimization model incorporates these preferences, yielding an optimal stocking strategy for the pantry.
Research limitations/implications
This research is based on a specific food bank network, and therefore, the client preferences may not be generalizable to other food banks. However, the framework and corresponding optimization model is generalizable to other food aid supply chains.
Practical implications
This study provides insights for food pantry managers to make informed decisions about stocking the pantry shelves based on the client’s preferences.
Social implications
An emerging topic within the humanitarian food aid community is better matching of food availability with food that is desired in a way that minimizes food waste. This is achieved by providing more choice to food pantry users. This work shows how pantries can incorporate client preferences in inventory stocking decisions.
Originality/value
This study contributes to the literature on food pantry operations by providing a novel decision support system for pantry managers to aid in stocking their shelves according to client preferences.
Refah karması, sosyal politikaların şekillendirilmesinde kamu sektörü, özel sektör ve sivil toplum kuruluşları üçlüsü arasındaki ortaklıklara dikkat çekmektedir. Neo-liberal ideoloji doğrultusunda devletin refah hizmetlerindeki öncü rolünün ve sınırlarının daraltılmasına yönelik bir çaba olarak yorumlandığı da görülmektedir. Refah karması yaklaşımı içinde önemli yer tutan bir paydaş, sivil toplum ve sivil toplum tabanlı hayırsever faaliyetler olmaktadır. Gıda bankacılığı, sivil toplum kuruluşları eliyle gerçekleştirilen bir uygulama olarak, refah sistemi içerisinde sivil toplum kuruluşlarının rolü ve bu kuruluşların diğer aktörler ile ilişkisi üzerine önemli veriler sunmaktadır. Bu çalışma, Türkiye’de gıda bankalarının çeşitli fonksiyonları, talep tarafı ve arz tarafı ile birlikte ele alınarak, yoksullukla mücadele konusunda, refah sunumundaki yerlerinin bütüncül bir değerlendirmesini yapabilmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Nitel araştırma yöntem ve tekniklerinden yararlanılan saha araştırması sonucunda, betimsel bir analiz gerçekleştirilmiştir. Yapılan analiz neticesinde, Türkiye’de gıda bankalarının kapitalist sistemin yarattığı fazlayı ihtiyaç sahiplerinin, çevrenin ve tüm toplumun yararına yeniden değerlendirmenin gönüllü iyi bir çabası olarak değerlendirilebildiği; fakat yoksulluk karşısında kamu politikalarının ikamesi olarak varlıklarını devam ettirmelerinin söz konusu olamayacağı sonucuna ulaşılmıştır.
Taking the political ethics of care as the theoretical lens through which to view food poverty, this chapter provides an overview as to the food-aid system and the inherent challenges. This chapter offers a deep-dive into food-aid at a neighbourhood level, using the experiences of Manchester based social enterprise Healthy Me Healthy Communities as a case study to reflect and refract understandings of tackling food poverty. The chapter concludes with suggestions for food-aid providers and the overarching approach which can serve to both alleviate current food poverty and prevent households from slipping into food poverty at a local, neighbourhood level. Situated at cross-roads between a decade of austerity, COVID-19 and the cost of the living crisis, this chapter hopes to provide some light at the end of a dark tunnel.
Objective:
The objective of this scoping review is to map the current literature and resources available on nutrition and food programming for people living with HIV and AIDS in Canada. This review is phase 1 of a 4-phase project, called FoodNOW (Food to eNhance Our Wellness), a community-based nutritional needs assessment of people living with HIV or AIDS living in Nova Scotia, Canada.
Introduction:
People living with HIV or AIDS may experience nutritional challenges, including nutritional deficiencies associated with the virus, food insecurity, and nutrition-drug interactions. Nutritional programming is often required for optimal care for people living with HIV or AIDS. The literature, however, has not been sufficiently mapped to create a comprehensive picture of available programming. This review has informed the development of subsequent study phases, and will contribute towards shaping and planning food programs, as well as evaluating the need for subsequent systematic reviews.
Inclusion criteria:
This review has considered literature focused on nutrition and food programming and resources in Canada for people living with HIV or AIDS. People living with HIV or AIDS of any age, sex, race, gender identity, or sexual orientation, as well as pregnant and lactating people, have been included as the population of interest.
Methods:
The databases searched were MEDLINE (Ovid), CINAHL (EBSCO), Academic Search Premier (EBSCO), Social Services Abstracts (ProQuest), and Scopus. Sources of gray literature searched included government and organization websites, and Google searches. The database search was conducted in July 2021 and the gray literature searches were conducted in August and October 2021. Searches were limited to evidence published or translated in English. Two independent reviewers conducted title and abstract screening, and potentially relevant results were retrieved in full. Full-text screening and data extraction was conducted by 2 independent reviewers using a data extraction tool designed specifically for the scoping review objectives and research inclusion criteria, and any conflicts were resolved through discussion. Results are presented in both tabular and diagrammatic formats, with a narrative summary.
