Tim Heinkelmann-Wild

Tim Heinkelmann-Wild
Ludwig-Maximilians-University of Munich | LMU · Geschwister-Scholl-Institut für Politikwissenschaft

Master of Arts

About

21
Publications
6,269
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109
Citations
Introduction
I am a researcher and doctoral candidate at the Geschwister-Scholl-Institute for Political Science at LMU Munich. My general research interests are the drivers and consequences of the contestation of global governance institutions. In his doctoral thesis “After Exit – Institutional Resilience and Leadership Transition after Hegemonic Withdrawal”, I explore why some international institutions are resilient after the hegemonic power's withdrawal while other institutions decay. As a researcher within the DFG project “Public Responsibility Attribution 
in the European Union”, I further examine the determinants and impact of societal responsibility attributions as well as policy-makers' blame-shifting strategies for contested EU policies.
Additional affiliations
October 2021 - December 2021
University of Oxford
Position
  • Fellow
April 2018 - present
Ludwig-Maximilians-University of Munich
Position
  • PhD Student
Education
October 2015 - March 2018
Ludwig-Maximilians-University of Munich
Field of study
  • Political science
October 2011 - September 2015
Ludwig-Maximilians-University of Munich
Field of study
  • Political science

Publications

Publications (21)
Article
Full-text available
International institutions underpinning the 'liberal international order' are increasingly contested by established Western powers. This article contributes to a better understanding of this novel challenge 'from within'. We conceptualize four types of contestation frames according to (1) whether contesting states attribute the source of grievances...
Article
Full-text available
Internationale Institutionen werden vermehrt durch westliche Mächte attackiert, die gemeinhin dem Kern der "liberalen internationalen Ordnung" zugerechnet werden. Die Intensität und die Modi ihrer institutionellen Kontestation variieren jedoch stark. Unser Beitrag untersucht, inwiefern institutionelle Faktoren-Merkmale und Effekte der kontestierten...
Article
Full-text available
The delegation of governance tasks to third parties is generally assumed to help governments to avoid blame once policies become contested. International organizations, including the European Union (EU), are considered particularly opportune in this regard. The literature lacks assessments of the blame avoidance effects of delegation, let alone of...
Chapter
The Liberal International Order (LIO) is in a crisis from within. Under President Trump, the United States (US) has turned against some of the major multilateral institutions that underpin the order. Existing research either points to the material decline of the US as a driver of the LIO's crisis, as the power shift literature does, or emphasizes a...
Article
Full-text available
Instead of attacking their adversaries directly, states often do so indirectly by supporting rebel groups. While these support relationships vary considerably, existing research lacks a comprehensive account thereof. To explain states’ choice of support, we suggest differentiating between two modes of support relationships according to the control...
Article
Full-text available
The politicisation of the EU renders blame avoidance for unpopular EU policies an essential task for governments. This article looks at one particular blame avoidance strategy, which governments have at their disposal in the EU policy process: the threat of non-compliance. In order to gauge its effectiveness, we present two competing arguments. Acc...
Conference Paper
While the United States (US) have been one of the key promoters of the rule-based international order, they have regularly terminated their commitment to or participation within multilateral institutions. Faced with the severe challenge of hegemonic withdrawal, some multilateral institutions decay while others are resilient. This paper develops a t...
Conference Paper
Why do states withdrawal from international organizations (IOs)? While recent withdrawals are explained by domestic backlash against IO authority, geopolitics are seen as the drivers of earlier withdrawals. We argue that IO authority has always had an effect on member states' decision to withdrawal. This authority effect is not limited to the recen...
Article
When member states contest policymaking in international organizations, some inter- national public administrations (IPAs) react in a conciliatory way while others are adversarial. This article argues that IPAs’ dependence on contesting states, their policymaking authority, and affectedness from contestation shape communicative responses. A Qualita...
Article
Full-text available
Zusammenfassung Wie reagieren internationale Organisationen (IOs) auf Schuldzuweisungen ihrer Mitgliedstaaten? Oftmals werden in der Forschung IOs im Falle von gescheiterten Politiken als gute Sündenböcke für die Schuldzuweisungen ihrer Mitgliedstaaten gesehen, weil sie sich kaum zu Wehr setzen müssen, können oder wollen. Demgegenüber argumentieren...
Article
Full-text available
Governments across the world increasingly rely on non-state agents for managing even the most sensitive tasks that range from running critical infrastructures to protecting citizens. While private agents frequently underperform, governments as principals tend nonetheless not to enforce delegation contracts. Why? We suggest the mechanism of institut...
Article
Full-text available
Blame games between governing and opposition parties are a characteristic feature of domestic politics. In the EU, policymaking authority is shared among multiple actors across different levels of governance. How does EU integration affect the dynamics of domestic blame games? Drawing on the literatures on EU politicisation and blame attribution in...
Article
Full-text available
Who blames whom in multilevel blame games? Existing research focuses either on policymakers' preferences or their opportunities offered by the institutional structures in which policymakers operate. As these two strands of literature barely refer to each other, in this article we develop an integrated theoretical model of blame‐shifting in multilev...
Article
This paper develops a theory of wedge issue politics in modern democracies. It argues that wedge issues are associated with a politics of intransigence which differs from the politics of concessions that typically comes with non-wedge issues. This theory explains why Prime Minister Theresa May opted for a divisive approach to secure ratification of...
Article
Full-text available
An increased number of refugees entering Germany between 2015 and 2017 has resulted in a fierce political debate on the potentials and dangers of increased immigration and the meaning of ‘refugees’ in the country. So far, most studies on the social construction of the ‘refugee’ either have focused on the linkage between immigration and threats, suc...
Conference Paper
Who blames whom in European blame games? Existing research either focusses on policy-makers’ preferences or opportunities posed by institutional structures. As these two strands of literature barely refer to each other, we develop theoretically and assess empirically an integrated model of blame shifting. In line with the first strand of literature...
Chapter
Who is held publicly responsible for mistakes in EU policies? We argue that in complex policy-making systems responsibility tends to be attributed to implementing actors. To test this expectation, we analyse public responsibility attributions (PRAs) for two alleged mistakes in EU financial policies: The absence of sanctions against countries that v...
Thesis
Full-text available
Whom do EU institutions and member states blame for contested EU policies in the public? To explain when EU policy-makers’ shift blame to the EU or the national level, existing research either focusses on policy-makers’ preferences or the policy- specific governance design. This thesis develops a synoptic two-step model that explains the direction...
Conference Paper
Full-text available
The development of military platforms, such as transport aircraft, has always been an eminently vital, but challenging task for both supplier-firms and customer-governments. Despite substantial delays and cost overruns almost from the outset, the German government has legally enforced the A400M contract of 2003 only in 2015. Why did it take the cus...
Thesis
Full-text available
Vor dem Hintergrund des sogenannten "Arabischen Frühlings" brachen in Libyen und Syrien Anti-Regimekriege aus. Während jedoch in Libyen der Sturz des alten Regimes gelang, konnte in Syrien bis heute das alte Regime seinen Sturz vermeiden. Dennoch kam es in beiden Bürgerkriegen sukzessive zur Fragmentierung der Gewaltakteure, zur Ökonomisierung ihre...

