Article

Contraceptive Use in a Changing Service Environment: Evidence from Indonesia During the Economic Crisis

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  • Survey Meter
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Abstract

In the late 1990s, most Southeast Asian countries experienced substantial economic downturns that reduced social-sector spending and decreased individuals' spending power. Data from Indonesia were collected in 1997 (just before the crisis) and in 1998 (during the crisis) that are used in this study to examine changes in the contraceptive supply environment and in women's choices regarding contraceptive use. Despite substantial changes in providers' characteristics during the first year of the crisis, no statistically significant differences are found between 1997 and 1998 in overall levels of prevalence, in unmet need, or in method mix. Women's choices regarding source of contraceptive supplies, however, changed considerably over the period. Changes in the contraceptive supply environment are linked here to changes in women's choice of source of supply, and a number of providers' characteristics are found to be significantly associated with women's choices in this regard.

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Chapter
Every four years since 2004, the Copenhagen Consensus Center has organized and hosted a high profile thought experiment about how a hypothetical extra $75 billion of development assistance money might best be spent to solve twelve of the major crises facing the world today. Collated in this specially commissioned book, a group of more than 50 experts make their cases for investment, discussing how to combat problems ranging from armed conflicts, corruption and trade barriers, to natural disasters, hunger, education and climate change. For each case, 'Alternative Perspectives' are also included to provide a critique and make other suggestions for investment. In addition, a panel of senior economists, including four Nobel Laureates, rank the attractiveness of each policy proposal in terms of its anticipated cost-benefit ratio. This thought-provoking book opens up debate, encouraging readers to come up with their own rankings and decide which solutions are smarter than others.
Chapter
Every four years since 2004, the Copenhagen Consensus Center has organized and hosted a high profile thought experiment about how a hypothetical extra $75 billion of development assistance money might best be spent to solve twelve of the major crises facing the world today. Collated in this specially commissioned book, a group of more than 50 experts make their cases for investment, discussing how to combat problems ranging from armed conflicts, corruption and trade barriers, to natural disasters, hunger, education and climate change. For each case, 'Alternative Perspectives' are also included to provide a critique and make other suggestions for investment. In addition, a panel of senior economists, including four Nobel Laureates, rank the attractiveness of each policy proposal in terms of its anticipated cost-benefit ratio. This thought-provoking book opens up debate, encouraging readers to come up with their own rankings and decide which solutions are smarter than others.
Chapter
Every four years since 2004, the Copenhagen Consensus Center has organized and hosted a high profile thought experiment about how a hypothetical extra $75 billion of development assistance money might best be spent to solve twelve of the major crises facing the world today. Collated in this specially commissioned book, a group of more than 50 experts make their cases for investment, discussing how to combat problems ranging from armed conflicts, corruption and trade barriers, to natural disasters, hunger, education and climate change. For each case, 'Alternative Perspectives' are also included to provide a critique and make other suggestions for investment. In addition, a panel of senior economists, including four Nobel Laureates, rank the attractiveness of each policy proposal in terms of its anticipated cost-benefit ratio. This thought-provoking book opens up debate, encouraging readers to come up with their own rankings and decide which solutions are smarter than others.
Chapter
Every four years since 2004, the Copenhagen Consensus Center has organized and hosted a high profile thought experiment about how a hypothetical extra $75 billion of development assistance money might best be spent to solve twelve of the major crises facing the world today. Collated in this specially commissioned book, a group of more than 50 experts make their cases for investment, discussing how to combat problems ranging from armed conflicts, corruption and trade barriers, to natural disasters, hunger, education and climate change. For each case, 'Alternative Perspectives' are also included to provide a critique and make other suggestions for investment. In addition, a panel of senior economists, including four Nobel Laureates, rank the attractiveness of each policy proposal in terms of its anticipated cost-benefit ratio. This thought-provoking book opens up debate, encouraging readers to come up with their own rankings and decide which solutions are smarter than others.
Chapter
Every four years since 2004, the Copenhagen Consensus Center has organized and hosted a high profile thought experiment about how a hypothetical extra $75 billion of development assistance money might best be spent to solve twelve of the major crises facing the world today. Collated in this specially commissioned book, a group of more than 50 experts make their cases for investment, discussing how to combat problems ranging from armed conflicts, corruption and trade barriers, to natural disasters, hunger, education and climate change. For each case, 'Alternative Perspectives' are also included to provide a critique and make other suggestions for investment. In addition, a panel of senior economists, including four Nobel Laureates, rank the attractiveness of each policy proposal in terms of its anticipated cost-benefit ratio. This thought-provoking book opens up debate, encouraging readers to come up with their own rankings and decide which solutions are smarter than others.
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Every four years since 2004, the Copenhagen Consensus Center has organized and hosted a high profile thought experiment about how a hypothetical extra $75 billion of development assistance money might best be spent to solve twelve of the major crises facing the world today. Collated in this specially commissioned book, a group of more than 50 experts make their cases for investment, discussing how to combat problems ranging from armed conflicts, corruption and trade barriers, to natural disasters, hunger, education and climate change. For each case, 'Alternative Perspectives' are also included to provide a critique and make other suggestions for investment. In addition, a panel of senior economists, including four Nobel Laureates, rank the attractiveness of each policy proposal in terms of its anticipated cost-benefit ratio. This thought-provoking book opens up debate, encouraging readers to come up with their own rankings and decide which solutions are smarter than others.
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This paper blends quantitative with qualitative data in an investigation of community and contraceptive choice in Nang Rong, Thailand. Specifically, it develops an explanation of 1) method dominance within villages, coupled with 2) marked differences between villages in the popularity of particular methods. The quantitative analysis demonstrates the importance of village location and placement of family planning services for patterns of contraceptive choice. The qualitative data provide a complementary perspective, emphasizing the importance of social as well as physical space and giving particular attention to the structure of conversational networks.