Results:
A total of 581 results were screened (published and gray literature). A total of 64 results were included in the review. The 6 reasons for exclusion at full-text review were: i) not nutrition and food programming (n= 83); ii) not Canadian (n= 37); iii) duplicates (n= 22); iv) not focused on people living with HIV or AIDS (n= 6); v) conference abstract (n= 1); and vi) not in English (n= 1). A total of 76 resources were located, as some of the 64 results included offered more than one resource. We have organized the 76 resources into 6 categories: i) charitable food provision (n = 21/76; 27.6%); ii) financial aid (n = 14/76; 18.4%); iii) nutrition care (n =12/76; 15.8%); iv) providing access to secondary sources (n= 10/76; 13.2%); v) food and nutrition expertise (n= 10/76; 13.2%); and vi) population health promotion (n= 9/76; 11.8%). Recommendations for future research and programming are discussed.
Conclusions:
This scoping review demonstrates that current programming relies heavily on charitable food provision services for people living with HIV and AIDS and that there is an unequal distribution of resources across Canada. Program expansion to target diverse populations with more equal distribution across Canada may improve overall health outcomes for people living with HIV and AIDS. Future research is needed to evaluate the effectiveness of available programming and the needs of end-users (people living with HIV and AIDS and their supports). FoodNOW will build on these findings to further explore and address the needs of people living with HIV and AIDS.
Details of the systematic review are available at:
Open Science Framework https://osf.io/97x3r.
Food banks are non-profit, charitable organizations that distribute food and products to people in need. Food bank facilities become disaster relief centers after natural disasters. The uncertainty associated with the arrival of donations and demand make the planning and operations of food banks challenging during the disaster relief period. The goal of this research is to analyse and forecast the amount of donations received by food bank facilities in the U.S. when operating as disaster relief centers. This paper analyses the donations received by two food bank facilities affected by Hurricane Harvey in 2017. An extensive numerical study is performed that compares the donation behavior at each facility before and after the hurricane event. Multiple forecasting models are evaluated to determine their accuracy in predicting the observed behavior. The results show that under disaster operations, the best performing techniques for both food banks were smoothing techniques (i.e., CMA and Holt) and econometric models.
While private food assistance has long been a key component of the social safety net in many parts of the world, the literature examining the organization and effectiveness of private food assistance is relatively small with some substantial contributions coming only recently. In this article we describe the literature on private food assistance in high income countries, largely focusing on food banks and pantries. We offer an overview of the scope and nature of these services, their management and clientele. We also describe trends, opportunities, and limitations in research on private food assistance.
This study of eight types of emergency food assistance organizations in Michigan, USA, is the first statewide study of the COVID-19 pandemic’s impacts on the operations of these organizations. It focuses on the following question: How did the pandemic affect the operations of emergency food assistance organizations? The paper examines how the race/ethnicity of the organization’s director was related to program activities, the pandemic’s impacts, and responses to the pandemic. It offers new insights into emergency food assistance organizations operated by Black and multicultural directors. The article examines how the sex of the emergency food assistance directors is related to programming, the pandemic’s impacts, and responses to it. Most studies of emergency food assistance focus on urban areas. In addition to studying organizations in the state’s metropolitan areas, we also study organizations in small towns and rural areas. The paper also analyzes two additional questions: How did the government support the state’s emergency food assistance organizations during the pandemic? And how do organization leaders perceive government responses to the pandemic?
The sample consists of 181 emergency food assistance organizations. Whites directed most organizations; 82.9% had a primary director who was White, 11% had Black directors, and 6.1% had directors from other racial/ethnic groups. The organizations studied are long-lived; they have been operating for a mean of 20.8 years. The organizations serve meals to an average of 79 people per day. They also provide food items to roughly 185 people daily.
The pandemic had profound effects on the operations of emergency food assistance organizations. About 28% of the organizations indicated that they cut back on their programming, and just over a fifth of the organizations limited their operating hours. Moreover, 23% of the organizations reported that the number of restaurants donating food declined, while 18% percent reported a decline in supermarket food donations. However, 58.9% of the organizations increased the amount of food they distributed, and 61.3% reported an increase in the number of people seeking food from the organization. During the pandemic, White-run organizations obtained government funding from 19 sources, multicultural-led organizations got government support from 10 sources, and Black-run organizations received support from three sources. Forty percent of directors in all-Black-run organizations, 23.5% of those in multiracial-led organizations, and 22.6% of the directors in all-White-led organizations criticized government responses to the pandemic.
