Question
Asked 22 September 2015
  • Rachana Sansad Academy of Architecture

Does anyone know specifically about dance performances in the Hoysala Temples?

I am not looking for stories abiout Shantala Devi. I need specific outlooks on dance in the temples.

Most recent answer

Shilpa Sharma
Rachana Sansad Academy of Architecture
Thank you! Will definitely look up your references.

All Answers (4)

Prashanth G Malur
The View Finder Films
Hi Shilpa,
May you please let me know your question more clearly. What do you mean by specific outlooks on dance.... and performances....?
Shilpa Sharma
Rachana Sansad Academy of Architecture
Hi Prashanth,
Thanx for your prompt reply. I am trying to find out if dance reached a summit during the Hoysala period (as compared to the other dynasties before or after it.) I am intersted in knowing if there were any specific types of sacrd dances performed in Karnatak. There have found extensive writing about Bharat Natyam in Tamil temples. But none in Karnatak. Most history of Bharat Natyam seems to be written from the Mysore period onwards. 
Arkaprovo Das
Pennsylvania State University
At first I must confess that I don't have any expertise in Indian history whatsoever, though I have a fair bit of interest in it.
Not too many references are available which gives a detailed account of dance forms that existed during the Hoysala period. However, the articles and books by Professor S.Settar (Karnataka history and Hoysala expert) might be useful. One such book is "The Hoysala Temples". 
Another book that highlights dance forms during that period is the following: "Dance as depicted in Hoysala sculpture" by Swarupa Nadig
Also, dance was used to describe visual mythological narratives, like many depicted in Halebid temples with mythological icons like lord Shiva. Dance was used as a visual language to express idea of battle, killing rival, victory or defeat etc.. (Source: Performance and Culture: Narrative, Image and Enactment in India, By Archana Verma).
The Chenna Kesava at Belur and the Hoysalesvara temple at Halebid represents Chalukya-Hoysala school of architecture. So the cultural characteristics of Chalukya dynasty might also be seen in those dance forms. (Source: Textbook of Indian History and Culture, by Sailendra Nath Sen).
One of the many architectural highlights of Chennakesava Temple is the 42 bracketed figurines called Madanikas or celestial nymphs (figures of women in ritual dancing poses) attached between the roof and top section of pillar along the exterior walls. (http://www.fullstopindia.com/chennakesava-temple-belur-a-premiere-hoysala-dynasty-monument/)
In fact, queen Shantala was a renowned dancer herself.  There is a probability that Bhratnatyam could have been the dance form also depicted in many of the Hoysala temples, although I am not sure of its authenticity. (Source: http://www.indianetzone.com/23/shantala_dev_hoysala_queen.htm   and  http://www.indianscriptures.com/vedic-society/arts/arts-and-traditions-of-karnataka).
Other relevant and interesting read on this subject is the following book: Indian Sculpture: Volume 2, 700-1800 AD. By Pratapaditya Pal,  Los Angeles County Museum of Art.
Shilpa Sharma
Rachana Sansad Academy of Architecture
Thank you! Will definitely look up your references.

