Question
Asked 30 August 2024

What are the effects of parents involvement on the implementation of guidance and counseling services in school?

Is there a significant effect if the parents are involve in the implementation of guidance and counseling in school?

Most recent answer

Tarja Väyrynen Börgesson
Linköping University
Hi Michelle!
My own experience as a practitioner, a school counsellor since 2006 show that parental involvement in counseling can involve both possibilites and challenges. If you´re going to do research in this area, I will be happy to follow you´re results.

All Answers (6)

Parental involvement plays a critical part in the fruitful execution of direction and guiding school administrations. It upgrades correspondence, works on scholar and conduct results, and helps address obstructions to support. By cultivating a cooperative climate among guardians and schools, the viability of guiding administrations can be fundamentally expanded, eventually helping understudies' general turn of events.
Shammem Akhtar
University of Management and Technology
Parental involvement significantly enhances the implementation of guidance and counseling services in schools by fostering better communication, aligning school and home efforts, and providing valuable insights into students' needs. When parents actively participate, students are more likely to engage with counseling services, leading to improved behavioral outcomes and more personalized support. Additionally, involved parents can advocate for better resources, strengthening the overall effectiveness of these services. This collaboration creates a supportive environment that positively influences students' academic, emotional, and social development.
1 Recommendation
Sehrab Masri
The Acadamic College of Sakhnin
Parents' involvement in the implementation of guidance and counseling services in schools has a significant impact on the overall effectiveness and success of these services. Here are some key effects:
  1. Improved Student Outcomes: When parents are involved in guidance and counseling services, students tend to exhibit better academic performance, social behavior, and emotional well-being. Parental support reinforces the messages and interventions provided by school counselors, helping students apply learned skills in different contexts.
  2. Enhanced Communication: Parental involvement facilitates open communication between the school and home, creating a collaborative environment. This exchange of information allows counselors to better understand the students' home environment, challenges, and strengths, which can lead to more personalized support.
  3. Early Intervention: Parents who are actively engaged can help identify issues early, such as behavioral problems, emotional distress, or academic difficulties. This allows school counselors to intervene sooner, providing timely guidance and support to prevent issues from escalating.
  4. Better Understanding of Student Needs: Parents can provide valuable insights into their children's unique needs, aspirations, and challenges, which helps counselors design more effective intervention programs. This collaborative approach ensures that the support students receive aligns with their specific circumstances.
  5. Increased Commitment to School Policies: Parents who are involved in school counseling services tend to be more aware of and committed to the school's policies on behavior, discipline, and academic performance. This leads to a more consistent application of rules and guidelines at home and school, creating a supportive structure for the child.
  6. Reduced Stigma: When parents actively participate in guidance and counseling services, it can help reduce the stigma often associated with seeking mental health or emotional support. This encourages more students to engage with counseling services, seeing it as a normal and beneficial part of their education.
  7. Strengthened Counselor-Parent Relationship: A collaborative relationship between counselors and parents leads to a stronger support system for the child. It also enables parents to play an active role in the decision-making process related to their child's education and well-being.
Penelope Nolizo Tyawa
University of the Western Cape
Parental involvement is central in guidance and counselling implementation, such involvement can influence choices of qualification that may not only impact on their children but the communities within which these schools exist. Most critical is how parental involvement can assist in shaping and influencing behavioural patterns of their children- making it easy for teachers to teach, improving and strengthening psycho- education both in the classroom, the home and in the communities.
Tarja Väyrynen Börgesson
Linköping University
Hi Michelle!
My own experience as a practitioner, a school counsellor since 2006 show that parental involvement in counseling can involve both possibilites and challenges. If you´re going to do research in this area, I will be happy to follow you´re results.

Similar questions and discussions

What are the related literatures for guidance and counselling?
Question
1 answer
  • Michelle TuazonMichelle Tuazon
The need for registered guidance counselors falls far behind the required number of professionals to cater the institutions obliged to hire them. Unfortunately, due to lack of registered guidance counselors, schools were forced to hire unlicensed counselors. In an article published by Valdez (2018) in news.abs-cn.com, under the provisions of the staffing in the Department of Education, the ratio must be 1:500 which means for every 500 students is 1 guidance counselor. If this will be applied in the present time, 46, 959 Registered Guidance Counselors (RGCs) are needed to cater to the counseling needs of students both in the public and private sector. Unfortunately, there are only 3,220 RGC's as of July 2017 which means there are 43,739 needed to suffice the needs of the students in basic education alone. Due to this issue, teachers fill in to perform the duties of a counselor. However, this is contradictory to Article 4, Section 27 of the Guidance and Counseling Act of 2004 which states that:
“No person shall (a) engage in the practice of guidance and counseling without a valid Certificate of Registration and the valid Professional Identification Card or a special permit; (b) make representations to the public or to third person as a licensed Guidance Counselor during the time that the licensed has been revoked or suspended, and, (c) allow anybody to use his/her license as guidance counselor to enable such unqualified individual to engage in the practice of guidance and counseling."