At first sight, proposing an ethical-critical analysis of food charity might seem somewhat surprising. If we consider all the cultures of the world, one by one, it is highly likely that feeding the hungry will, almost unanimously, be seen as a positive gesture towards another person. Indeed, in many societies, there are occasions when there it is considered a duty to give to others, especially with regard to food. Today, well into the twenty-first century, citizens of the Global North are constantly invited to make small gestures of generosity, aimed at alleviating the situation of those who are suffering. So how is it possible that we find ourselves asking whether it is right or not to act in the interests of others? That question -or more specifically, why do we need to reflect on approaches to food charity?- is our focus in this chapter. We consider the old and new dilemmas raised by food charity and how we might go about resolving these dilemmas.
Food banks have become an essential part of the social welfare arrangements of many countries. Food bank managers need to know why some people give to food banks while others do not, as such knowledge will help them devise effective promotional campaigns. The current research applied Norm Activation Theory to examine the motivations and other factors that encourage individuals (as opposed to businesses) to donate foodstuff to food banks in the United Kingdom. Two major research questions were addressed: (1) how do food bank donors and non-donors perceive the attributes of food bank beneficiaries, and (2) what considerations determine the frequencies of donations? The study employed a structural topic model (STM) to analyze the responses of 544 members of the public to an open-ended question regarding the characteristics of typical food bank beneficiaries. Outcomes were then imported to a structural equation model (SEM) containing “frequency of food bank donation” as the dependent variable.
Los bancos de alimentos son organizaciones sin ánimo de lucro basadas en voluntariado cuyo objetivo es recuperar y redistribuir excedentes alimenticios entre las personas necesitadas a través de otras entidades. Este estudio se centra en las relaciones de un banco de alimentos con sus organizaciones beneficiarias, que se clasifican en entidades de consumo y entidades de reparto. El trabajo asume una estructura metodológica híbrida cuantitativa-cualitativa, con una primera fase, de carácter exploratorio mediante una encuesta dirigida a todas esas entidades, y una segunda, consistente en un taller participativo para devolución, contraste y profundización de los datos recogidos en la anterior. Los resultados muestran las diferencias entre ambos tipos de entidades en el actual marco de crisis socioeconómica, y sus problemas comunes que se resumen en las dificultades para satisfacer la demanda cuando es muy heterogénea y creciente, y cuando la oferta sigue reglas independientes.
Food bank use has risen rapidly in the UK since 2010. The negative health impacts of food insecurity are well‐documented, but there is a lack of quantitative research exploring the health of people using food banks, who are most often severely food insecure. To address this gap, this study compares health outcomes between working‐age adults using food banks and those in the general population in England, investigating whether adults using food banks are disproportionately affected by poor health, even after accounting for socioeconomic differences. Data from a survey of 598 adults using Trussell Trust food banks in 2016–2017 were merged with data from the Health Survey for England (HSE) from 2016. Outcome variables of interest were: self‐rated health, life‐limiting health conditions (disability) and self‐reported metabolic, cardiovascular, musculoskeletal and mental health conditions. Logistic regression models were used to examine the odds of adults using food banks having health conditions, disability and poor self‐rated health compared to the general population. The prevalence rates of poor self‐rated health, disability, mental health disorders and musculoskeletal conditions were significantly higher among adults using food banks than the general population (p < .05 for all outcomes). These associations remained after accounting for gender, age, marital status, employment and education. This comparative study highlights the many health disadvantages among adults using food bank compared to the general population. The higher risk of poor self‐rated health, disability and mental health conditions was not fully explained by measures of low socioeconomic status. Possible explanations for these findings include: first, that poor health may increase vulnerability to food insecurity, and, in turn, use of food banks; second, that experiences of food insecurity and food bank use may cause declines in health; and third, that food bank use and poor health may be joint outcomes arising from the last decade of austerity in the UK.
Urban affairs research has not examined how broad social forces and policy changes affect daily life in urban communities, organizations, and families. Drawing on ethnographic field work in urban food assistance sites as well as analyses of the comparative roles of government and the voluntary sector in responding to social problems, this study provides evidence that: (1) voluntary organizations (in this case food assistance providers) have been drawn into a growing institutionalized “shadow government” (Wolch, 1990); (2) this newly institutionalized voluntary bureaucracy closely parallels the bureaucracy, the rigidity, and the depersonalization of government agencies; (3) willingly or not, this increasingly institutionalized food provision network contributes to the continued view of poverty in America as primarily the result of personal defects and temporary misfortunes requiring only an “emergency,” albeit virtually permanent, response from society; and (4) these changes have consequences for the transfer of responsibility for assistance from the public to the private sector under welfare reform.
The continued expansion of food assistance programs makes it important to examine the sociodemographic characteristics and nutritional profiles of people relying on this service. The authors undertook such a study in a large urban centre.
A total of 490 food bank users were randomly selected from a stratified random sample of 57 urban food banks in Montreal. A questionnaire and a dietary recall interview were given by a dietitian-interviewer to determine socioeconomic, demographic and cultural characteristics and macronutrient intake. These data were compared with national and provincial data.
