Richard Bellamy

Richard Bellamy
European University Institute | EUI

BA MA Phd
Completing co-editing Cambridge Handbook of Constitutional Theory & writing Defending the Political Constitution for OUP

About

477
Publications
225,545
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7,338
Citations
Citations since 2016
101 Research Items
3926 Citations
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Introduction
Richard Bellamy joined UCL in 2005 as the founding Head of the Department of Political Science and Director of the School of Public Policy. From 2010-13 he was Director of UCL's new European Institute. From 2014-2019 he was Director of the Max Weber Programme at the European University Institute in Florence. He is now back at UCL and currently a Visiting Professor of Ethics and Public Policy at the Hertie School in Berlin. In 2022 he was elected a Fellow of the British Academy (FBA).
Additional affiliations
May 2014 - September 2019
European University Institute
Position
  • Managing Director
September 2013 - present
University of Exeter
Position
  • Professor
September 2005 - present
University College London
Position
  • Professor (Full) of Political Science
Education
October 1979 - September 1983
University of Cambridge
Field of study
  • History
October 1976 - June 1979
University of Cambridge
Field of study
  • History

Publications

Publications (477)
Chapter
Modern republican theory as presented by Philip Pettit and Quentin Skinner rests upon a particular set of interpretations of the history of political thought. In particular, it is claimed, Hobbes’s redefinition of liberty as the absence of interference, subsequently taken up by Bentham and other utilitarian and liberal theorists, eclipsed the older...
Article
Full-text available
Criticisms of political constitutionalism's relationship to populism point in two opposed directions. Legal constitutionalists consider it too open to, and even as legitimating, populist politics. Radical democrats consider it too closed to popular participation, prompting an anti-system politics of a populist character. I dispute both these views....
Chapter
This chapter argues that differentiated integration (DI) provides a mechanism for combining the demands for European integration with the recognition of national diversity. It contends that differentiated integration must be understood not simply as strategically beneficial or expedient but also as ethically desirable and constrained. Differentiate...
Chapter
This chapter moves from justice to democratic legitimacy, noting that some critics fear differentiated integration (DI) will give rise to domination. Democracy reduces the risk of domination by curbing the possibility of arbitrary rule and increasing the likelihood that rulers will address the common interests of the ruled and treat them with equal...
Chapter
This chapter highlights the acceptance of pluralism and a commitment to the core components of any constitutional democracy. It covers free and fair elections, equal civil and political rights, and judicial independence and the rule of law. It also analyses demoicratic arguments for differentiated integration (DI), which cannot be legitimately recr...
Chapter
This chapter confirms what political party actors think about their conception of the substantive fairness of differentiated integration (DI) and its democratic credentials. It provides a general overview of the political parties' views on DI, citing recent research that has emerged on how governments and citizens approach DI and political parties'...
Chapter
This chapter addresses the substantive fairness of differentiated integration (DI), that is, its ability to ensure a just distribution of social and economic goods. The substantive fairness of DI has been subject to some disagreement as some scholars have noted that DI could have unfair redistributive effects by diminishing solidarity and creating...
Chapter
This chapter looks at both the procedural fairness of the processes by which particular forms of differentiated integration (DI) are agreed upon and subsequently governed. It examines the substantive fairness of the distributions of burdens and benefits associated with participating in a given policy. It also argues that DI can be so designed as to...
Chapter
This chapter talks about the concern that differentiated integration (DI) might undermine political equality among member states, thereby creating the possibility for some member states to dominate others. It relates this concern to a gap in the literature on DI, namely the degree to which it has remained remarkably silent with respect to questions...
Chapter
This chapter focuses on how political party actors conceive of the EU and differentiated integration's (DI) role in matters of democratic backsliding, and what factors motivate their views. It complements interview materials with a survey of 42 party actors to analyse whether they perceive democratic backsliding to be a problematic issue. It confir...
Book
The European Union (EU) is often portrayed as sacrificing national diversity for European unity. This book explores the alternative of a flexible EU based on differentiated rather than uniform integration. The authors combine normative theory with empirical research on political party actors to assess the desirability and political acceptability of...
Book
Clear, balanced and accessible, this book explores the alternative of a flexible European Union (EU) based on differentiated rather than uniform integration. They examine the circumstances and institutional design needed for flexibility to promote rather than undermine fairness and democracy within and between member states.
Article