To go around the law, school heads give their assigned guidance counselors titles as "guidance teacher" or "school guidance leader". This has become a trend to all schools that lacks RGCs and this is the reason behind why there are teachers performing the roles of a counselor.
How useful are Iranian missiles in combat? Can Iran's missile cities serve as a model for other countries to follow in their footsteps to stand up to
Discussion
3 replies
  • Abbas KashaniAbbas Kashani
How useful are Iranian missiles in combat? Can Iran's missile cities serve as a model for other countries to follow in their footsteps to stand up to their enemies? How much can these rocket cities withstand the 30-ton trench-breaking bombs of the American bomber?
1. THE MILITARY OPTION FOR ISRAEL IN DEALING WITH THE IRANIAN THREAT We argue that sooner than later Israel will be forced to realize the military option in dealing with the Iranian threat by employing only conventional weapons on the ground against Iranian targets and most probably nuclear bombs to create a High Altitude Electromagnetic Pulse (HEMP) to destroy sensitive 2 electronic equipment and power grid networks and also disrupt communications of it (see section 3.3). In such a case our assessment is that U.S. support to Israel will be limited to strategic information sharing and logistical assistance. To minimize the enormous negative impact of this option Israel is expected to perform a "blitzkrieg" attack against Iran that will last only a few days. The military action is expected to neutralize the military response of Iran allowing for the following three actions to destabilize it and eliminate its nuclear threat over a period of several years: 1. Destroying Iran's nuclear facilities. 2. Ranging an intense hybrid war against Iran and its allies. 3.Coordinating (probably together with U.S.) a military intervention of Kurdish (Peshmerga) and other anti-regime (PMOI) forces from Iraq to the western provinces of Iran and 4. Organizing/supporting massive armed riots against the Iranian regime putting special emphasis on their secessional character.For such a "blitzkrieg" attack Israel will use all its might, most probably starting with nuclear HEMP attacks and continuing with ballistic and cruise missile attacks and cyber attacks paralyzing even from the first two days the capabilities of Iran to fully close Strait of Hormuz and blow lethal strikes on Gulf States oil producing and storing infrastructure. Mitchell Bard (2022) [1] discusses the military options of Israel against Iran in an article presented in the Jewish Virtual Library. The author argues that "The fear of Israel taking unilateral action no doubt played a role in the imposition of sanctions on Iran and the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA)". On the other hand JPCOA has not yet stopped Iran from advancing its nuclear program towards the development of a nuclear weapon. According to several analysts Iran is months away from the construction of a nuclear bomb and one or two years away from "miniaturizing" it to fit its long range ballistic missiles (eg. Qiam-1) that are very accurate (accuracy of 10m for 800km range, [2]). Since a nuclear Iran poses, according to many Israeli analysts and officials, an existential threat to Israel, JCPOA cannot secure, according to their views, the security of their country. In view of the above and before it takes a unilateral action, it would be understandable and reasonable for Israel to discuss with U.S., its closest ally, the option of a joint military action against Iran. Regarding this issue, Haaretz reported in 14 Oct. 2022 that the prime minister of Israel Benjamin Netanyahu, in his memoirs titled "Bibi: My Story", disclosed that he asked President Barack Obama during his first visit to Israel to bomb Iran. Obama objected to the idea saying that 'Nobody likes a Goliath. I don’t want to be an 800-pound gorilla strutting on the world stage. For too long we acted that way'. Since then U.S. turned a deaf ear to Netanyahu's proposal following a policy of not interfering militarily in the Iranian- Israeli conflict. Bard says at this point that "The only country that publicly called for the use of military force against Iran is Saudi Arabia, which believes it has the most risk if Iran has the bomb. The Saudis were frustrated by the failure of both the Bush and Obama administrations to act and publicly said they would acquire a bomb if Iran were allowed to develop one". Contrary to what is said about the possible willingness of President Trump to resort to military action against Iran following U.S. withdrawal from JCPOA, never happened despite the resumption with greater zeal by Iran of its nuclear program. The above idicate that to avoid military action against Iran has been upgraded, despite Israeli pressures, to the level of a strategic policy with deep and long roots in the U.S. administration transcending both parties of U.S. Congress. Even Tramp's willingness to recognise Jerusalem as the oficial capital of Israel may be explained, in view of the above policy, as an effort to appease Israelis for not accepting the famous Netanyahu's proposal. Bard stated also that the historian Benny Morris warned on the negative consequences of a military (possibly nuclear) military action against Iran. According to our view the most