The mean age of the participants (256 men and 234 women) was 41 years; 204 (41.6%) were living alone and most (409 [83.5%]) were receiving social assistance benefits. These food bank users were well educated (190 [38.8%] had completed technical school or had a college or university education), and the sample included few elderly or disabled people. The median body mass index was greater than 24, which indicated that energy intake, although below recommended levels, was not a chronic problem. The people using the food banks had a monthly shortfall in their food budget of between 46.
Food banks are used regularly, primarily by young healthy adults. They are though of as a necessary community resource.
The number of individuals and families accessing food assistance programs has continued to grow throughout the 1990s. Despite the increased health risk among low-income people, few studies have addressed nutrient intake throughout the month or at the end of the month when food and financial resources are thought to be compromised, and no study has described dietary status of a random sample of food bank users. Nutrient intakes of adult female and male food bank users in metropolitan Montreal, Quebec, Canada, were monitored week-by-week over a month by dietitian-administered 24-h recall interviews. A total of 428 participants from a stratified random sample of 57 urban area food banks completed all four interviews. Mean energy intake, as an indicator of diet quantity, was similar to other adult populations (10.2 +/- 4.8 and 7.9 +/- 3.6 MJ for men and women, respectively, age 18-49 y) and not related to sociodemographic variables except the expected biological variation of age and sex. Macronutrient intake was stable throughout the month. Overall median intakes of calcium, vitamin A, and zinc were below recommended levels for all age and sex groups. Intakes of several micronutrients were related to frequency of food bank use, household size, smoking, education, and country of birth. High nutrient intake variability characterized these adult food bank users.
In Canada, hunger is believed to be rare. This study examined the prevalence of hunger among Canadian children and the characteristics of, and coping strategies used by, families with children experiencing hunger.
The data originated from the first wave of data collection for the National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth, conducted in 1994, which included 13,439 randomly selected Canadian families with children aged 11 years or less. The respondents were asked about the child's experience of hunger and consequent use of coping strategies. Sociodemographic and other risk factors for families experiencing hunger, use of food assistance programs and other coping strategies were analyzed by means of multiple logistic regression analysis.
Hunger was experienced by 1.2% (206) of the families in the survey, representing 57,000 Canadian families. Single-parent families, families relying on social assistance and off-reserve Aboriginal families were overrepresented among those experiencing hunger. Hunger coexisted with the mother's poor health and activity limitation and poor child health. Parents offset the needs of their children by depriving themselves of food.
Physicians may wish to use these demographic characteristics to identify and assist families with children potentially at risk for hunger.
Demand for food assistance in Canada has grown throughout the 1990s. In a survey of the sociodemographic and nutritional characteristics of 428 adult food bank users, we used results of four 24-hour recall interviews to determine the number of servings from Canada's Food Guide to Healthy Eating food groups these clients were consuming. Our intent was to use a resource familiar to diverse audiences to describe the food intake of Montreal-area food bank clients. No age group and neither gender met the minimum target intake level for milk products. Mean intake of grain products and meat and alternatives met or exceeded minimum recommended levels. Women between the ages of 18 and 49 years consumed fewer servings of vegetables and fruit than the recommended minimum (4.9+/-3.2 servings). In general, food bank users' mean intakes were no worse than those of the Quebec general population, although their intake of milk products was lower. However, the mean number of food group servings varied greatly and reflected very low intakes by some food-bank clients. Nutrition education based on Canada's Food Guide to Healthy Eating may be one approach that food banks can take to help clients broaden the number and variety of foods consumed.
This study was undertaken to understand food insecurity from the perspective of households who experienced it. The results of group interviews and personal interviews with 98 low-income households from urban and rural areas in and around Québec City, Canada, elicited the meaning of "enough food" for the households and the range of manifestations of food insecurity. Two classes of manifestations characterized the experience of food insecurity: (1) its core characteristics: a lack of food encompassing the shortage of food, the unsuitability of both food and diet and a preoccupation with continuity in access to enough food; and a lack of control of households over their food situation; and (2) a related set of potential reactions: socio-familial perturbations, hunger and physical impairment, and psychological suffering. The results substantiate the existence of food insecurity among Québecers and confirm that the nature of this experience is consistent with many of the core components identified in upstate New York. This study underlines the monotony of the diet, describes the feeling of alienation, differentiates between a lack of food and the reactions that it engenders, and emphasizes the dynamic nature of the experience.
First World Hunger examines hunger and the politics of food security, and welfare reform (1980-95) in five 'liberal' welfare states (Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the UK and the USA). Through national case-studies it explores the depoliticization of hunger as a human rights issue and the failure of New Right policies and charitable emergency relief to guarantee household food security. The need for alternative integrated policies and the necessity of public action are considered essential if hunger is to be eliminated.