1. Advisor, National Liberal Party (PNL), Romania, June 2020 2. Co-chair, Politics Can Be Different (LMP), Hungary, March 2020 3. Elected official, Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik), Hungary, March 2020 4. International Secretary, Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP), Hungary, March 2020 5. Elected official, Democratic Coalition (DK), Hungary, Mar...
Article
Political parties have played an ambivalent role in regard to democratic backsliding. On the one hand, the literature has noted how in the EP, the European People's Party (EPP) and (to a lesser extent) the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR), backed by some of their constituent domestic parties, have undermined EU efforts by other parties i...
Article
We have argued that differentiated integration provides a mechanism for combining the demands for European integration with the recognition of national diversity. However, to do so we contend that DI must be understood not simply as strategically beneficial or expedient but also as ethically desirable and constrained. DI would prove objectionable a...
Article
This chapter addresses the substantive fairness of DI, that is, its ability to ensure a just distribution of social and economic goods. The substantive fairness of DI has been subject to some disagreement. While some scholars have noted that DI could have unfair redistributive effects by diminishing solidarity (Michailidou and Trenz, 2018) and crea...
Article
Clear, balanced and accessible, this book explores the alternative of a flexible European Union (EU) based on differentiated rather than uniform integration. They examine the circumstances and institutional design needed for flexibility to promote rather than undermine fairness and democracy within and between member states.
Article
The Introduction revealed how DI has pragmatic and normative virtues: it helps European integration to proceed through widening and deepening, and facilitates the accommodation of divergent national capacities and preferences. However, allowing such institutional diversity raises the question of whether DI will yield a form of EU cooperation all pa...
Article
Recent developments in Hungary and Poland have pushed the issue of democratic backsliding to the centre of political and academic debates about the nature and future of the EU. Democratic backsliding consists of a retreat by an incumbent government from democratic values and practices with the intention of curtailing criticism and inhibiting democr...
Article
What do political party actors think about the questions we have tackled so far? How do they conceive of the substantive fairness of DI, its democratic credentials, and do they link DI to democratic backsliding? Before we delve into these issues, this chapter provides a general overview of political parties’ views on DI. Whereas recent research has...
Article
This chapter addresses the concern that DI might undermine political equality among member states, thereby creating the possibility for some member states to dominate others. We relate this concern to what Max Heermann and Dirk Leuffen identify as a gap in the literature on DI – namely, the degree to which it has ‘remained remarkably silent with re...
Article
Interview Questions 1. There is currently a debate on the future institutional shape of the European Union. In your view, what institutional reforms, if any, are required? 2. In recent years, EU integration has become more and more flexible. Some countries have negotiated permanent optouts (for example Denmark). Others have been temporarily exclude...
Article
Survey Questions 1. In your view, are some EU governments failing to uphold fully the Rule of Law and democratic principles such as free and fair elections, basic civic and political rights and judicial independence? Yes/No 2. Article 2 of the Treaty on European Union states that ‘the Union is founded on the values of respect for human dignity, fre...
Article
Full-text available
Both political parties and differentiated integration (DI) play an ambivalent role in regard to democratic backsliding. Parties’ positioning towards democratic backsliding has not always been straightforward, and DI has been seen as facilitating it. We analyse whether party actors view democratic backsliding as a problematic issue for the EU, if th...
Article
Full-text available
My five critics all raise important points, giving reasons for viewing my account as either insufficiently or overly realist or utopian. By and large, I stick to my guns in regarding my version of a realistic Utopia of a republican association of states as the most plausible way of achieving a non-dominating global order capable of meeting the mora...
Article
This introduction offers a synopsis of the book, A Republican Europe of States, outlining its main arguments, followed by an overview of the symposium.
Book
The European Union (EU) is often portrayed as sacrificing national diversity for European unity. This book explores the alternative of a flexible EU based on differentiated rather than uniform integration. The authors combine normative theory with empirical research on political party actors to assess the desirability and political acceptability o...
Preprint
Full-text available
This chapter focuses not on the possible content of a Bill of Rights, such as whether it should contain social and economic rights or only civil and political rights, but on the form any such Bill needs to take to be legitimate in a manner congruent with the moral norms of equal concern and respect underlying both rights and democracy. It explores...
Article
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Research on differentiated integration (DI) has by and large ignored the views of political party actors on DI. Drawing on 35 semi-structured interviews with party actors from seven member states and situated across the political spectrum, we show them to regard DI as divisive and deeply political. We also identify two little explored dimensions af...