serious among those negative consequences, characterized also by a long-term impact on Israel and the Jewish people, are: - The massive environmental damage to be inflicted in the Region (and possibly worldwide) that will be quickly translated into an international uproar and punitive action that cannot be sustained by Israel. - Harm, on a long-term horizon, Israel's relations with its Anerican and European allies. - Inflict a very high social and economic cost on Israel. We will add to the above consequences a fourth, probably the most serious one for Israel, namely the provocation of anti-semitism to out-of-control levels. At this point one should take very seriously into account that historically and for many centuries anti-semitism has been deeply rooted in the Western countries (Russia included) to a degree more dangerous as compared to the Middle East .
1.1 Military balance between Israel and Iran Both countries, Israel and Iran, have developed during the last twenty years nuclear know-how. Israel already possesses nuclear weapons whereas Iran is very close to developing a nuclear bomb. The above created an unstable military balance between the two countries. In the mean time, Israel is openly and methodically preparing a military action against Iran whereas Iran is creating a distraction in Syria and Lebanon to bind considerable defense forces of Israel there. The fast developing relations (mainly in the defense sector) between Russia and Iran creates for the latter conditions of endurance during a possible military confrontation. The recent dispatch of Iranian drones to Russia, the training of Iranian pilots in Russia and the dispatch of Russian Su-35 in the period ahead (Spring 2023) have produced a nuclear stalemate between them. On the other hand, the purchase of the advanced Russian combat aircrafts shows the intention of Iran to confront the bombing of its nuclear and other strategic facilities, balancing the situation on a conventional level as well. Since Iran and Israel do not share common borders, any military involvement by either side would be “by proxy”. Obviously, Iran has shown no intentions for a first or pre-emptive strike, while Israel, as history has shown, could do something like that if it knew for sure that a strike was indeed imminent on its soil. The issue of oil and the Strait of Hormuz is a tool to internationalize the Iranian-Israeli conflict in order to involve other key players in it. From a closure of the Strait of Hormuz, other oil-producing countries will gain, and certainly Greek shipping. In such a case U.S. is expected to win politically and economically, Russia economically and China politically since it could intervene in the conflict as a potential mediator. The big losers will be the countries that depend on oil imports, mainly Europe. 2. THE COST OF A WAR AGAINST IRAN Since Israel cannot count, thereon, on a joint with U.S. military action against Iran it should act alone, since even Saudis are becoming with the time more reluctant with this issue, preferring instead to build bridges with Iran. An important argument on behalf of those rejecting the military solution, or being sceptical with it, is the enormous cost (economic, social and political) Israel, U.S. and Saudi Arabia
would suffer if they act militarily against Iran. According to the majority of analysts, this cost will exceed the benefit of what can be possibly achieved, that is a short-term or at best a medium-term delay of Iran's capabilities and plans to build a nuclear weapon. The above present a persuasive argument for those against the military intervention. To counter the above argument Israelis and in particular Prime Ministter Netanyahu raise the reverse issue giving emphasis to the cost of not stopping Iran to become nuclear, which, according to their view is much higher than the cost of a military action. We note at this point that the cost of war depends also on the policies Israel may follow with a nuclear Iran. For example, if reformists of Iran are persuaded with one or another way to impose control over the power and activities of Revolutionary Guard Corps (considered by Israel and the majority of Western powers as a terrorist group) and if Iran changes its strategic pursuit to destroy the Jewish State then the development of an understanding between Iran and Israel would be a much more important initiative for a viable peace in the Region than the Abraham’s Accords. We do not exclude the possibility the above to be a strategic scenario examined in depth by Israeli and American analysts and their governments. This scenario might be also the reason U.S. are against the military solution. Of course, checking/shrinking the power of the almost independently acting Revolutionary Guard Corps is an extremely complex, daring and difficult project that cannot be accomplished by the reformist powers of Iran (extending from the political to the clerical and armed forces spectrum) without external articulate, persuasive and well studied multi-level (diplomatic, academic, economic and other) interventions and pressures. 