
John H. G. Scott- Doctor of Philosophy
- Lecturer at University of Maryland, College Park
John H. G. Scott
- Doctor of Philosophy
- Lecturer at University of Maryland, College Park
L2+ German Low- & high-variability training with grapheme-phoneme correspondences; OER development projects
About
9
Publications
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Introduction
As a researcher of second- and other-language (L2+) phonology, I try to consider both the abstract arrangement of language sounds (general phonology) and specific problems of learnability when adults encounter new patterns in L2+, such as the interactions between phonology and orthography in L2+ contexts. The research we conduct in the L2+ Sound Learning Lab embraces the fundamental concerns of phonetics (study of the structure of language sounds), psycholinguistic experiment techniques, theoretical and empirical principles of category perception, and the role of position-sensitivity (i.e., where a sound occurs within a word) in acquisition and how phonological and phonotactic knowledge is represented in the brain.
More broadly, my background emphasizes phonology (synchronic and diachronic), including historical Germanic languages and Optimality Theoretic approaches, speech perception, and L2 lexical acquisition.
Current institution
Additional affiliations
August 2014 - May 2018
August 2005 - May 2013
Education
September 2008 - May 2019
August 2005 - September 2008
September 1996 - March 2001
Publications
Publications (9)
Interaction of sounds on the melodic tier (segments) with prosodic and phonotactic structure (syllabic context) in cross-language perception is not explicitly addressed by models of second language phonology (e.g., Perceptual Assimilation Model: Best, 1995). At initial stages of foreign language exposure, learners rely on position-specific phonetic...
Interaction of sounds on the melodic tier (segments) with prosodic and phonotactic structure (syllabic context) in cross-language perception is not explicitly addressed by models of second language phonology (e.g., Perceptual Assimilation Model: Best, 1995). At initial stages of foreign language exposure, learners rely on position-specific phonetic...
Auditory perceptual and orthographic confusions challenge foreign language (FL)learners. Hearing first-language (L1) learners establish reliable acoustic parameters for sound categories during infancy (Strange, 2011; Werker & Tees, 1984), before learning how to encode them orthographically. In contrast,FL classrooms simultaneously expose adult lear...
This study investigates sensitivity to violations of two phonological rules by 14 native speakers of German and 23 L2 learners (L1 American English). Participants completed a phoneme detection task, listening for [t] in pseudowords, including sequences that conformed to the German rule of Dorsal Fricative Assimilation (e.g., [baxt]/[bɛçt]) or viola...
For articles related to this research, see Darcy et al. (2012). Direct mapping of acoustics to phonology: On the lexical encoding of front rounded vowels in L1 English-L2 French acquisition. (Available at http://www.indiana.edu/~psyling/papers/Darcy_etal(2012)LexicalEncoding%20of%20FrontRoundedVowels%20in%20L2%20French_SLR.pdf) and Darcy et al. (20...
It is well known that adult US-English-speaking learners of French experience difficulties acquiring high /y/–/u/ and mid /œ/–/ɔ/ front vs. back rounded vowel contrasts in French. This study examines the acquisition of these French vowel contrasts at two levels: phonetic categorization and lexical representations. An ABX categorization task (for de...
The question whether category formation is a prerequisite for U.S.-English learners of French to encode a non-native contrast in lexical representations is investigated, looking at front [y-oe] and back [u-open o] rounded vowels. An ABX categorization experiment revealed no group difference between advanced (N=18) and inexperienced learners (N=18)....
In many varieties of Southern German the contrast between /s/ and /ò\int / is neutralized to [ò][\int] before /p t/ anywhere within a word (e.g. Post [poòt]Post \,[{\rm po}\int t] ‘mail’), but neutralization does not occur before inflectional suffixes (e.e. küss-t [kyst] ‘kiss (3 SG)’). It will be argued that the underapplication of neutralization...