David R. Jones

David R. Jones
City University of New York - Bernard M. Baruch College | Baruch College · Department of Political Science

PhD

About

27
Publications
18,205
Reads
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375
Citations
Introduction
David R. Jones currently works at the Department of Political Science, City University of New York - Bernard M. Baruch College. David does research on the United States Congress, Political Parties and Elections, and Public Opinion and Voting Behavior.

Publications

Publications (27)
Article
Full-text available
As Americans’ trust in their government—most specifically Congress—has declined over the past half century, it has become increasingly important to answer the question of who does or does not trust government and why. Trust research tends to take for granted that sex affects trust—most studies control for it—but results have been mixed. This could...
Article
This project investigates how voters hold government electorally accountable for perceived untrustworthiness, and particularly how this accountability is conditioned by institutional context. Studies show that political distrust is associated at least as much with attitudes toward the legislative branch as with attitudes toward the executive. With...
Conference Paper
Full-text available
Under what conditions is public distrust in government electorally consequential, and whom does it harm? The Republican Party appears to think that stoking the fire of public cynicism towards “Washington politicians” will benefit the party’s chances in the 2016 elections both for the White House and for Congress. Yet the academic literature is less...
Article
Full-text available
Why has Congress, once a widely trusted institution, experienced such a uniquely dramatic decline in the public’s confidence, and what are the consequences for democracy? This article sets out to systematically address these questions. First, I discuss how we can gauge Americans’ levels of trust in Congress. Second, I examine trends over time in pu...
Article
Full-text available
Scholars of political parties and elections around the globe have devoted extensive study toward understanding how party polarization affects the criteria voters use to determine their party preferences in elections. In American politics, previous empirical research suggests that congressional job performance ratings do not affect public attitudes...
Article
Full-text available
Existing research suggests that to the extent that accountability for congressional performance occurs, it does so primarily through a referendum on the performance of the majority party. If true, this means that the minority party has no incentive to act responsibly, and may even have an incentive to polarize and obstruct. I argue that Americans d...
Article
This study analyzes changes in individual evaluations of Congress immediately before and after enactment of national health care reform in 2010. It tests three alternative hypotheses: that enactment increased the likelihood of approval by demonstrating congressional competence; that it decreased the likelihood of approval by calling attention to pa...
Conference Paper
Full-text available
This study builds upon existing literature by presenting and empirically testing a theory of where party brands come from and how party brands affect election outcomes. The theory argues that parties affect elections not only because certain proportions of the public identify themselves as belonging to one of the other party, but also because the p...
Article
Full-text available
The results of the 2010 congressional elections were indeed historic. The loss of 63 seats by the Democrats was the biggest electoral loss by any party since 1948, making the more recent 1994 and 2006 turnovers pale by comparison. The question that political scientists naturally ask after an event of this magnitude is—why? This article addresses th...
Article
Full-text available
The literature portrays the congressional voter of the 1950s through the early 1970s as having been unwilling or unable to hold Congress electorally accountable for its collective legislative performance. In contrast, recent literature has demonstrated that in elections from 1974 onward, voters have regularly used congressional performance evaluati...
Article
Full-text available
The literature portrays the congressional voter of the 1950s through the early 1970s as having been unwilling or unable to hold Congress electorally accountable for its collective legislative performance.In contrast, recent literature has demonstrated that in elections from 1974 onward, voters have regularly used congressional performance evaluatio...
Conference Paper
Full-text available
Existing literature does not adequately explain the phenomenon of partisan tides in American elections. This study builds upon existing literature by presenting and empirically testing a theory of how party brands affect individual voting behavior. The theory argues that parties affect voting not only though the stable, long-term party identificati...
Article
Early research led scholars to believe that institutional accountability in Congress is lacking because public evaluations of its collective performance do not affect the reelection of its members. However, a changed partisan environment along with new empirical evidence raises unanswered questions about the effect of congressional performance on i...
Book
"Jones and McDermott's groundbreaking book makes a strong case for the proposition that the popular standing of Congress (not merely that of its individual members) influences voters' decisions. Voters enforce collective responsibility, they contend, and Congress takes notice. This will be an important read for all students of Congress and congress...
Article
Full-text available
Conventional wisdom suggests that individual members of Congress have no real incentive to act in ways that might improve public evaluations of their collective body. In particular, the literature provides no clear evidence that public evaluations of Congress affect individual races for Congress, and little reason to expect that voters would hold s...
Article
Full-text available
Responsible party government theory requires that voters hold parties electorally accountable for their performance in control of government. Existing literature suggests that voters do this only to a limited extent—holding the presidential party's candidates responsible for government performance on Election Day. While this method of voting may ho...
Article
Why do some legislators take fewer positions on roll-call votes than others? Do these omissions occur by chance, or is it possible that certain legislators avoid taking positions intentionally? This study analyzes whether differential electoral considerations affect the level of position taking among legislators. In particular, it examines whether...
Article
Full-text available
To what extent do citizens feel differently about their own legislator than they do about the legislative body as a whole, and why? The standard approach to this question has been to look at evaluations of each referent separately. In the context of American politics, this approach has led to a general consensus that Americans evaluate their own me...
Article
Full-text available
Although recent research has made great strides in explaining the causes of public approval or disapproval of Congress, there has been little evidence that evaluations of Congress have had any demonstrable effects on the political system. In fact, the literature suggests that individual members are largely insulated from public judgments of Congres...
Article
We analyze whether or not perceived ideological distance from the congressional majority party influences individuals' approval of the way Congress as a whole handles its job. We argue that, to the extent citizens see the majority party as representing an ideological stance that is distant from their own, they are unlikely to feel that Congress is...
Article
Full-text available
This article investigates how parties affect legislative gridlock - the inability of government to enact significant proposals on the policy agenda. Conventional accounts suggest that divided party control of government causes such stalemate. I offer an alternative partisan model of gridlock that incorporates party polarization, party seat division...
Article
Full-text available
While much has been written about the increase in filibustering over the past two decades, there has been very little discussion of the fact that, even today, opponents of legislation that could be filibustered often do not exercise this institutional right – even when doing so means the difference between defeat and passage of the measure. This st...

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