Demand for food assistance in Canada has grown throughout the 1990s. In a survey of the sociodemographic and nutritional characteristics of 428 adult food bank users, we used results of four 24-hour recall interviews to determine the number of servings from Canada's Food Guide to Healthy Eating food groups these clients were consuming. Our intent was to use a resource familiar to diverse audiences to describe the food intake of Montreal-area food bank clients. No age group and neither gender met the minimum target intake level for milk products. Mean intake of grain products and meat and alternatives met or exceeded minimum recommended levels. Women between the ages of 18 and 49 years consumed fewer servings of vegetables and fruit than the recommended minimum (4.9+/-3.2 servings). In general, food bank users' mean intakes were no worse than those of the Quebec general population, although their intake of milk products was lower. However, the mean number of food group servings varied greatly and reflected very low intakes by some food-bank clients. Nutrition education based on Canada's Food Guide to Healthy Eating may be one approach that food banks can take to help clients broaden the number and variety of foods consumed.
Varying philosophical and theoretical orientations to qualitative inquiry remind us that issues of quality and credibility intersect with audience and intended research purposes. This overview examines ways of enhancing the quality and credibility of qualitative analysis by dealing with three distinct but related inquiry concerns: rigorous techniques and methods for gathering and analyzing qualitative data, including attention to validity, reliability, and triangulation; the credibility, competence, and perceived trustworthiness of the qualitative researcher; and the philosophical beliefs of evaluation users about such paradigm-based preferences as objectivity versus subjectivity, truth versus perspective, and generalizations versus extrapolations. Although this overview examines some general approaches to issues of credibility and data quality in qualitative analysis, it is important to acknowledge that particular philosophical underpinnings, specific paradigms, and special purposes for qualitative inquiry will typically include additional or substitute criteria for assuring and judging quality, validity, and credibility. Moreover, the context for these considerations has evolved. In early literature on evaluation methods the debate between qualitative and quantitative methodologists was often strident. In recent years the debate has softened. A consensus has gradually emerged that the important challenge is to match appropriately the methods to empirical questions and issues, and not to universally advocate any single methodological approach for all problems.
We were a poor family and frequently went for several days at a time with little or nothing to eat. Consequently hunger is one of the most enduring memories of my childhood. If we were lucky, our daily diet would consist of a bowl of porridge in the morning before school, one slice of bread with dripping or golden syrup for our school lunch, and occasionally damper for tea. We ate whatever we could find — kangaroos, wallabies, snakes run down by passing cars, snakes killed in the yard, and fruit and berries from the trees. Very few Aboriginal children could ever afford to bring a lunch to school and when the bell began to ring for the beginning of afternoon class and the end of lunch time, we would gather around the rubbish bins and hastily pick out any crusts or a half-eaten apple or other leftovers. (Wilson, 1989, p. 16)
In this chapter, we review the issue of hunger and poverty in the UK. Our particular concern is to explore the extent to which anyone may be said to be in absolute poverty, in terms of not having the resources to eat adequately. The chapter is in four sections. The first reviews the extent and characteristics of poverty in the UK, situating our analysis in a European context where possible. In the second section we examine the role of the British state in deepening and widening poverty in the UK, particularly since the 1979 Thatcher government, and the state’s response to these trends. Third, we look at hunger in the British context, summarizing research on diet, nutrition, health and income. Finally, we review activities of national and local organizations which respond politically and practically to the growing problem of hunger in the UK and conclude by briefly drawing out some implications for future policy.
A. H. Boerma, a past head of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, in introducing a collection of his speeches which he made in 1974 on questions of food, hunger and development, stated, ‘If human beings have a right to life at all, they have a right to food’ (Boerma, 1976). Whilst this may seem a self-evident assertion to which everyone could subscribe, during the 1990s New Zealand has seen a vigorous debate about such a proposition and its implications for both individual responsibility and government social policy In a food producing and exporting country such as New Zealand, little attention has been paid to questions of hunger, or indeed poverty, since the economic depression of the 1920s and early 1930s. It is only recently that issues of hunger, lack of access to food and a broader concern about poverty in general have entered into the public arena for discussion. This concern has paralleled a rapid growth in both the numbers of food banks and foodbank users since about 1990.
Hunger in the United States has demonstrated remarkable longevity and resilience as a social issue. In this media-saturated culture, social problems tend to come and go like fads or celebrities. In contrast, hunger has been an issue for much of the past 60 years. It was a topic of considerable discussion in the great depression of the 1930s, dropped from sight in the period of relative affluence following World War II, was rediscovered in the late 1960s, and has been on the public agenda, in one form or another, for nearly the last three decades. Each succeeding spate of attention has left a new layer of public programmes and voluntary responses. As a result, the United States differs from most other western industrialized nations in the extent and variety of its public food assistance programmes. At the latest count, there are twelve separate federal programmes which provide food or food-specific purchasing power to people in the United States, and these are supplemented by state and local programmes and by an immense variety of voluntary sector activities.
