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This research examines the interregional security cooperation between ASEAN and the EU with a specific focus on counterterrorism. The research methods are based on a comparison of regional counterterrorism governance between the two regions and a close reading of Plan of Actions for the enhancement of ASEAN-EU relations documents from 2007 to 2018....
Indonesia's response to the problem of foreign terrorist fighters has changed from time to time. From the New Order era until the beginning of the reform period, tolerant attitude was applied. However, in the reform era, Indonesia's response changed from a humanitarian-based to prudence-based attitude. This article applies the theoretical mapping o...
The relationship between ROK and ASEAN is potentially the most strategic partnership for the two sides. ROK is ASEAN’s only partner of a middle-power and non-Western kind. Compared to other ASEAN’s dialogue partnerships with the USA, Japan, China, Russia, and Australia, the one with ROK will endow highly valuable lessons and benefits as the two str...
The 35th ASEAN Summit and Related Summits, held in Bangkok from 31 October to 4 November 2019 was dominated by extraregional geopolitical issues. At the same time, the 35th ASEAN Summit also showcased the need for ASEAN to prioritize exercising its centrality principle.
Artikel ini menjelaskan tentang pengaruh dari perhatian dunia internasional – diwakili oleh Amerika Serikat – terhadap kebijakan Indonesia merespon terorisme di era reformasi. Dua aspek utama dalam kontra-terorisme menjadi pembatas dari perhatian internasional ini, yaitu aspek efektivitas kontra-terorisme dan aspek kepatuhan kepada nilai-nilai Hak...
Both ASEAN and China used the concept of Non-Traditional Security (NTS) in order to pursue security diplomacy in the Asia Pacific. For ASEAN, NTS is an area of security cooperation that allows it to drive the agenda of security architectures involving extra-regional powers such as the ASEAN Defense Ministerial Meeting Plus (ADMM+) and ASEAN Regiona...
This study explores the securitising move attempted by the government of President Megawati Sukarnoputri through the promulgation of Interim Laws 1/2002 and 2/2002 on Terrorism Crime Eradication and their stipulation as statutes in 2003 are examined in this study. This study also examines the discussion of the meaning of and appropriate responses t...
My research seeks to explore the practice of governance in counter-terrorism policy. I believe this topic fits with the University of Nottingham’s research strategy in governance and policy-making where the aim is to study policy-making process, its accountability and the exercise of power in the delivery of public policies. This research asks a fundamental question of to what extent principles such as accountability and the rule of law have been applicable in counter-terrorism policy, or will counter-terrorism forever be in the realm of the exceptional? Literature on counter-terrorism has warned against the difficulty of implementing good governance. Martha Crenshaw, for example, suggests that a formulation of grand strategy in counter-terrorism might be counter-productive because the formulation of policy principles and specific target achievements in the future will spell difficulty when terrorism threat evolves in terms of strategy or organization. Consequently, as other authors suggest, governance in counter-terrorism revolves around forecasting future undesired events into the calculation of present policy, and making their avoidance the central object of the decision making process. Governance in counter-terrorism is not about accountability but rather about justifying the exceptional through problematizing the social context, using language which exposes the risks and reminds the populace of what they must fear. Yet this language of compulsion to act in certain ways, implying as it does a jettisoning of accountability and rejection of customary restrictions, has had the effect of forging a domain of exception in which governments are increasingly asserting the entitlement to act. Allowing the government to work in such exceptional condition in responding to terrorism may create the danger of self-fulfilling prophecy where threats of terrorism is shaped by the very responses to it. As the threat of terrorism evolves into autonomous individual/cell oriented organization that is increasingly savvy on the use of the social media for recruitment and propaganda purposes, the government gains stronger legitimacy to control information and negotiate basic rights fulfilment. On the other hand, the non-transparent formulation of counter-terrorism strategy has meant that the policy is nearly impossible to evaluate. This research is pondering on the normalization of counter-terrorism. What makes it possible for states to de-escalate its counter-terrorism policy from the exceptional to normal policing measures? Does it depend on the symbolic power of the terrorist entity being targeted? Does it depend on the strategic culture of the state in question? What role does geopolitics play in the prospect of implementing good governance in counter-terrorism? What are the best practices say about good governance in counter-terrorism? My research will compare how governance in counter-terrorism is implemented in the UK and Indonesia. While there has been considerable scholarly discussion on specific Islamist terror groups / cells in Indonesia, examining their ideological worldview and how/why individuals join and then operationalize violence, there has been relatively little discussion on the governance issues associated with policy-making in how Indonesia and the UK respond to the challenge posed by religio-political extremism. Comparing the lessons of governance in counter-terrorism between an advanced democracy and a newly democratizing country, both of which are facing a similar threat of Islamist terrorism, is expected to result in knowledge about different social contexts that inform the policy-makers. Another important lesson is in establishing effective political leadership over the security apparatuses in the conduct of response to terrorism. Another aspect that I wish to pursue in this research, given the experience I have in interacting with organizations concerned with deradicalization process is the relationship between state and non-state actors in counter-terrorism agendas and how non-state actors can support the efforts of counter-terrorism. The use of non-state actors in counter-terrorism can be seen in a variety of contexts. On one hand, the NGO sector has taken the lead in delivering CVE (countering violent extremism) programs, often funded by external state actors. In addition to this, the skillsets of various private sector entities, such as web-design firms for example are important in designing messages in crafting counter-narrative to extremist messages. In addition, police investigators can utilize the capabilities of private firms to conduct scientific criminal investigations that can lessen the dependency on the confessions of captured individuals and thus prevent future attacks.