2.1 The economic consequences of Iran closing the Strait of Hormuz Schabrun (2020) [1] analyzed the economic consequencies of Iran closing the Strait of Hormuz. The author used the economic indicators of GDP growth, the Consumer Price Index and the oil price to estimate the consequences of a blockade. The author argues that "In this case (the case of a blockade), the oil price would approximately double and remain on this level for years, since the US would militarily intervene, possibly destabilising the region and the oil supply for a considerable amount of time. A doubled oil price would result in slowing down the global economy by 1%, which equals an annual 1 trillion USD welfare loss". On the other hand the author expressed his optimism stating that "the worst case scenario" (of Strait of Hormuz closure) under current circumstances is unlikely to happen paving the way for de-escalation and negotiations about de-nuclearization and the end of sanctions. This will ultimately lead to a flourishing Iranian economy becoming the 'Germany of the Middle East' and stimulating international trade".The impact on Iran from the closure of Hormuz Strait will be also severe. Schabrun reported that "Two-thirds of (Iranian) government’s budget comes from the revenue of exports which pass the Strait of Hormuz, while 100% of Iranian crude oil exports have to pass the Strait of Hormuz". Taking into account that crude oil exports account for 15% of Iran's GDP the closure of Hormuz Strait will severely hit the weak Iranian economy and will further and dangerously decrease the living standards of Iranian people causing the intensification of protests, riots and public disobedience. Lauerman (2018) [4] presented three scenarios for a Strait of Hormuz (S.H.) closure. The author reported that "The talk of war heated up in early July, when Rouhani hinted that Iran may close the S.H., oil’s most important maritime choke point, in response to the U.S. government attempting to impose a global oil embargo against Iran through a combination of primary and secondary sanctions - potentially an existential threat to the regime, since oil is key to the country’s economy. Shortly thereafter, Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) commander Mohammad Ali Jafari, whose forces patrol the S.H, warned 'either everyone or no one can use the S.H.' ". Responding to the Iranian threats Bill Urban, a spokesman of U.S. Central Command, stated that Washington and its allies are prepared to respond militarily to keep tanker traffic moving through the S.H. stressing the fact that according to international maritime law, any deliberate military disruption to commercial traffic is an act of war.Lauerman further argues that if U.S. government chooses a hard line approach on sanctions by blockading Iran's crude oil exports, which account for more than half of its total exports, then the Iranian regime, acting in desperation, will most probably attempt to close the S.H.. The Iranian Navy and the Revolutionary Guard Corps Navy, both of them being responsible for the S.H., possess considerable capabilities to secure the closure of it at least for a few days (thousands of seamines, torpedoes, advanced cruise missiles, mini submarines and many fast attack boats). In the above context the author has analyzed three scenarios regarding the impact of reactions of Iranian regime on possible western suffocating sanctions or/and military actions against it. 1. The Optimistic Scenario: S.H. are closed only to commercial traffic for a few days. The impact on global oil supplies would be relatively minimal with crude oil prices falling quickly back to pre-crisis levels. 2. The Pessimistic Scenario: S.H. are fully closed for two months or more. This will lead to historically high crude oil prices, higher than US$ 325/bbl (the price at the height of the Libyan Crisis in June 2011). 3. The Nightmare Scenario: Iran inflicts significant damage to Persian Gulf oil producing and export infrastructure and a three-month closure of S.H. In this case the author argues that "crude oil prices would rocket to the stratosphere and they would not begin to fall back until the global economy falls into a deep recession". Although the author expresses his optimism that the 3d scenario is not likely to take place, we insist on on carefully examining this scenario (besides of being an act of desperation) under the assumption that Iran has plans to divert, with the support of certain key geopolitical players, part of its enormous worldwide economic, social and political cost towards U.S. and Israel (mainly the latter one). As a consequence this scenario would have a severely negative political impact on U.S. and Israel. The negative worldwide impact of a war against Iran would more probably force U.S. to negotiate long term peace arrangements with Tehran lifting the majority of sanctions if the latter agrees to suspend nuclear activities and restraint/stop IRGC's terrorist/offensive activities in Syria, Lebanon and elsewhere. One of the aims of the latter demand would be to weaken the IRGC by widening the existing rift between them and the Iranian government. Note that the semi autonomous IRGC dictate, to a considerable degree, certain key aspects of foreign and internal policies of the country coming to conflicting disagreements (especially during the recent period of protests and riots) with the reformist elements of the governmental and clerical apparatus of the country. In this context IRGC were the main force behind the removal of reformist Rouhani from the presidenship. Although certain.