The problem of hunger in Canada in the 1990s is persistent and seemingly intractable. Food banks brought the issue to public attention in the early 1980s. Yet a decade earlier poverty had been rediscovered in Canada (Senate, 1971) and in 1977 the People’s Food Commission was formed in response to escalating food prices and the suffering and misery of low-income Canadians. Yet despite all that has been written and said in the intervening years about unemployment, child poverty and welfare reform, hunger continues to grow. Indeed, to the extent that charity has attempted to meet the needs of hungry people, hunger has been depoliticized and ignored by the state. Federal and provincial governments have deliberately turned a blind eye.
"Scouting has some unacceptables," the Executive Direcor of the Jersey Shore Council of the Boy Scouts of America told me, "and one of them is hunger." We were talking in the entrance to the Ciba Geigy company cafeteria in Toms River, New Jersey, where several hundred Boy Scouts, their parents, grandparents, siblings, and neighbors were sorting and packing the 280,000 pounds of canned goods that the scouts of this Council had netted in their 1994 Scouting For Food drive. The food would be stored on the Ciba Geigy corporate campus, where downsizing had left a number of buildings empty, and redistributed to local food pantries to be passed along to the hungry. The scouting executive was one of several hundred people I interviewed as part of a study of charitable food programs—so called "emergency food"—in the United States. In the years since the early 1980s, literally millions of Americans have been drawn into such projects: soup kitchens and food panries on the front lines, and canned goods drives, food banks, and "food rescue" projects that supply them. This article can also be found at the Monthly Review website, where most recent articles are published in full.
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Hunger is defined as the inability to obtain sufficient, nutritious, personally acceptable food through normal food channels or the uncertainty that one will be able to do so. After the depression of the 1930s, widespread concerns about hunger in Canada did not resurface until the recession of the early 1980s when the demand for food assistance rose dramatically. The development of an ad hoc charitable food distribution system ensued and by 1992, 2.1 million Canadians were receiving food assistance. In the absence of national monitoring systems, this remains the best available estimate of the prevalence of hunger. Hunger appears to be linked to poverty, unemployment, and numbers of people receiving social assistance. Although the Canadian social security system has traditionally been characterized by government-run universal and targeted programs designed to address income issues, hunger raises concerns about the current “safety net”. The primary response to hunger has been the proliferation of food banks, the agencies at the heart of the charitable food assistance system. On a smaller scale, community-based programs and advocacy initiatives have emerged. Nonetheless, the demand for food assistance continues to rise. The trend raises questions about future directions for social policy in Canada and concerns about the development of a two-tiered food distribution system—one for those with adequate money and one for the poor.
The proliferation of emergency food programs in the United States over the past decade and a half has created a dilemma for advocates and others who approach issues of social provision from the standpoint of a commitment to social justice. While the soup kitchens, food pantries, food banks, and food rescue programs that comprise the emergency food system may be able to meet some of the urgent, immediate needs of poor people, they do so in ways that may further undermine rights and entitlements and erode the cultural basis of support for the welfare state. Should advocates of distributive justice work to improve such emergency programs, ignore them, or call for their abolition? This paper explores the history of advocates' involvement with emergency food, assesses the strengths and weaknesses of emergency food programs from a social justice standpoint, and offers some guidelines for action.
Michigan Harvest Gathering is a popular and nationally acclaimed antihunger campaign. It represents a state-sponsored partnership among public, private, and nonprofit institutions “to improve conditions for Michigan's citizens in need". This paper reviews the program, and in the process, critically examines its underlying assumptions about the nature of hunger and helping, about those who are hungry, and about the relationship of agriculture to the remediation of hunger throughout the state. It argues that, in keeping with Michigan's corporatist orientation, the program valorizes the agrofood industry at the expense of sustained public welfare. An alternative approach based on the development of greater local food autonomy provides a programmatic contrast to the elaboration of a “helping” industry designed to deliver emergency food assistance.
Ivan Illich’s 1976 prediction that medical dragnets will continue was correct. Now quasi-health dragnets are being established ostensibly to feed children perceived to be hungry. Our qualitative, multi-site case study found that programs justify their expansion to non-target group children as a means of reducing stigmatization, while reaching only an estimated one-third of targeted children. The dragnet continues as new services are added and franchising is proposed while the purpose of the program — feeding healthy foods to children — ultimately succumbs to drives for efficiency and the desire to maintain the program itself. In this field of social power relations, children become commodified through dialectical interplays among fundamental needs, manipulated needs, benevolence, and domination.
Two central unresolved problems in labour process theory are the disjuncture between structure and agency and the problem of what constitutes `good' work. This paper argues that a hermeneutic conception of the self as constructed through narrative provides a resolution to these two issues. Hermeneutics conceptualises the self as neither a solitary entity impervious to the influence of others, nor as a mere reflection of objective structures or `discourses of power'. Rather, in the process of self-interpretation a person uses socially learnt cultural discourses to construct and reconstruct a coherent sense of narrative-identity. Substantive illustrations are drawn from labour process theory, recent developments in management theory, and some more general studies of the meaning of working.