Article
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Differentiated integration (DI), whereby some MS opt out or are excluded from certain common EU policies for sovereignty or capacity reasons, may be thought to undermine the EU’s functioning as what John Rawls called a fair scheme of cooperation, grounded in norms of impartiality and reciprocity. However, we argue that different forms of DI can be...
Article
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en Constitutional pluralism (CP) and differentiated integration (DI) have been criticised as potentially legitimising democratic backsliding within the EU. Critics contend that effective measures require strengthening the legal authority of the Court of Justice of the European Union and the political authority of the European Commission. We dispute...
Article
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Differentiated integration (DI) appeals as a pragmatic way of accommodating political and economic differences among member states (MS). However, it potentially challenges their equal standing in EU decision‐making, creating the possibility for some MS to dominate others. As such, it risks undermining the democratic legitimacy of the EU. Drawing on...
Preprint
Full-text available
This essay offers a genealogy of the UK’s political constitution from the seventeenth century to the present, noting how it has drawn on different ideas and taken different forms over time, and highlighting the contingent nature of its current representative and parliamentary character. It identifies three forms of political constitutionalism over...
Chapter
Globalization has typically been regarded as challenging representative democracy at the state level. This chapter outlines four of these challenges—that of democratic externalities, of transnational global processes and supranational organizations, of cosmopolitan norms, and of effective and justified representation at the global level. It then ex...
Chapter
Full-text available
Globalization has typically been regarded as challenging representative democracy at the state level. This chapter outlines four of these challenges-that of democratic externalities, of transnational global processes and supranational organizations, of cosmopolitan norms, and of effective and justified representation at the global level. It then ex...
Preprint
Full-text available
This essay explores how far democracy is compatible with lies and deception, and whether it encourages or discourages their use by politicians. Neo-Kantian arguments, such as Glen Newey’s, that lies and deception undermine individual autonomy and the possibility for consent go too far, given that no democratic process can be regarded as a plausible...
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Taking debates about democracy in the EU as an example, Fabio Wolkenstein proposes that normative theorists should adopt a ‘partisan’ approach that engages with ‘formative agents’ to advocate for transformative political and societal change, such as the creation of a transnational democracy at the EU level. He criticises those he calls ‘democratic...
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Political Constitutionalism (hereinafter PC)1 deployed the version of republican theory developed by Philip Pettit to argue against not only the liberal democratic case for legal constitutionalism and judicial review put forward by John Rawls and Ronald Dworkin but also Pettit’s own purportedly neo-republican version of a similar argument,2 along w...
Article
Full-text available
Cambridge Core - Political Philosophy - Republicanism and the Future of Democracy - edited by Yiftah Elazar
Chapter
Republicanism and the Future of Democracy - edited by Yiftah Elazar April 2019
Preprint
Full-text available
This is a pre-print of a CUP book - the revised and published text is available from Cambridge Core - European Studies - A Republican Europe of States - by Richard Bellamy
Chapter
Full-text available
I share Floris de Witte’s concern about the attacks on the EU currently coming from the populist right, a challenge epitomized by, but unfortunately not restricted to, the Brexit campaign in the UK. However, I doubt that the best way to answer such misleading rhetoric is to make rhetorical counter-claims. Rather, it is to show that their views are...
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Full-text available
Ferrera offers his proposal as a way of reconciling national citizens to the trans- and supra-national citizenship regime promoted by the EU. This chapter argues that his proposal is better seen as part of the EU’s inter-national regime, in which the national citizenship regimes of each of the member states are balanced against each other in order...
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A key feature of the very idea of Union citizenship which, as a political scientist, I find can be lost in the predominantly legal analysis of this topic, is the reliance of citizenship rights, including those associated with Union citizenship, on politics in general and the state – in this case the member states – in particular. It is this politic...
Article
Full-text available
This essay explores how far democracy is compatible with lies and deception, and whether it encourages or discourages their use by politicians. Neo-Kantian arguments, such as Newey’s, that lies and deception undermine individual autonomy and the possibility for consent go too far, given that no democratic process can be regarded as a plausible mech...
Chapter
Full-text available
This chapter highlights the three main positions that have come to dominate the normative debate on the European Union: cosmopolitanism (premised on a social contract between individuals globally), statism (premised on a social contract between states), and, more recently, demoicracy (premised on a social contract between states and all their indiv...