1. Bonab Atomic Energy Research Center (near the city of Tabriz in East Azerbaijan province). It contacts research on irradiation and other agricultural issues. 2. Sharif University of Technology (in Tehran). The central repository of nuclear research and allegedly a site of uranium centrifuge research. 3. Natanz Enrichment Plant (near the city of Isfahan). In 2003 IAEA inspectors found particles of highly enriched uranium. 4. Isfahan Nuclear Fuel Research and Production Center. It is Iran's largest nuclear research center with about 3.000 scientists working there. 5. Ardakan Nuclear Fuel Unit (in Yazd province). Possible uranium conversion facility to convert uranium ore to nuclear fuel for use in the Bushehr reactor. 6. Bushehr Nuclear Power Plant (near the city of Bushehr, in Bushehr province). It accommodates two partially completed reactors (1000 MW) being constructed with Russian assistance.7. Rudan Nuclear Research Center (near the city of Shiraz, in Fars province). Thought to accommodate an uranium hexafluoride gas conversion plant. 3.2 Does Iran have nuclear weapons? Dr. Vincent Pry, Executive Director of EMP Task Force on National and Homeland Security, in a 2022 study titled "The Islamic Republic of Iran's Military Doctrine, Plans and Capabilities for Electromagnetic Pulse (EMP) Attack" [5] examined the hot issue of nuclear Iran. In the key judgements of this study the author underlines the following: "Washington’s bipartisan consensus is that Iran does not yet have nuclear weapons or missiles capable of threatening the United States with nuclear attack. But some Israeli analysts and some highly credible U.S. experts disagree with the 'consensus view.' For example, a 2015 article co-authored by several senior Reagan and Clinton Administration national security officials warned: 'Regardless of intelligence uncertainties and unknowns about Iran’s nuclear weapons and missile programs, we know enough now to make a prudent judgment that Iran should be regarded by national security decision makers as a nuclear missile state capable of posing an existential threat to the United States and its allies…The fact of Iran’s ICBM capability and their proximity to nuclear weapons necessitates that Iran be regarded as a nuclear missile state - right now.'" 9 In view of the analysis regarding the possession of nuclear weapons by Iran, we expect that such a possibility has been incorporated, already from the beginning of 21st century, as a vital element in 'game theory scenarios' regarding a military action against Iran by research think tanks of U.S., Israel and other key players in the Region. We argue that the "Armageddon Scenario" (a nuclear attack by Iran) will take place only as a response to an Israeli nuclear attack against Iran. Iran attacking first Israel with nuclear weapons will be a suicidal action that will 'wipe it off the map'. It is almost certain that Iran has already received a plethora of warnings on this issue from friends and enemies.3.3 High Altitude Nuclear Electromagnetic Pulse threat assessments The impact of a HEMP attack against U.S. The issue of High Altitude Nuclear Electromagnetic Pulse (EMP) threat is analyzed in a congressional report of the EMP Commission, July 2008 [6]. In the summary of the report HEMP is defined as "An instantaneous, intense energy field that can overload or disrupt at a distance numerous electrical systems and high technology microcircuits, which are especially sensitive to power surges. A large scale EMP effect can be produced by a single nuclear explosion detonated high in the atmosphere". The report argues that the threat of an EMP attack against the U.S. is growing along with worldwide access to newer technologies and the proliferation of nuclear weapons and also that this threat is hard to assess. The EMP commission's 2004 report proposed a five-year plan for protecting critical U.S. critical infrastructure from HEMP attacks. Contrary to the public sector the commission argues that private sector has done little to protect it against HEMP attacks. Based on the above report one can assume that at the present time U.S. have already protected their critical infrastructure to a considerable degree. The same conclusions can be drawn for Israel, a country that is exposed to a higher degree compared to U.S. to possible HEMP attacks from Iran, noting at this point that Israel is one of the leaders worldwide in technologies offering protection against such attacks.According to the above report "The effects of HEMP became fully known to the United States in 1962 during a high-altitude nuclear test (code named 'Starfish Prime') over the Pacific Ocean, when radio stations and electronic equipment were disrupted 800 miles away throughout parts of Hawaii. The HEMP effect can span thousands of miles, depending on the altitude and the design and power of the nuclear burst (a single device detonated at an appropriate altitude over Kansas reportedly could affect 10 all of the