On the basis of a qualitative study of health in small enterprises, this paper attempts to theorise the social production of illness and injury in the workplace. Particular features of working life in small workplaces, especially their personalised social relations and low polarisation of employer-employee interests, shape workers’ perceptions of the employment relationship and of health in relation to work. Strained authority relations at work can form a key social context in which health and injury are constructed. In situations of conflictful supervisory relations, bodily experiences can become ‘problematised’. Meanings attributed to health conditions and the quality of the employment relationship are transformed and merged, prompting a questioning of the legitimacy of power asymmetries in the workplace and recognition of the conflicting interests of labour and capital. Bodily experiences and ill-health offer possibilities for resistance and become mediators of broader social tensions. Unheeded illness claims deepen feelings of distrust and blame, further causing labour relations to deteriorate, and re-producing the social conditions for illness.
This article proposes a number of arguments about the contemporary food system. Using the UK as a case study, it argues that the food system is marked by tensions and conflicts. The paper explores different strands of public policy as applied to the food system over the last two centuries. It differentiates between various uses of the term globalization and proposes that the real features and dynamics of the new world food order are complex and neither as benign nor as homogeneous as some of its proponents allow. Opposition to the new era of globalization is emerging in the food system. This is already having some impact, questioning not just the products of the food system but the nature of its production and distribution.
In the post-Depression era, Canada developed as a welfare state. However, the past 15 years have been characterized by high levels of poverty and unemployment. With the gradual erosion of social programs, a variety of ad hoc, community-based programs have emerged in response to problems of poverty. These include food assistance programs and self-help and community development initiatives designed to improve the food situations of the poor. Current economic, social, and political trends suggest increasing hardship for low-income groups and highlight the need for a critical appraisal of food and nutrition programs within this broader context.
This is a summary of an ERS report.
Features include the selection and sampling of cases, the problems of access, observation and interviewing, recording and filing data, and the process of data analysis.
More Than Bread examines life in the dining room of the Tabernacle Soup Kitchen, located in Middle City in a New England state. What happens when one hundred guests, which include single mothers, drug addicts, alcoholics, the mentally ill, and the chronically unemployed, representing diverse age groups and ethnicities, come together in the dining room for several hours each day? Irene Glasser challenges the popular assumption that soup kitchens function primarily to provide food for the hungry by refocusing our attention on the social aspects of the dining room. The soup kitchen offers a model of a de-professionalized, nonclinical, nurturing setting that is in contrast to the traditional human services agency. © 2010 by The University of Alabama Press. All rights reserved.
Eighty-nine percent of American households were food secure throughout the entire year 2002, meaning that they had access, at all times, to enough food for an active, healthy life for all household members. The remaining households were food insecure at least some time during that year. The prevalence of food insecurity rose from 10.7 percent in 2001 to 11.1 percent in 2002, and the prevalence of food insecurity with hunger rose from 3.3 percent to 3.5 percent. This report, based on data from the December 2002 food security survey, provides the most recent statistics on the food security of U.S. households, as well as on how much they spent for food and the extent to which food-insecure households participated in Federal and community food assistance programs. Survey responses indicate that the typical food-secure household in the U.S. spent 35 percent more on food than the typical food-insecure household of the same size and household composition. Just over one-half of all food-insecure households participated in one or more of the three largest Federal food assistance programs during the month prior to the survey. About 19 percent of food-insecure households—3.0 percent of all U.S. households—obtained emergency food from a food pantry at some time during the year.
The purpose of this study was to estimate the prevalence of food insufficiency in the United States and to examine sociodemographic characteristics related to food insufficiency.
Data were analyzed from the third National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey, a cross-sectional representative sample of the civilian noninstitutionalized population living in households. Individuals were classified as "food insufficient" if a family respondent reported that the family sometimes or often did not get enough food to eat.
From 1988 through 1994, the overall prevalence of food insufficiency was 4.1% and was primarily related to poverty status. In the low-income population, food insufficiency was positively associated with being Mexican American, being under the age of 60, having a family head who had not completed high school, participating in the Food Stamp Program, and not having health insurance. It was not related to family type or employment status of the family head. Over half of food-insufficient individuals lived in employed families.
Food insufficiency is not limited to very low-income persons, specific racial/ethnic groups, family types, or the unemployed. Understanding food insufficiency is critical to formulating nutrition programs and policies.
A brief survey was undertaken to assess the nature and severity of food scarcity experienced by a sample of 88 street youth in downtown Toronto, and to identify markers of vulnerability to food scarcity. Almost half of the youth reported experiencing involuntary hunger or food deprivation during the previous 30 days. Youth who were literally homeless (i.e., on the street or "squatting" in abandoned buildings) and those relying primarily on street-based activities for income appeared particularly vulnerable to food deprivation. Although limited in scope, the findings raise questions about the nutritional well-being of street youth and highlight the need for more effective interventions to address problems of poverty, hunger, and homelessness among Canadian youth.
