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The Arab narrative is suffering a chronic descent into a delusional and historical laundering of its narrative methods, reaching the level of recent postulates claiming the Islamisation of Napoleon Bonaparte and lauding his reforms and achievements in Egypt. This narrative has arrived at the French arena through the dissemination of academic articles by Arab authors and even through doctoral dissertations defended in French universities by Arab students. It has thus been postulated by the emergent defence movements against far-right politics in France and Spain. The present study proposes a holistic analysis of Napoleon's secret military and official documents and a comparison of these papers with the existing Arab narrative to tackle the schema of religious manipulation, or instrumentalisation of religion, as a tranquilliser to achieve the sheeplike subordination of people based on their own anthropological and identity constructs. The conclusion analyses the problem of religious instrumentalisation, not precisely from the populist angle but from the dilemma of the colonial populist instrumentalisation of peoples' native constructs by an exogenous agent and addresses the present-day persistence of this practice as a syndrome of coloniality in both the historical narrative and the Arab cognitive identity.
Por los discursos orientalistas, domina en Occidente un estereotipo generalizador de que el mundo árabe es homogéneo. El presente ar- tículo se proyecta para negar empíricamente esta banalidad. Para ello, se analizan profundas divergencias socioculturales y, más bien, antropológicas entre sus colectividades, que en gran medida persisten como secuelas de colonialidad o son debidas a distintas políticas coloniales. Para ello, se analiza la interferencia colonial en los usos y las conductas sociales, así como en los tratamientos y extranjerismos en el lenguaje, que son síntomas residuales y crónicos de colonialidad. Esto se compara con otras prácticas que se muestran resistentes a las interferencias extranjeras y que se conservan como esquemas relacionados íntimamente desde la identidad cognitiva hacia la colectiva. Para ello, se analizan usos urbanos, filológicos, protocolos, ritos sociales y demás factores de interferencia en la identidad, pertenencia y conducta de los individuos. La referencia a estos se mantiene siempre neutral como grupos, individuos o colectividades, y se evita el uso de sustantivos como sociedades o comunidades, ya que, parcialmente, se les niega esta categoría jurídica. Con esto, se intenta subrayar el laberinto identitario y de pertenencia en el que se encuentran inmersas las masas de población, y se toman tres ejemplos principales de muestra: Egipto, Iraq y Siria.
Applying populist standards uniformly across countries seems impossible, as characteristics of populism are specific to each society. Arab societies are no exception; each represents a distinct political identity. The Iraqi movement, called the movement of October 2019, emerged from a reformist and anti-corruption resistance, as reported by international media. Local media’s tight control of information has resulted in incomplete coverage and a lack of knowledge of what is actually happening on the ground. Significant confrontations between opposing powers, each with their own interests, have mobilised the masses. This proposal will not discuss the movement as it is defined by the media but will delve further into the identitarian elements that are the root cause of the mobs mobility and populist momentum. People in Iraq and other countries are suffering considerable crises of identity and belonging stemming from postcolonial influences, which has led to a cognitive disorder in both their political views and the movement itself. This paper investigates the reasons behind the movement.
The constitutional principle introduced in article 16.2 of the Spanish Constitution of 1978, which forbids compelling one to declare their own religion, ideology, or beliefs, does not exist in other legal systems, as religious and ethnic belonging is considered to be part of the civil and/or national identity. In cases such as Iraq and Egypt, the law not only requires the declaration of personal religious affiliation but also records it in the civil register along with additional information on ethnicity and religious schools of thought. This officially registered information is a condition for the exercise of other civil liberties. This article analyzes this issue by focusing on several case law studies from such countries, It should be noted that many of these legal practices are residuals from European colonialism; while these practices were forbidden in Europe, they were often implemented in the colonies. Using empirical references, this article highlights this issue that still haunts many post-colonial societies under the old legal alibi of the protection of minorities.
The Majestic name of God hadn’t any specific celestial reference, but it’s anthropologically referred to as a linguistic cognitive designation. God, referred in English, is the same as Deu, Dios, Boże, or Бог in French, Spanish, Polish or Russian. But by the troika’s agreement between three of the Catholic Cardinals at 1453 they draw the rules to combat Islamic ideology by forbidden the reception of the Islamic concepts into romance languages. Thereof the Islamic God shouldn’t be paraphrased as God, Deu, Dios, Boże, or Бог, but it has to be transliterated into Latin letters to represent Islamic doctrine as a stranger, and worship another pagan deity, nothing related to the God of Jesus. The Troika agreement was ended by the die of one of its propellers at 1458, meanwhile the other got nominated as the Pop of Catholic Church, Nicholas V. Thereof, the troika principles got inserted as a standard rule to translate the Quran, and treat Islamic Ideology by transliterating the Islamic concepts and avoid corresponding them with the catholic epistemology. Meanwhile, the Arabic Majestic name of God has nothing related to Islam itself, it’s used as-is by Arabic Christians, Jewish, and many others, even referred by the Quran itself as preexisting to Islam (29:61, 31:25, 39:38). Despite all that, Catholics Romanians invented the difference against the genuine Christian's linguistic rules by imposing a strange transliteration of the Islamic deity to draw Islam as a satanic extremist ideology. The usage of this concept has been argued by ignorant Islamist's claiming their divinity as different from the Occidental deity, thereof transliterating their deity name into a western language as is, Allah. Withing serving, and rooting, the original idea which was seeds by the Catholic Church itself and this perspective was ended to be used by violent ideology to aliment the idea that the west isn’t monotheist, don’t believe in God, thereof postulate their extermination them by violent actions. The original seed of this idea was sown by the catholic ideology itself.
