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Introduction
Publications
Publications (17)
Objective examination of the final years of the Cold War through the eyes of Secretary of State James A. Baker and his team of advisers.
Since its pre-colonial history, Mexico has demonstrated two contrary tendencies: the outward-looking, global trader and the protective, nationalist instinct. Today, the seven major constitutional reforms of the PRI government reflect the former. However, the teacher’s union, some presidential advisors, and the criminal justice system reflect a pref...
Today’s Mexico is strongly determined to become a full player in the globalizing international economy. It has increased its manufacturing output in areas such as automobiles and electronics, and both corporate and government sectors would like to take greater strides toward being a full global player. But do the underlying institutional and cultur...
The implementation of the several peace accords was as contentious as the negotiations themselves. Three agreements comprised the 1992 peace accords between the government of El Salvador and the FMLN
The Chapultepec Accords of January 1992 destroyed the political power of the Salvadoran armed forces and reduced them to a size necessary to respond to natural disasters. In 2009, seventeen years later, the business community lost presidential power to the candidate of the FMLN, Mauricio Funes. Together, these two events ended two centuries of land...
El Salvador’s war lasted approximately twelve years, took approximately 70,000 lives, displaced one quarter of a million people, and destroyed $2 billion worth of property. It began on March 9, 1980, the day after the Civilian-Military Junta initiated a program of agrarian reform.1 The coffee elite, whose land was threatened, turned to their allies...
El Salvador represented a polarized society in which the capacity to resolve conflicts nonviolently through political negotiation was unknown. Political leaders were relatively weak; El Salvador’s armed forces (ESAF) held a preponderance of military power with 45,000 soldiers, and the Frente Farabundo Marti de Liberación Nacional (FMLN) was a fight...
Until December 1989, neither the Frente Farabundo Marti de Liberación Nacional (FMLN)-Frente Democrática Revolucionario (FDR) leadership nor the government of Alfredo Cristiani had sought UN mediation to resolve El Salvador’s civil war. The UN had not been involved in this conflict for three reasons
Despite protestations from the leadership of the Frente Farabundo Marti de Liberación Nacional (FMLN) that the decade-long civil war in El Salvador was an internal struggle with only external ramifications,1 both the Salvadoran government and the FMLN and its partner, the Frente Democrática Revolucionario (FDR) recognized that U.S. support for the...
Inadequate land for cultivation, endemic poverty, an agricultural export economy that relied upon low-cost labor, as well as exclusion from any meaningful political process are among the factors that led a majority of Salvadoran citizens to sympathize with the guerillas in the late 1970s. Some took up arms, but most demonstrated their support by ca...
The negotiations to reach a final agreement between the protagonists before the anticipated departure of UN Secretary General, Perez de Cuellar lasted almost two years.1 Despite a promise to the UN and Archbishop Arturo Rivera y Damas to end attacks on civilian targets, both protagonists continued to carry out attacks on military targets. In order...
El Salvador’s civil war was a violent, destructive, and dynamic process that evolved over twelve years, with shifts in the framing of issues on both sides as the external context changed. It was a domestic war, captured by the broader Cold War between the superpowers. The internal protagonists, namely the Salvadoran government and its armed forces...
The election of President George H. W. Bush in November 1988 and his choice of James Baker as Secretary of State, introduced a reevaluation of U.S. policy toward Central America.1 The change was notable because it sought to end the bitter acrimony between the Republicans and Democrats in Congress, as well as the struggle between the executive and c...
The euphoria that surrounded the Chapultepec Accords was reflected in public opinion polls, taken four months afterward that showed 70 percent of Salvadorans surveyed believed that “some things and the overall situation” were changing for the better.1 The opportunity to live in peace constituted the greatest source of satisfaction with the Accords....
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgetown University, 2005. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 407-427)