A study of food insecurity and nutritional adequacy was conducted with a sample of 153 women in families receiving emergency food assistance in Toronto, Canada. Contemporaneous data on dietary intake and household food security over the past 30 d were available for 145 of the women. Analyses of these data revealed that women who reported hunger in their households during the past 30 d also reported systematically lower intakes of energy and a number of nutrients. The effect of household-level hunger on intake persisted even when other economic, socio-cultural, and behavioral influences on reported dietary intake were considered. Estimated prevalences of inadequacy in excess of 15% were noted for Vitamin A, folate, iron, and magnesium in this sample, suggesting that the low levels of intake associated with severe household food insecurity are in a range that could put women at risk of nutrient deficiencies.
Over the past two decades, the demand for charitable food assistance has steadily grown, and a massive ad hoc system of food banks has become established in Canada. To assess the food insecurity and nutritional vulnerability of one subgroup of food bank users, interviews were conducted with a sample of 153 women in families using emergency food relief programs in Metropolitan Toronto. Ninety percent reported household incomes which were less than two thirds of the 'poverty line', and 94% reported some degree of food insecurity over the previous 12 months. Seventy percent reported some level of absolute food deprivation, despite using food banks. The findings highlight the limited capacity of ad hoc, charitable food assistance programs to respond to problems of household food insecurity which arise in the context of severe and chronic poverty.
Varying philosophical and theoretical orientations to qualitative inquiry remind us that issues of quality and credibility intersect with audience and intended research purposes. This overview examines ways of enhancing the quality and credibility of qualitative analysis by dealing with three distinct but related inquiry concerns: rigorous techniques and methods for gathering and analyzing qualitative data, including attention to validity, reliability, and triangulation; the credibility, competence, and perceived trustworthiness of the qualitative researcher; and the philosophical beliefs of evaluation users about such paradigm-based preferences as objectivity versus subjectivity, truth versus perspective, and generalizations versus extrapolations. Although this overview examines some general approaches to issues of credibility and data quality in qualitative analysis, it is important to acknowledge that particular philosophical underpinnings, specific paradigms, and special purposes for qualitative inquiry will typically include additional or substitute criteria for assuring and judging quality, validity, and credibility. Moreover, the context for these considerations has evolved. In early literature on evaluation methods the debate between qualitative and quantitative methodologists was often strident. In recent years the debate has softened. A consensus has gradually emerged that the important challenge is to match appropriately the methods to empirical questions and issues, and not to universally advocate any single methodological approach for all problems.
Current knowledge about food insecurity in North America is largely based on research with low-income households. Much less is known about the food experiences of homeless people, a group who are particularly vulnerable to food insecurity. This study explored the food experiences of street youth, one of the fastest growing segments of the homeless population in Canada. To gain an in-depth understanding of food insecurity within the context of daily life, ethnographic research was undertaken with street youth at one inner-city drop-in centre in Toronto, Canada. Results of this study reveal that street youth's access to food was precarious amidst the instability and chaos of street life. The day-to-day lives of the street youth encountered in this study were characterized by a constant struggle to find safe, secure shelter, generate income, and obtain sufficient food. In this context, food was a precious commodity. Food access was inextricably linked to and contingent upon conditions of health, shelter, and income. Food access was precarious since everyday food sources purchased food and charitable food assistance were ultimately insecure. "Squeegeeing" (washing car windows), the primary source of income for youth in the study, was dependent on the weather, political and public will, and youth's physical health, and thus did not generate enough money to continuously meet basic food needs. Charitable food assistance was considered poor quality and was associated with food sickness. The often unsavoury atmosphere of charitable food programmes, their locations, capacity, and idiosyncratic rules, policies, and hours of operation also affected access. Findings from this study extend the current understanding of food insecurity to homeless youth and offer insight into current responses to hunger and homelessness.
This article examines the prevalence of food insecurity in Canada, the characteristics of people most likely to live in households lacking sufficient funds for food, and several related health problems.
The data are from the cross-sectional household component of the 1998/99 National Population Health Survey and the Food Insecurity Supplement to that survey.
Cross-tabulations were used to estimate the percentage of Canadians experiencing food insecurity and the prevalence of five selected health outcomes among people who were and were not food insecure. Multivariate logistic regression was used to assess the association of several socio-demographic and economic factors with food insecurity and to determine the association of food insecurity with the selected health outcomes.
In 1998/99, 10% of Canadians, or about 3 million people, were living in food-insecure households. Low-income households, households depending on social assistance, lone-parent families headed by women, tenants, children, and Aboriginal people had significantly high odds of experiencing food insecurity. Food insecurity was significantly associated with poor/fair health, multiple chronic conditions, obesity, distress and depression.
Responding to hunger in a wealthy society: Issues and options
- G Riches
Riches, G. (1989). Responding to hunger in a wealthy society:
Issues and options. Journal of the Canadian Dietetic
Association, 50, 150-154.