Hermeneutic, as ἑρμηνευτικός hermēneutikós a Gregg Platonic concept referred to Hermēneus the dishonest imagined angel created by Plato to transmit the Zeus messages with its own freewill. Has been combated by the Catholic Church as is, but developed by Augustin (430aC) by his contribution «De doctrinâ Christianâ libri quatuor» and implemented later by the Catholic Church's Doctor Tomás de Aquino focusing in interpreting the Gospel upon the geohistorical language usage, and other elements structured later by the Catholic Council of Vienna 1311. In Islam, the Islamic angel is Gabriel, where angels are an honest massager of God will, there's no room for any individual nor subjective interpretation or alteration to God will as is. Meanwhile, since the Westphalia of 1646, the humanist movement declined and purified the doctrine from any dogmatic or extra-natural element, so they came back to the Hermeneutic idea as an interpolation of the human reason. Meanwhile, today in Arabic language, which is suffering a serous degradation by foreign transliteration linguistic lauding, the usage of Hermeneutic is being absolutely different to what it's mean philosophically, people just transliterate occidental words to appear talking modernly and scientifically.
Pragmatism as an old Greg word πραγματικός has been received into the Latin language as Pragmatĭcus to refer to the royal pragmatics as non-legislative bodies published as executive orders. Into Catholic Church came to refer to that executive, non-dogmatic, charts to clarify an issue or a specific papal point of view or order toward the public. Through the XIX Century got transformed into a philosophical doctrine by Sanders and others as an idea focused in remove whatever dogmatic and non-material object toward the subjects. So whatever goal, results who isn't expected by the object, can't be considered as scientific, so can't be considered as a valid result. Thus started to be used in politics and strategical perspective to refer to the expectation and the planing point of view focused on results, as a science of results into a circular theory reason - result. Arabic people just got transliterated that world and start to use it with numerous, chaotic and ambiguous sense no one of them refers really to what it's mean, neither understandable in any sense, as it's just a direct Latin transliteration into the Arabic Language.
The word Dogma, it's originally from Greg language as δόγμα, referring to all that which is metaphysical and related to metasensibility. It passed through Catholic theology as that's who reserved exclusively to the Pope capacity to interpret it as part of the three elements constituting the Catholic Theology: Dogmas, History of the Church, and the Papal Encyclicals. Through the XVII Century, after the Westphalia movements, humanism dropped all dogmatic concepts and limited all social science to that's which is humanly perceptible. Meanwhile, into the Arabic Language this concept has been translated as a confused sense of French Laicisim, as the Religious persecution, and existentialism, which has no any relation which what mean in the original language, meanwhile, it exists in Arabic and Islamic Culture, which has been globally confused by misunderstood translation, and then wrong linguistic lending.
Presentación Proyecto de investigación sobre Agentes perturbadores del Mundo Árabe y en el Norte de África. A Research Project Presentation about Perturbators Agents of the Weakness of the Arab World and North Africa
عرض محاظرة في المنتدى العربي التركي للتبادل اللغوي Conference presentation in the Turc - Arabic of Language Exchange Forum
El mundo padece un tempestuoso problema de des-entendimiento, en el cual los intermediarios juegan importante papel de agudizar las confusiones y enturbiar el relato. No solamente los traductores, que por una razón u otra generaron graves confrontaciones a lo largo de la historia, pero además otros, ya haciendo uso de la cultura de masas, se aprovechan imponiendo relatos espinosos, coloniales, y despotismos ensanchando cada vez más las distancias y regando el des-entendimiento. Por otro lado, gracias a los valores de la libertad occidentales, el extremismo censurado en los países islámicos, se aprovechó adentrándose en las instituciones occidentales, dominando el relato, y convirtiéndose en discurso oficial de occidente. Ese batallón, además de arraigar la incultura de masas, y alimentar la confrontación, esta siendo recibido por el movimiento orientalista en las instituciones occidentales que se han empeñado en traducirlo a las lenguas europeas para convertirlo en relato oficial disponible para alimentar a toda la población, y del que se ha servido la juventud para convertirse en luchadores y violentos. Esto, en parte explica, y por ello se pretende cuestionar empíricamente los motivos de alta participación de ciudadanos europeos en el terrorismo reciente del llamado Estado Islámico. Poner en evidencia el problema que padece la ciudadanía víctima de ese des-entendimiento, o bien se traduce en confrontación social local, o bien en violencia extranjera. Además se pretende poner de relieve la gravedad de ese des-entendimiento como problema de responsabilidad internacional por los daños causados del terrorismo, donde se cuestionarían los valores de libertad absoluta, que requieren un ajuste o una regulación conforme estos nuevos límites. Finalmente se aborda todo ello como una propuesta de ampliar el campo del concepto tradicional de la amenaza híbrida, dotando ésta de instrumentos para combatir el relato, y servirse de estos mismos instrumentos en la estrategia de la diplomacia pública, para abarcar todos estos problemas como una contribución para ampliar la óptica analítica de nuestra estrategia y visión de inteligencia.