Article
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How should we conceive of the relationship between European citizenship and national citizenship from a normative perspective? While the Treaties assert the supplementary nature of European citizenship vis-à-vis national citizenship, advocates of trans- and supra-national citizenship perspectives have agreed with the European Court of Justice that...
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Cheneval and el‐Wakil (2018) defend referendums as a mechanism that allows a popular majority to express itself in situations where the standard channels of representative democracy fail to include the concerns of certain citizens and end up reflecting the views of a minority. By contrast, this comment argues that the likelihood of exclusion and se...
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Rethinking Society for the 21st Century - by International Panel on Social Progress (IPSP) July 2018
Book
Democracy, as we understand it, is a process of collective decision-making among persons, which issues in collectively binding norms for the society of those persons. It is a process of decision-making in which persons participate as equals in determining the legal and conventional norms that bind them and in which the group of persons, taken colle...
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This article suggests that common arguments questioning the legitimacy of the first Brexit referendum prove flawed, as do certain others supporting the legitimacy of a second referendum. A different case for a second referendum is offered that would have added to the legitimacy of the first, but the opportunity for which has now passed. Nevertheles...
Preprint
Full-text available
This article suggests that common arguments questioning the legitimacy of the first Brexit referendum prove flawed, as do certain others supporting the legitimacy of a second referendum. A different case for a second referendum is offered, that would have added to the legitimacy of the first, but the opportunity for which has now passed. Neverthele...
Preprint
Full-text available
How should we conceive of the relationship between European citizenship and national citizenship from a normative perspective? While the Treaties assert the supplementary nature of European citizenship vis-à-vis national citizenship, advocates of trans-and supra-national citizenship perspectives have agreed with the Court of Justice that Union citi...
Article
Full-text available
This introduction provides a descriptive typology and normative analysis of the ways boundaries are being questioned in Europe. We distinguish between boundary-making (defining or redefining the territorial borders of a polity), boundary-crossing (determining the rules of access to territorial borders) and boundary-unbundling (allowing boundary-mak...
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Earlier scholarship assumed differentiated integration (DI) was pragmatic and temporary and that member states should and would converge on the same policies. By contrast, we contend that many instances of DI can be normatively justified on democratic grounds of fairness, impartiality and equity as suitable ways to accommodate economic, social and...
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This article defends state sovereignty as necessary for a form of popular sovereignty capable of realising the republican value of non-domination and argues it remains achievable and normatively warranted in an interconnected world. Many scholars, including certain republicans, contend that the external sovereignty of states can no longer be mainta...
Chapter
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Representation and democracy are not always complementary. Sometimes the one undermines the other. Too much democracy can create a representation deficit, as occurs when majorities oppress or neglect minorities. However, the opposite can also arise. The over representation of different groups can undermine the processes whereby representatives are...
Book
This book explores the various ways in which citizens are represented in EU policy-making. Most accounts naturally focus on the European Parliament as the prime source of democratic representation. This collection focuses instead on four other channels that are as and often more important: namely, representation via governments, national parliament...
Chapter
EU institutions are best conceived as representing the peoples of Europe - a contention set out in the first, introductory, section and developed over the next five sections. The second section establishes how democratic legitimacy involves governments being representative of a people and specifies the characteristics a people need to possess for s...
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At the heart of the growing politicization of the EU lies a concern with how European integration potentially undermines forms of communal self-government linked to established political identities. This concern originates not from the much discussed democratic deficit of EU institutions but from a ‘democratic disconnect’ between domestic democrati...
Article
Full-text available
Cormac Mac Amhlaigh contends that political constitutionalists are committed to the view that disagreement goes “all the way down,” and that this is self-defeating. As a result, they have no basis for arguing for the superiority of political over legal processes. Drawing on Bernard Williams’s account of realism, this article argues that political c...

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Projects (4)
Project
Book with Bristol University Press
Project
Monograph for Oxford University Press