Farhan Hanif Siddiqi

Farhan Hanif Siddiqi
Quaid-i-Azam University | QAU · School of Politics and International Relations

Doctor of Philosophy

About

24
Publications
21,693
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Introduction
Farhan Hanif Siddiqi currently works at the School of Politics and International Relations, Quaid-i-Azam University. Farhan does research in Ethnicity and Ethnic Conflict, International Relations, Conflict Resolution focusing on South Asia and the Middle East. Their current project is 'Administrative Decentralisation and Effective Governance: Dissecting the Discourse on New Provinces in Pakistan.'
Additional affiliations
October 2014 - July 2015
Middle East Research Institute (MERI)
Position
  • Research Associate
January 1996 - September 2014
University of Karachi
Position
  • Professor (Associate)

Publications

Publications (24)
Chapter
The spectre of hybrid warfare requires two imperatives: the first, is a double hermeneutic exercise entailing an interpretation and meaning of the concept; and second, applicatory dynamics as evidenced in inter-state rivalries that involve counterposing and shaping an efficient response to the nefarious designs of a competitor state’s actions again...
Chapter
The chapter purviews dynamics and contextualities of Pakistan’s path dependent politics of centralisation and authoritarianism that served to engender both political and violent ethnic movements leading in one instance to the disintegration of the state in 1971. The violent episode of ethnic secessionism in East Pakistan did not in essence provide...
Presentation
What reasons feed into the protracted conflict between provincial and local governments in Pakistan after the onset of the democratic phase of governance in 2008? The presentation narrativizes the local-provincial government conflict as the ‘empowerment-disempowerment paradox’ whereby the increase in the power of one agency (provincial government)...
Chapter
As the pandemic hit Pakistan, Prime Minister Imran Khan compared the Coronavirus to little more than a flu affecting only the old or immunocompromised individuals but also warned that the disease would not spare anyone. This confusion festered into a political crisis as the Sindh provincial government embarked on a stricter lockdown owing to percei...
Article
The political culture literature is afflicted with an orientational and attitudinal bias in which cultural dynamics reign supreme, while political values and beliefs are relegated as an epiphenomenon. The present article arrogates the ‘political’ as the superior analytical variable in estimating political culture in Pakistan. While political cultur...
Article
Full-text available
The nature of the Pakistani state is undergoing a key transformation as evidenced in move towards a more decentralised and power-sharing polity after the passage of the 18th Amendment. Paradoxically, the 18th Amendment's objective to federalize an otherwise historically centralized Pakistani state has led to the intensification of ethnic discord at...
Article
Full-text available
The article attends to the dynamic of subjective interpretation of socio-economic conditions by ethnic elites in ways that convince their co-ethnics of their relative deprivation and discrimination. The article asserts that it is essential to move beyond structuralist explanations relative to economic deprivation and discrimination, for they stand...
Chapter
After the announcement of the 3 June 1947 Partition Plan, the Sindh Legislative Assembly was the first in the Muslim majority areas of British India to vote for joining the Pakistan Constituent Assembly. It was at the first Sindh Provincial Muslim League Conference in Karachi in 1938 that Jinnah and All-India Muslim League leaders expressed the nee...
Article
The article seeks to investigate how alliance formation and balance of power patterns will unfold in South Asia in the wake of an intensifying geopolitical rivalry between the United States and China. Both the United States (US) and China form an intrinsic part of South Asia’s geopolitical security architecture through their embeddedness with both...
Chapter
Full-text available
In a seminal work on the ethnic history of Pakistan, the Soviet Orientalist Yuri Gankovsky (1971, p. 208) concluded his study on Balochistan by observing that: The Baluchis [sic] are the only one of Pakistan’s major peoples who had not consolidated into a bourgeois nation by the time when the colonialists left the Indo-Pakistan subcontinent. The na...
Article
Full-text available
The subject of international relations and its theories are based primarily on what the great powers do. Major IR theories including realism and neorealism have put small states and powers at the very margins of their respective theories arguing that since they do not display any form of power at the national and systemic levels they could as easil...
Article
Full-text available
Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy’s remarks ring true even today. The proverbial question still plagues the Pakistani polity: is it ready for democracy or is it not? This question is further probed by those who question democracy in Pakistan itself and ask: does Pakistan actually need democracy or are military dictatorships more conducive to the political,...
Article
Full-text available
Balochistan is in the grip of two distinct and mutually exclusive ethnonational and religious movements that straddle important swathes of its rugged and mountainous territory. From Quetta up in the north to the coast of Makran in the south, Balochistan is being shaped by the twin forces of local nationalism and jihadist organizations. Domestically...
Book
In order to understand the Pakistani state and government’s treatment of non-dominant ethnic groups after the failure of the military operation in East Pakistan and the independence of Bangladesh, this book looks at the ethnic movements that were subject to a military operation after 1971: the Baloch in the 1970s, the Sindhis in the 1980s and Mohaj...
Article
Full-text available
Both India and China boast of a historical and old civilizational identity spanning thousands of years. In the 20th century, relations between India and China have oscillated from congenial to conflictual, primarily because of strategic conflicts over border areas and a rivalry over regional supremacy. This factor does not and has not eliminated th...
Article
Full-text available
The present article critically evaluates Hroch's theory in light of the Sindhi and Baloch national movements in Pakistan. At the heart of the issue are the social preconditions and the stage theory which Hroch posits to comprehend both the formation of nations and origins of the national movement. As far as social preconditions are concerned, the a...
Article
Full-text available
The article charts the rise of Mohajir identity politics in Pakistan since 1971. Most accounts of Mohajir identity politics have focused mainly on one actor, that is, the Mohajir (now Muttahida) Qaumi Movement and their politics and secondly, have remained silent on intra-ethnic fissures within the Mohajir community. The present article builds on a...

Projects

Projects (3)
Project
Book project with Oxford University Press, Pakistan. To be published in 2019.
Project
The research project seeks to dissect the debate on new provinces by engaging relevant stakeholders, both ethnic elites, the national political elite, and the general public in Punjab, Sindh and KP in order to estimate the discourse on new provinces.
Project
The proposed research seeks to investigate the discourse that informs the creation of new provinces in Pakistan. All major political parties, including PML-N, PPP, PTI and MQM consensually advocate the creation of new provinces, however, there is widespread disagreement relative to whether the new provinces should be based on administrative or ethnic grounds. A further pressing concern is that the national political parties are probably instrumentalising the issue for electoral purposes in order to win votes and are not serious about creating new provinces. Thus, the major political parties’ not only lack a consensus on how and where the new provinces should be created but also lack seriousness as far as implementation of the idea is concerned. Second, ethnic actors in Punjab, KP, and Sindh demand new provinces, for example, Mohajirs in Sindh, Saraikis in Punjab, and Hazaras in KP. It is important to understand the root causes of the demands for a separate province. Third, the project seeks to ascertain the views and sentiments of people in Punjab, KP and Sindh and whether they entertain the idea of creating new provinces in Pakistan. The data relative to this will be collated through a general survey where geographical areas desirous of new provinces and those that do not desire new provinces will be scientifically quantified and presented to the decision-makers, informed citizens and the general public. Critics argue that creating new provinces will lead to a further balkanization of Pakistan and that it should be avoided. Proponents are of the view that administrative decentralization is needed in order to ensure effective governance and that a policy of centralization since independence has led to discord between the centre and provinces. The research project seeks to dissect the debate on new provinces by engaging relevant stakeholders, both ethnic elites, the national political elite, and the general public in Punjab, Sindh and KP in order to estimate the discourse on new provinces.