continental U.S.A." (figure 1). On the other hand, studies related to the effects of electromagnetic energy used as weapons have been published infrequently, or remain classified [7]. On the basis of figure 1, if an HEMP is detonated at a height of 500km over the geometric center of U.S. it can produce effects covering roughly the whole country. In the case of Iran, if a HEMP is detonated at an altitude of 60 km over the city of Yazd it can produce also effects covering most of it. At such a height the effects are not harmful for humans.According to the report the simultaneous loss of communications and power as a result of an HEMP attack would greatly complicate the restoration of systems and in the worst case scenario the duration of disrepair may last for years. Table 1 presents the estimates of damage and recovery times for an HEMP attack on Washington D.C. regional area. Since Iran's level of protection against HEMP is much less advanced than that of U.S. or Israel the impact of an HEMP attack against Iran will be much more devastating and paralyzing than the one presented here.The impact of a HEMP attack against Israel In an article in the Times of Israel on 14/10/2012 [8] David Shamah presented the issue of an Iranian nuclear EMP attack on Israel. The author argues that "Iran using a nuclear weapon to carry out an attack against U.S. or Israel could cause severe damage to the electrical grid in the targeted nations, to the extent that the routines of daily life could be halted for a short or even long period of time". According to EMP specialists a powerful EMP strike could severely damage power plants, electrical substations, data centers and communication systems that may take weeks or months to overcome. Also, Dr. Emily Landaw (head of the Arms Control Program at the Institute of National Security Studies, Tel Aviv University) argues that "while a nuclear bomb targeting an Israeli city would cause mass destruction on a local or regional basis, a (nuclear) EMP attack could cause even more lasting damage, destroying Israel's electrical systems". Dr. Joe Tuzara (2012) [9] in a article in the Israel National News on the issue of nuclear Iran makes the following key judgement: "There is no question that Iran is now a de facto nuclear state - a 'casus belli' for Israeli military action". He argues that among the threats arising from a nuclear Iran, a nuclear EMP attack against Israel is the focal dilemma for Israeli security analysts, adding that Israel is not informing U.S. on this issue and that 'trust deficit and loss of U.S. credibility' compels Israel not to depend on others to protect the Jewish people.Yonah Jeremy Bob, in an article in Jerusalem Post (20 Dec. 2016) [10] presents the key points of a conference held in Herzliya, Israel (Nov. 2016) addressing the hot issue of the impact of a nuclear EMP attack on Israel. The conference was co-sponsored by the Electric Infrastructure Security Council and IDC's Lauder School for Diplomacy and Strategy. Shlomo Vlad (former chief scientist of the Ministry of National Infrastructure, Energy and Water) said that "an EMP is a real threat that Israel must be concerned about" and since it does not result in the killing of people EMP is not considered a weapon of mass destruction under international law". Kobi Vimisberg (top National Emergency Authority official) warned that "even if the likelihood of an EMP attack is low a country that does not prepare will pay a heavy price". Dr Ehud Ganani (vice president of the Electric Infrastructure Securiry Council of Israel) presented a mock video of what life in Israel might look weeks after an EMP attack. The author of the article vividly presents as follows the contents of this video: "Israelis trying to stream out of the country on ships with Ben-Gurion Airport nonfunctional, doctors describing an inability to save patients because it is difficult for their staff and medicines to get to the hospital, and health problems arising from an acute water shortage". We argue at this point that the impact of such an attack in reality would be less dramatic since Israel, a world high tech leader, has been preparing methodically for a long period of time and with innovative ideas for such an eventuality, employing state-of-the-art technologies to adequately protect vulnerable infrastructure even in the worst-case scenario.Indicative of the above is what Naomi Etzion (top official of Israel Electric Corporation) said in this conference: "The company is investigating several layers of preparation for an EMP attack". Today, six years later, one can expect that Israel has already achieved probably the best level of protection worldwide against a nuclear EMP attack (the worst case among all possible EMP attacks). At this point we argue that the political cost for Iran, in the case it undertakes such an attack, especially in view of the enhanced capabilities of Arrow 3 System of Interceptors of Israel, will be enormous because the devastating