Similar questions and discussions

Neuroaesthetics and Fundamental Attribution Error?
Question
11 answers
  • Simon PennySimon Penny
I have reviewed the paper Specificity of Esthetic Experience for Artworks:
An fMRI Study - Di Dio, Canessa, Cappa and Rizzolati. The study compares photographs of two classical Greek sculptures with two contemporary young men in underwear and purports to derive some useful knowledge about the nature of aesthetic judgement. While I am not qualified to critique the experimental methods, I question assumptions underlying the study.
The study seems to ask this question: "What is the difference between looking at a Greek sculpture and looking at a dude in the gym change room?" As if the difference were simple. I contend the mater is far from simple. Let me elaborate why. The first complexity is the question of who is looking?
The first set of assumptions are about the normative (white? western? male?) viewer. Did the experimenters ask a Nuigini native or an Inuit? An Australian Aboriginal or a Mixtec?
Some people might be immediately outraged by being requires to view an image of a near-naked young male human, some might find the experience pleasurable.
In the case of viewing the images of two near-naked young men -  if the viewer is a gay male or a straight female, they might look at the images and wonder:
 Is he 'well hung'? Are his nipples pierced? Does he have a tattoo?
They might become sexually aroused.
A straight male or lesbian would likely not pursue such inquiry, but any viewer might ask "Am I looking at a genre of soft porn?"The images bear some resemblance to those by 'Tom of Finland'. 
They might look for markers of ethnic or social status:
What brand/style of underwear is he wearing?
Does he look smart or stupid?
What does his haircut tell me? Does he look like a neo-nazi skinhead?
Would I want to have conversation with him?
These and many other considerations will occur in any experimental subject.
Clearly, few are going to ask these questions about an archaic Greek sculpture.
To add another dimension of complexity:  these are images, representations, not the things themselves. As a moderately educated westerner, I know immediately I’m looking at an image of an archaic Greek sculpture, which fits into a particular version of cultural history which I am, to a greater or lesser extent, enculturated to. I can take a position, not about the sculptures as representations of naked guys, but as icons which stand for an entire historical and ideological narrative – I can endorse, reject, qualify, etc. Indeed, art history asks us to de-eroticise 'art', lest it become debased. This, in my opinion, is Victorian nonsense, but still very much part of the idea of 'art'.
The authors seem confident that there is such a thing as 'art', that we can distinguish between art and non-art, and that these Greek sculptures epitomise it. As an art professor, I dispute these assumptions. 
Further, as a culturally educated person, I read these images - regardless of what they represent - as, not just black and white (chemical) photographs indicative of a certain period of C20th image technology, but as offset lithographic translations of these photographs in mass paper media publication, possibly a compendious history of world art, circa 1970.
I may have opinions about such compendious histories of world art, and the way they reduce all artworks to small flat rectangles, and the way they thus create a false sense of continuity supporting a thesis about the history of art.
 The authors seem to feel that the Archaic Greek sculptures automatically qualify as some epitome of 'beauty'. This is indicative of an axiomatic endorsement of a theory of art history by the authors. I do not endorse this version of art history. I therefore do not automatically confer 'beauty or aesthetic value on these images. 
As I hope to have indicated,the ways contemporary westerners think about images is profoundly complex. To assume that fMRI data collected from subjects viewing these images represents aesthetic response, it to me, an unjustified assumption.
Simon Penny
Which was the value (in cm) of a Spann in the Habsbourg's Empire in 1659 ?
Question
13 answers
  • Xavier de CosterXavier de Coster
Archduke Leopold-Willem of Habsbourg, emperor Ferdinand III's brother, lived from 1647 to 1656 in Brussels, where he was general governor of the Low Countries.  He was a great collector of paintings; he bought no less than 1400 paintings of, among others, Holbein, Bruegel the Elder, Van Eyck, Mantegna,Giorgione, Veronese.
On May 6th, 1656, Léopold-Willem goes back from Antwerp to Vienna, bringing with him his collection of paintings, which he made install in 1657, partly in the Stallburg, in the Hofburg palace, partly in the Neue Burg.  He makes the Flemish painter Jan Anton van den Baren his manager of his collection.  In this collection, stands the Tower of Babel, as testifies the inventory written in 1659.  
In this inventory, the painting is described as follows : «581. Ein grosses Stückh von Öhlfarb auf Holz, warin der babilonische Thurn.  In einer alter Ramen mit verguldten Leisten, 6 Spann 4 Finger hoch, vnndt 8 ½ Spann braith.  Original vom älten Brögel.» (f° 255)
My question is : which was the value (in cm) of a Spann in this time ?  I didn't find a more recent book about the ancient measures than this (a bit old) one : Horace DOURSTHER : Dictionnaire universel des poids et mesures anciens et modernes, contenant des tables des monnaies de tous les pays, Bruxelles : M. Hayez, 1840.  But the author says nothing about the Spann.  Can anyone help me ?  I would be very glad, and thankful.
(Please, forgive me my bad english; I do my best, but it is not my mother language.)
Xavier de COSTER

Related Publications

Article
La civilisation phénicienne et punique is a truly comprehensive handbook of Phoenician and Punic civilization. Representing the state of scholarship in a relatively new and growing field at the end of the twentieth century, the volume offers surveys and syntheses by respected specialists in language and epigraphy, numismatics, archaeology, art hist...
Book
Full-text available
Everybody knows that the history and culture of Lahaul is almost unknown and neglected. If we talk about history, we know that history is never zero, nor is it ever complete. What is today will be history tomorrow. New facts, events will be added. So, this book has tried to add some new facts. The Chandrabhaga Sangam Festival started here, the Atal...
Got a technical question?
Get high-quality answers from experts.