Network

Cited By

Projects

Projects (3)
Project
Why are some multilateral institutions resilient after the hegemon's withdrawal while other institutions decay? My dissertation projects aims at addressing this question by combining qualitative and quantitative analyses of US exit from IOs since the Second World War.
Project
This project aims at conceptualizing the different modes of contestation of international institutions by established powers and explaining their choices among them. How do established powers, such as the US, France, or the UK, voice their criticism vis-à-vis international institutions? When do established powers escalate their contestation? When do they opt for voice, subversion, exit, or sabotage?
Project
For democratic polities to command legitimacy, it is essential that the political actors responsible for certain policies can be held publicly accountable. Holding policy-makers accountable presupposes that responsibility for policies can be attributed to particular and identifiable political actors. While even in democratic states the attribution of responsibility for any given policy is hardly ever straightforward, we know relatively little on how the public attributes responsibility for the policies adopted by the European Union (EU). In some cases (such as the failure of the EU to devise an effective border control regime) the public attributes responsibility predominantly to EU institutions; in other cases (such as the failed redistribution of refugees among EU members) the public attributes responsibility mainly to EU member states. And in still other cases (such as the so-called welfare-migration facilitated by the EU principle of freedom of movement) public responsibility attributions remain more or less untargeted. Especially when the effectiveness of policies is in question, the public attribution of political responsibility becomes a pressing issue: To whom does the European public attribute political responsibility? When is responsibility predominantly attributed to actors at the member state level, when are attributions primarily targeted at actors at the EU level, and when are attributions untargeted? By answering these questions, the project aims at improving our understanding of public responsibility attributions (PRAs) for policies enacted by the EU. To this end, we will analyze PRAs by means of media content analysis of the coverage of three different sets of EU policies in the European quality press: (1) environmental policies, (2) financial policies, as well as (3) migration policies. To explain variation in PRAs across cases we suggest (as a theoretical point of departure) that the structure of EU policy-making as well as the structure of EU policy implementation shape how the public attributes responsibility for EU policies. For more information, please see: http://www.responsibility.gsi.uni-muenchen.de/index.html