impact of such an attack will spread to neighboring non-involved countries being characterized by very low (not to say almost non-existent), as compared to Israel, protection against such an attack. Given that the new version of Arrow System Interceptors (Arrow 3), produced in 2017 jointly with the U.S., has an operational range of 2400 km and flight ceiling of more than 100 km the nuclear warheads of the Iranian ballistic missiles, for an effective EMP attack against Israel, should be detonated at a very high altitude (of more than 100 km) spreading the devastating effects over a huge geographical area extending from Turkey to Saudi Arabia and from Cyprus to Iraq. Note, also, that Arrow 3 System [11] is capable (after adaptations) of shooting down (Iranian) satellites.The impact of a HEMP attack against Iran Dr. Joe Tuzara (2012) [9] argues in a rather journalistic style that "a nuclear EMP attack against Iran will be a 'game-changer' that would take Iranians back to the Stone Age" adding that such a hit can be delivered by Jericho III missiles at a high altitude over north or central Iran with no blast or radiation effects on the ground. The impact of such an attack would be devastating for Iran. He then describes the devastating effects of such an attack as follows: "Coupled with cyber-attacks, Iranians would not know it happened except for a massive shutdown of the electric power grid, oil refineries and a transportation gridlock. Food supply would be exhausted and communication would be largely impossible, leading to economic collapse. Similarly, the uranium enrichment centrifuges in Fordo, Natanz and widely scattered elsewhere, would freeze for decades". Finally the author expresses a rather optimistic certainty on a very hot issue reporting that "Frankly, one thing is certain - Israel won’t nuke Iran unless it unleashes chemical, biological or nuclear weapons against it".According to the report the simultaneous loss of communications and power as a result of an HEMP attack would greatly complicate the restoration of systems and in the worst case scenario the duration of disrepair may last for years. Table 1 presents the estimates of damage and recovery times for an HEMP attack on Washington D.C. regional area. Since Iran's level of protection against HEMP is much less advanced than that of U.S.A. or Israel the impact of an HEMP attack against Iran will be much more devastating and paralyzing than the one presented here. 4. IRAN'S CAPABILITIES TO WITHSTAND AND REACT TO A MILITARY ATTACK BY ISRAEL Iran's capabilities to withstand and react to a military attack by Israel have been significantly enhanced during the last twenty years. These enhanced capabilities regard the following three vital areas:1. The construction of deep underground tunnels to store nuclear component and facilities and also ballistic missile systems to minimize 'vital detection times' by Israeli or American sattelites. It is rather questionable if even the largest 'bunker buster' bombs can neutralize the tunnels. Thus the use by Israelis of nuclear bombs to do this job may arise as a possibility if U.S. insist in refusing to give the powerful 'bunker buster' bombs to Israel. 2. The signifiant enhancement of Iran's defense capabilities against aircraft attacks. On 7/3/18 Anthony Capaccio reported in Bloomberg [12] that Pentagon's Defense Intelligence Agency disclosed that Russia, in 2016, delivered the powerful anti-aircraft SA-20c SAM system to Iran which is now operational. According to Israeli and U.S. military officials this system offers Iran a 'generational' improvement of its capabilities. 3. The significant enhancement of Iran's capabilities to fully block the Strait of Hormuz for shipping for a long period of time and attack the Persian Gulf oil facilities and depots. On 27/5/2020 the Washington Institute for Near East Policy held a virtual Policy Forum, under the title "Iran's Assymetric Naval Response to 'Maximum Pressure'", with the participation of three veteran observers of Iranian naval forces and doctrines, Michael Connell, Farzin Nadimi and John Miller, to assess Iran's ability to punch above its weight in Persian Gulf [13]. MAP 2. Iran’s defense facilities (military installations, air bases and radar stations) Sources: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Military_installations_of_Iran https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Iranian_Air_Force_bases#Tactical_air_bases https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/iran/radar-air-defense-maps.htm https://www.globalsecurity.org/jhtml/jframe.html#https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/iran/images/mapradars-01.jpg|||%20radar%20system The provinces of Iran with the highest numbers of defense facilities are: Kermanshah (Kurdish population majority): 7 facilities. East and West Azerbaijan (Azeri population majority): 6 facilities. Hormozgan (Strait of Hormuz): 6 facilities.Khuzestan (Arabs constitute one third of its population): 5 facilities. 