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Through linkage of a Demographic and Health Survey to a situation analysis, this article explores whether current contraceptive use in Peru is affected by the service environment in which a woman resides. The investigation focuses explicitly on the impact of the quality of family planning services and finds that, net of personal and household characteristics, a significant, albeit small, effect exists for one specification of quality in the total sample and for the other specification a nearly significant (p = .053) effect exists. The analysis reveals that contraceptive prevalence would be 16 to 23 percent greater if all women lived in a cluster with the highest quality of care compared with the lowest. Methodological problems that arise in measuring quality of care at the cluster level and in linking quality to individual contraceptive use are also addressed.
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Clinic-based distribution of contraceptive commodities is expensive per unit distributed. This situation has fueled the search for alternative means of delivery. Comparing the performance of alternatives is straightforward if the output measure is a count of commodities distributed, but comparing actual fertility impacts is another matter. I use data from the 1991 Indonesia Demographic and Health Survey to assess the extent of difference among the eventual fertility outcomes of users supplied with similar commodities through varying sources. When the "modern" methods of pill, IUD, and injection are grouped together, the fertility of users supplied with these commodities differs markedly according to their source of supply. I find little evidence for self-selecting of users into supply channels. This result implies that fertility differentials by source are likely due to characteristics of the distribution channels.
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Efforts to develop quantitative indicators of quality of care for family planning services, and to evaluate its role in contraceptive behavior, remain at an early stage. The present study, based upon an analysis of prospective data from a sample of 7,800 reproductive-aged rural Bangladeshi women, provides empirical evidence on the importance of quality of care for contraceptive practice. The results demonstrate that the perceptions of women regarding the quality of field-worker care were significantly related to the probability of subsequent adoption of a family planning method. Women who were not using a method and who scored high on an index of perceived quality of care were 27 percent more likely to adopt a method subsequently, compared with women with a low score. Effects were even more pronounced for contraceptive continuation; high quality of care was associated with a 72 percent greater likelihood of continued use of any method of contraception.
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Indonesia's family planning program has been one of the most effective in the developing world in promoting contraceptive use and contributing to fertility transition. In evaluating why the program has worked, analysts have given much credit to a network of village family planning groups that developed from the 1970s to the 1990s and that blanketed the archipelago. These groups, composed primarily of female volunteers, made contraception available to women in even the most remote parts of the country, and acted as agents of family planning motivation. They have been labeled by the Indonesian state family planning agency as an example of effective community participation on a national scale. In this paper, I investigate this claim and find it to be simplistic. I provide extensive evidence that the creation of this network was orchestrated by the Indonesian state. On the other hand, I show that these groups are not fully state entities, as they have several characteristics that mark them as socially embedded institutions. They are best labeled as unusual state-society hybrids. In my investigation I draw on one of the newest paradigms in the discipline of political science--the state-society approach--to uncover the odd nature of this family planning network. More deeply, I argue that the state-society approach ought to be adopted in family planning analysis on a comprehensive basis. The traditional organizational and social-demographic approaches that have dominated the field offer only limited understanding of the nature of family planning programs in developing countries. The state-society approach is ideally suited to identifying how family planning programs are institutions of a political nature, embedded in states and societies, and transformed by and transformative of each.
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In 1957, the Indonesian Planned Parenthood Federation was established. In 1970, the National Family Planning Board (BKKBN) was created. The current contraceptive prevalence rate is 45-50%. The family planning program began with a health-oriented approach. To promote acceptance, religious leaders were asked to provide legitimacy to the program. Through their efforts, it became possible to include all the means and medication used for family planning services within the program. In developing an IEC strategy to encourage couples to accept family planning, 3 main factors were studied: 1) the types of innovations that were to be introduced, 2) the characteristics of the Indonesian community, and 3) the need for an IEC strategy to convey the programs messages the community and make the community itself the agent of the innovation being introduced. The elements of the strategy were introduced stage by stage to avoid unnecessary debate. Another strategic step was the introduction of family planning using a community approach. A 3rd strategic step was a shift from couples as family planning acceptors to the introduction of the norm of a small, happy, and prosperous family. The 1st stage, expansion of program coverage, 1) promoted the need for and desirability of family planning to make the small and happy family the norm and 2) supplied contraceptives and information about contraceptives throughout Indonesia. The 2nd stage, the program maintenance approach, included 1) an increase in the frequency of visits to villages by mobile family planning teams, 2) the integration of family planning activities with other health-related activities, and 3) giving people a wider choice of methods and helping them to choose the most suitable method for them. The 3rd stage made family planning a community activity, integrated within the economic and social fabric of community life. The general strategy of the IEC program is to make the various target groups full family planning participants, who will in turn, help to draw nonacceptors into the program. Social marketing is being used to 1) reach those as yet uninformed about family planning, 2) promote the quality of various information and motivation activities so that they will become behaviorally oriented, and 3) provide an opportunity for the private sector to participate in the program professionally.
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Acknowledgments This work was supported by grants from the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation, the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development, and by a contract awarded to the Uni-versity of North Carolina by the United States Agency for In-ternational Development
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Washington, DC: World Bank. Acknowledgments This work was supported by grants from the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation, the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development, and by a contract awarded to the Uni-versity of North Carolina by the United States Agency for In-ternational Development. We are grateful to Duncan Thomas and Donald Treiman for helpful suggestions.
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