Anais MarinChatham House · Russia and Eurasia Programme
Anais Marin
PhD
About
27
Publications
4,879
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95
Citations
Citations since 2017
Introduction
My main research interest is the foreign policy of authoritarian regimes, how they use diplomacy for regime-survival purposes ("dictaplomacy"), how they promote autocracy (with a focus on post-Soviet Eurasia) and how they influence and destabilise neighbouring countries thanks to "sharp" types of soft power projection ("sharp power"). I am currently working specifically on Russian hybrid strategies directed towards Belarus (another key focus of my research) and a selection of EU countries.
Additional affiliations
November 2018 - present
Position
- Adjunkt
Description
- Principal investigator in a 3y research project funded by the Polish National Centre for Science (NCN Opus-16) on Russian "sharp power" and its impact on European values and democratic institutions in EU countries.
January 2017 - July 2017
European Union Institute for Security Studies, Paris
Position
- Research Associate
September 2015 - October 2018
Position
- Fellow
Description
- H2020-MSCA-IF research project dedicated to The international dimensions of authoritarian regime survival: comparing “dictaplomatic” strategies in post-Soviet Eurasia (DICTAPLOMACY)
Publications
Publications (27)
Place renaming is an archetypical feature of regime change in (post-)Soviet Russia. In the case of Leningrad / St. Petersburg it is interpreted here as an attempt at temporal boundary-making: in renaming streets, local elites tried to erect a symbolic time border between ‘old’ and ‘new’. Since post-Soviet renaming mostly amounted to returning to pl...
With the questioning of the democratic peace axiom according to which democracies do not go to war with one another, scholars in comparative politics started investigating whether authoritarian regimes are more prone to launch or escalate an international conflict. Empirical studies have shown that state violence is often reflected in more aggressi...
La Finlande est habituée à une relation asymétrique avec la Russie. Petit pays périphérique, sa survie en tant qu’État démocratique a supposé des concessions et une forme d’autocensure pour assurer un modus vivendi avec Moscou. L’évolution de la posture russe – à la fois plus agressive, et mobilisant un arsenal non-militaire plus subversif (le shar...
The past decade has seen the emergence of a new type of nationalism in Belarus, a process labelled as ‘soft Belarusianisation’. This trend differs from earlier, mostly top-down (elite-led) episodes of nation-building – the Belarusisation of the 1920s, the nationalists’ movement that followed perestroika, and the ‘Creole nationalism’ incarnated by A...
› Since 2014, Russia has tried to coerce Belarus into being a more submissive ally, or accepting a ‘marketisation’ of their relations.
› President Lukashenka has resisted Russia’s ultimatum, however, and negotiations over granting the Union State supranational institutions and prerogatives have hit a wall.
Yet given Belarus’s dependence on Russian...
https://www.chathamhouse.org/expert/comment/belarusians-left-facing-covid-19-alone?fbclid=IwAR3mTMLSbtp6UdV9NdHGw1Q1xexrZ-6Ack-EPg3T2eZ3AeeW_GQURkZUPz8
This paper adds to the scarce literature on authoritarian foreign policy behaviour by taking a comparative look at the conflict-proneness of post-Soviet Eurasian regimes. With the questioning of the democratic peace axiom according to which democracies do not go at war with one another, scholars in comparative politics started investigating whether...
Although the Republic of Belarus is constitutionally designated as a neutral country 1 , it is in fact closely connected with Russia's own security and defence architecture. Within the Union State of Belarus and Russia, the armed forces are integrated to an extent unequalled in the world. A legacy of the Soviet division of labour, the Belarusian de...
For failure of complying with democratic standards, since 1997 Belarus has been (self-) isolated from European integration dynamics. Save for a short-lived 'thaw' with the West in 2008-2010, when Alexander Lukashenka's regime was seeking to compensate for its degraded relations with Moscow, Belarus has been the target of EU sanctions. Yet the count...
Ecotourism has become a driver for cooperation across the EU’s Eastern borders. This holds true even in the case of such reluctant a partner as Belarus. In studying the resumption of navigation on the Augustów canal - a 180 year old waterway connecting the Vistula and Neman river basins across the Polish-Belarusian border - this paper illustrates h...
La frontière finno-russe est, historiquement, une frontière d'exclusion entre l'ouest et l'est du continent européen. Pourtant, l'analyse des interdépendances économiques et des coopérations transfrontalières qui se sont développées entre les acteurs locaux riverains de cette frontière pendant la transition postsoviétique tend à montrer qu'elle s'e...
La frontière finno-russe est, historiquement, une frontière d'exclusion entre l'ouest et l'est du continent européen. Pourtant, l'analyse des interdépendances économiques et des coopérations transfrontalières qui se sont développées entre les acteurs locaux riverains de cette frontière pendant la transition postsoviétique tend à montrer qu'elle s'e...
[Summary]. EU-Russian security cooperation remains nascent, but some important ground has been cleared since 2000. Yet, the dialogue is neither without ambiguity or problems. It is replete with both. This Occasional Paper examines three facets of EU-Russia security relations. The first chapter, by Hiski Haukkala, compares EU and Russian perceptions...
Projects
Projects (6)
Identify the vulnerabilities of the European democratic project, understood here as the consolidation of a community of democratic values in the Wider Europe, to Russian authoritarian soft power, aka “sharp power”. The ambition is to provide policy-relevant recommendations to decision-makers for designing counter-measures able to enhance the EU’s resilience in the face of Russia’s corrosive influence. The project will also contribute to theory-building in the field of comparative politics and IR, disciplines which are increasingly confronted with the challenge of conceptualising how the internationalisation of authoritarianism threatens democratic peace.