4.2 Iran’s naval capabilities and strategies to inflict a strike in the Persian Gulf Ryan White published in the Naval Post (April 2021) a study titled “Understanding Iran’s Naval Forces. IRIN/IRGCN” [14]. The author notes that “Iran operates two independent naval forces - the Islamic Republic of Iran Navy (IRIN), the Artesh’s naval branch, and the IRGC Navy (IRGCN). Iran established the IRGCN in 1985; the IRIN existed as part of the Artesh before the 1979 revolution". He also notes that “In 2007, the two naval forces reorganized, and Iran assigned specific areas of operation for each.Tehran assigned the IRGCN sole responsibility for the Persian Gulf and assigned the IRIN the Gulf of Oman and Caspian Sea. Both services continued to share responsibility for the Strait of Hormuz”Source: https://navalpost.com/understanding-irans-naval-forces-irin-irgcn/ ND: Naval District IRIN: Islamic Republic of Iran Navy IRGCN: Islamic Republic Guard Corps Navy AOR: Areas of responsibility Table 2 gives information (navy ships and personnel) on IRIN and IRGCN.IRIN 19 submarines, 7 corvettes, 13 fast attack (open seas) missile crafts, 9 patrol missile crafts, 9 landing ships, 6 howercrafts, 18.000 personnel. IRGCN 10 fast attack missile crafts, 45 patrol (coastal) missile crafts, 5 landing ships, 20.000 personnel. Three veteran observers of Iranian naval forces, Michael Cornnell, Farzin Nadimi and John Miller, assessed in 2020 (June) Iran’s ability to punch above its weight in the Persian Gulf in a publication titled “Iran’s assymetric naval response to ‘maximum pressure’" undertaken in the context of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy [13]. Cornnell notes that “Iran’s maritime strategy is 'make do with less'. Iranian naval forces have invested in capabilities that play to their strengths and target their adversaries’ weaknesses. Such technologies include limpet mines, coastal defense cruise missiles, and small to medium-size submarines. Geography also provides Iran with a tactical advantage in the Gulf. The confined environment favors offense over defense, allowing for little reaction time, and heavy maritime traffic provides an opportunity to mask operations”. He also underlines a factor that can take events in the Gulf out of control and considers the ‘vagueness’ and miscalculations regarding the areas of responsibility of the Islamic Republic of Iran Navy (IRIN) and of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps Navy (IRGCN) in synergy with the aggressive policies and initiations of the semi-autonomous IRGCN. The autor notes that “In 2008, it shifted to a mosaic defense strategy by delegating more authority to lower-echelon naval commanders. This increases the chance of escalation and miscalculation in the Gulf because the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps Navy (IRGCN) rewards aggressive, forward-leaning commanders who take risks.” Nadimi notes that “Since the Iran-Iraq War, the IRIN has reached a number of important milestones in terms of expanding its capabilities. These have included delivery of the first Kilo-class submarine in 1991, which provided a new subsurface warfare capability; the commissioning of its first domestically produced warship, the Sina-class fast-attack craft, in 2003; and the commissioning of the first Mowjclass frigate, the Jamaran, in 2010. More recently, the IRIN has developed 4,000- and 7,000-ton warships and 600- and 1,200-ton submarines. Yet it does not have the budget necessary to achieve Tehran’s aspirations for a truly capable blue water navy”. He also underlines the following: "In recent years, the IRGCN has expanded its unmanned explosive boat capabilities and the number of unmanned aerial vehicles it can use for surveillance and strike missions. It has explosive boats positioned all around the Gulf, but the majority are near the Strait of Hormuz in tunnels that offer cover, concealment, and the ability to launch directly into the waterway. As the maximum pressure campaign continues, Tehran could take an increasingly aggressive stance toward the U.S. presence in the Gulf, thereby increasing the risk of escalation and miscalculation". Finally, Miller notes that “Iran has developed unique capabilities to advance its strategic objective of applying pressure in the Strait of Hormuz, including ballistic missiles, land/sea-based antiship missiles, mines, submarines, tactical aircraft, air defense systems (e.g., the S-300), fast-attack and in-shore craft, and drones. The country’s indigenous drone program is notably impressive because it has improved capabilities for command and control, over-horizon targeting, and battle damage assessments. The newly acquired S-300 surface-to-air missile was particularly concerning to the United States because it could facilitate the employment of advanced antiship missiles to strike high-value targets in the Gulf and beyond.”

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