Dominic Heinz
Dominic Heinz
PhD
DAAD Lecturer at the Turkish German University in Istanbul (Turkey)
About
38
Publications
1,929
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87
Citations
Introduction
Additional affiliations
June 2017 - May 2018
June 2017 - present
October 2015 - March 2017
Education
September 2003 - June 2004
September 2002 - June 2003
August 2001 - September 2001
Publications
Publications (38)
Germany was described in the past as a ‘unitary federal state’ (Hesse, Der unitarische Bundesstaat. Karlsruhe: C. F. Müller, 1962) or even as a ‘unitary state in disguise’ (Abromeit, Der verkappte Einheitsstaat. Opladen: Leske + Budrich, 1992) underlining central politics in Germany. But what role does then decentralisation play in German politics?...
Die Schulpolitik wurde von der Föderalismusreform I lediglich an zwei Stellen berührt: Die schon jahrzehntelang brachliegende Gemeinschaftsaufgabe Bildungsplanung nach Art. 91b GG (alt) wurde durch die neue Gemeinschaftsaufgabe „Feststellung der Leistungsfähigkeit des Bildungswesens im internationalen Bereich“ (Art. 91b (2) GG neu) ersetzt. Dies fü...
This article considers the impact of the 2009 federalism reform on budget policy in national and Land governments. It assesses whether the reform led to a centralisation of budget policy, through the work of the new ‘Stability Council’ and imposition of a ‘debt brake’, which would affect both levels. The fiscal and economic crisis of 2008–09 coinci...
For a long time, “ideological battles” and the joint decision trap characterized
the coordination of school policy. Nevertheless international school benchmarks managed
to become established as a new mode of coordination in school policy. However, rather
than the ‘PISA-shock’ of 2001, it was the Konstanz Decision of 1997 by the KMK that set
the pre...
For a long time, "ideological battles" and the joint decision trap characterized the coordination of school policy. Nevertheless international school benchmarks managed to become established as a new mode of coordination in school policy. However, rather than the 'PISA-shock' of 2001, it was the Konstanz Decision of 1997 by the KMK that set the pre...
Die Haushaltspolitik von Bund und Ländern erfuhr durch die Ratifikation der Föderalismusreform II einen deutlichen Impuls, weil in Zukunft Haushalte nicht mehr dem »deficit spending«, sondern dem »balanced budget« folgen. Das beinhaltete nicht nur einen Politikwechsel in der Koordination der Haushaltspolitik, weil der ehemalige Finanzplanungsrat in...
The digital revolution has placed public broadcasting funding in Germany under pressure, because it has led to a multiplication of technological devices for radio and television. Radio and television can not only be consumed through particular devices, but also through literally any device like mobile phones, tablet computers and many more. The fun...
Rundfunkpolitik hat im deutschen politischen System eine Sonderstellung, die vor
allem durch die Rundfunkkommission und die Kommission zur Ermittlung des Finanzbedarfs
(KEF) zum Ausdruck kommt. Diese besondere institutionelle Struktur
sorgt für eine Staats- und Marktferne der Inhalte und der Finanzierung des Rundfunks.
Obwohl die Besonderheiten der...
The paper focuses on a neglected group of territorial politics: the dominant non-territorially defined political parties, mainly catch-all parties of Christian Democratic or Social Democratic origin. In contrast to regionalist parties, they do not have incentives for territorial reforms, yet they are engaged in them. Despite a state of mutual negle...
Germany recently experienced another federal reform, shortly after a previous modification to the German federal system. Has the second federal reform brought substantial change instead of the gradual change that literature on joint decision making would lead us to expect? This article analyses the reform in three stages: agenda setting, negotiatio...
Studies of constitutional reforms so far have equated formal ratification with a successful reform. The paper goes beyond this narrow focus by adding substantive success as a second dimension based on two indicators: degree of agenda fulfilment and degree to which the reform contributes to solve the constitutional problem. Analysing territorial ref...
Depuis l’apres-guerre, la societe allemande a accueilli de nombreux migrants. Le cadre legal de l’immigration a change et, malgre un deficit linguistique, les immigres accomplissent aujourd’hui leur integration politique au sein des differents parlements. Meme si le pourcentage d’elus issus de l’immigration reste moindre que celui des immigres dans...
Does the German two vote system produce two types of MPs? Although the German electoral system allows rewarding and punishing party and MPs separately, German general elections are still considered as party elections. Parties determine the candidate’s placement on lists and in which electoral district candidates are running. Successful candidates a...
[Introduction]. The dissolution of the Soviet Union (SU) marked the end of the way the
international political system had been organized since 1945. New states
emerged and the foreign policies of the European states and Russia had to
be readjusted.1 Since one of the hitherto existing two superpowers collapsed,
the remaining superpower was by defaul...
Projects
Projects (3)
Aktualisierung und Erneuerung der Theorie der Politikverflechtung.
Who are migrants as political actors and how do they act as political actors?
Trust lies at the heart of contemporary debates regarding governance and democracy (Rothstein, 2005; van Deth et al., 2007; Cook, 2001). Key debates focus on whether the level of trust in democracy is rising or falling over time, the extent to which citizen trust is a prerequisite for good democratic government and more fundamentally how trust can be conceptualised (Fisher et al., 2010; van Deth et al., 1991). Problems of democratic deficit, of the misfit between politics and policy, of political corruption apparently undermine trust in politicians and underpin the emergence in most EU polities of forms of national populist party responses (Schmidt, 2006). A recent study by the Herbert Quandt Stiftung foundation (2013) indicates that, while the public has confidence in democracy as a concept, many do not trust government and the way democracy is currently being implemented. There is a strong and growing demand for more diverse and effective forms of citizen engagement to increase levels of trust and engage an increasingly diverse, busy and complex urban population. Despite calls for more citizen involvement in decision-making, however, citizen engagement and satisfaction rates are declining (Leading Cities, 2015). Transparency is sometimes offered as a remedy to tackle the problems that ostensibly produce such distrust, but understandings of transparency are deeply ambivalent (Cole, 1999).
The project proposes to capture these processes of trust in multi-level governance by comparing regional- and city level dynamics in three key European states: the UK, France and Germany. The EU context provides the core similarity between these states, whose distinct state types cover the range of logical possibilities for comparison: a federal state (Germany), a predominantly unitary state modified by forms of asymmetrical devolution (United Kingdom) and a decentralised but still unitary state (France). The master hypothesis is that styles of democratic governance are influenced both by types of polity (communicative and coordinating) and by the role assumed by territoriality within these basic constructions of the state.
