Sharon Pardo

• Ben-Gurion University of the Negev

This chapter advances three arguments about Euroscepticism. First, using Israel as a case study we describe its alliances with Eurosceptic political actors, claiming that while each side hopes to benefit from these alliances to advance particular interests, the attraction among the actors are based on ideological affinities that do not align with t...

This article argues that one way to advance the ‘Normative Power Europe’ (NPE) discourse is to shift the analytical focus to the ‘locals’ – or ‘norm-receivers’ – rather than to ‘norm-senders/makers’. The analysis examines the range of locals’ reactions – from learning to adaptation or rejection of norms – and explains the factors behind those react...

Using Christopher Walker’s and Jessica Ludwig’s ‘sharp power’ theoretical framework, and based on some preliminary findings from the May 2019 European Parliament election and the two 2019 rounds of elections in Israel, this article describes a novel method for the automatic detection of political trolls and bots active in Twitter in the October 201...

In January 2016, the European Union’s (EU) Foreign Affairs Council (FAC) reinforced its “differentiation policy” in the “conclusions on the Middle East Peace Process” (MEPP). It highlighted the Union’s position that Israeli settlements products must be clearly labeled in all the 28 member states, and expressed the Union’s “commitment to ensure that...

This article advances three arguments about Euroscepticism. First, using Israel as a case study we describe its alliances with Eurosceptic political actors, claiming that while each side hopes to benefit from these alliances to advance particular interests, the attraction among the actors are based on ideological affinities that do not align with t...

This article focuses on how the European Union's (EU) mediation activities during the Russia-Ukraine and Israel-Palestine conflicts are perceived by local elites. Our analysis is based on recent interviews with decision makers in Ukraine, Israel and Palestine. Consistent with this special issue, we investigate perceptions of EU roles, strategies an...

The article examines the European Union’s (EU) normative position regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to advance three interrelated claims. First, that EU member states subscribe to a unified normative position because the normative sphere is cut off from the economic sphere. Second, that this separation facilitates the uniformity of the nor...

This article describes the rules of origin dispute between the European Union and Israel, and argues that these technical customs rules are also instruments of foreign policy. Although the rules have had no direct impact on Israel's industry in the Occupied Territories, they have bolstered the European Union's self-identification as a “normative po...

In January 2005, the European Union (EU) decided to implement fully the rules of origin (ROO) clause (Pardo and Peters, 2012, Doc. 5/12)1 of the 1995 European Community (EC)-Israel Association Agreement (Doc. 4/23) and to subject products manufactured in the territories Israel had occupied during the 1967 war to customs duty. The EU’s decision spur...

In this article, the unfolding events surrounding the publication of the EU Guidelines prohibiting the allocation of funds to Israeli entities in the Occupied Territories are used to offer three observations about the impact of ‘the local’ on ‘Normative Power Europe’ (NPE). First, the case study reveals the growing influence of the power of ‘the Eu...

The past few years have been marked by a series of crises not only in the European Union (EU) but also in its immediate southern Mediterranean neighbours.1 The December 2010 protests in Tunisia captured the popular imagination and spawned a wave of uprisings across the Middle East and the Maghreb countries, which the international media dubbed the...

The history of Israel–EU relations has received considerable scholarly attention. The conventional starting point for this history is almost invariably April 1958, when Israel became the third country in the world to request the establishment of a diplomatic mission in Brussels. The background and the lead up to that request, however, have been lar...

In this article, we analyze the European Union's (EU) approach to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, showing that there is a wide gap between its normative opposition to the occupation, Israel's expanding settlement project, and the EU's foreign trade policy. Our argument is not only that there is no evidence of norm diffusion from the EU to Israel,...

Sharon Pardo is a Jean Monnet lecturer at the Department of Politics and Government, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev and the director of the university's Centre for the Study of European Politics and Society.

In November 2005 the 'Barcelona Process' will celebrate its tenth anniversary. To honour this event, the Euro-Mediterranean Foreign Ministers decided recently in The Hague that 2005 will be the 'Year of the Mediterranean'. The Barcelona Process or the 'Euro-Mediterranean Partnership' (BP/EMP respectively) was launched on 27 November 1995 by the (th...

The principle of 'Rules of Origin' is a main motif in trade agreements. Determining the product's country of origin constitutes an assessment according to which it will be decided whether an infrastructure of various customs benefits will be accorded to the product. The issue of rules of origin is one of the main characteristics in the Association...

1. The Issue under Dispute. The principle of "Rules of Origin" is a main motif in trade agreements. Determining the product’s country of origin constitutes an assessment according to which it will be decided whether an infrastructure of various customs benefits will be accorded to the product. The issue of rules of origin is one of the main charact...