Land degradation, caused by human-induced processes such as agricultural practices, deforestation and overgrazing, poses a significant threat to countries worldwide, including Tunisia. Agroecological farming practices, as well as the broader paradigm of agroecology to transform food systems, are considered important solutions to address the challenges and drivers of land degradation. This paper aims to explore the potential of future agroecology transformations in the country as well as institutional factors hindering such transformations. We build on the six domains of transformations by Anderson et al. (2021) and institutional analysis literature, and use soil governance as an example. Building on primary and secondary data, we find that the current institutional landscape in Tunisia is largely disabling of effective soil protection and broader agroecology transformations. The analysis provides insights into formal and informal institutions that can be targeted to build a more enabling environment for agroecology transformations.

Sustaining agricultural production in arid and semi‐arid regions is of paramount importance to food security, geo‐political independence, and social stability. In this context, it is vital to understand the effectiveness of policies. In this article, we aim to answer the question of what role the state and its policies play for soil protection in rainfed agriculture in Tunisia, and why. Beyond evaluating soil protection, this work contributes to explaining the role of the Tunisian state throughout the current phase of democratization for natural resource protection. That way it enhances our understanding of policy implementation in democratizing countries and contribute to theorizing of the policy process. We use qualitative methods and literature to understand the state infrastructural power of the Tunisian state in regard to soil protection. Land degradation in Tunisia remains a large problem. We explain the weak role of the state in effectively protecting soils as a result of subnational variation, and interrelated capabilities and weight of the state. Besides the overarching fiscal crisis that becomes worse over the years, neopatrimonial traits of the Tunisian state facilitate discrimination of rural areas, marginalization of parts of the farming population, and rainfed agriculture. Thereby, willingness and abilities of farmers and administrations to implement sustainable land management are undermined. Together with institutional uncertainty in administrations as a result of the current open‐ended democratization process, neopatrimonialist traits weaken administrative capacities.

Polycentric governance (PG) describes governance systems characterized by multiple, interdependent centers of decision‐making, offering an alternative to centralized governance models. PG is often assumed to be effective at helping policy actors address complex collective action problems, but burgeoning empirical literature on PG shows that it is not a panacea – PG is associated with both positive and negative governance outcomes. In this article, we ask: what do we know about why PG performs well in some cases but not in others? We start with a systematic review, synthesizing findings that provide empirical support for positive and negative features that are theorized to accompany PG. Our review reveals a critical gap in relation to our understanding of PG: the existing empirical literature largely fails to address change and evolution over time in PG systems, undermining our understanding of why PG works – or does not– across different contexts and over time. To fill this gap, we propose a “Context – Operations – Outcomes – Feedbacks” (COOF) framework that draws explicit attention to the interplay between context, operational arrangements, outcomes and identifies feedback pathways and adjustment mechanisms that drive dynamic change and evolution over time.

The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) is the most water-scarce region in the world. Recent research suggests that agroecology could be a basis for sustainable agriculture. We assess the spread of agroecology in the region and explore the prospect of self-organization among farming communities as an indicator for self-determination of the farming system. The focus is on Lebanon, Morocco and Tunisia. We present empirical data and propose an analytical framework for capturing the conditions for self-organizing arrangements in a transition to agroecology.

Coordination in the public sector among interdependent policies is considered crucial for their effectiveness. However, while coordination has been studied for decades, conceptual approaches to understand the functional and temporal dimensions of policy coordination are lacking. This paper attempts to address these gaps by integrating governance functions and action situations into the analysis of the policy cycle, thereby introducing the notion of holistic coordination. We argue that this approach is useful to get a more differentiated understanding of where and why coordination across the policy cycle breaks down, and to capture the political economy of policy-making. Empirically, we undertake an illustrative case study of the European Union (EU) Water Framework Directive (WFD) implementation in the Guadalquivir river basin, Spain, focusing on measures to reduce agricultural water consumption. We find that the failure to reach agreed policy objectives of reduction of water consumption can be traced back to the way governance functions were addressed and coordinated within action situations and across the overall policy cycle. Furthermore, the analysis shows that the lack of holistic coordination can be seen as an outcome of deliberate decisions by public actors involved in the policy, taken already at the beginning of the policy cycle. Thereby, expected benefits that agricultural water users associated with the policy have been deliberately increased, while their related expected costs have been decreased. Ultimately, this made the policy objective to reduce agricultural water consumption less credible and the policy more acceptable to water users and a powerful agricultural lobby.