Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta

(nemački) In der vorliegenden Arbeit wurden Charakteristika der sogenannten zusammengesetzten militärisch-zivilen Bezirke behandelt, die aus zwei oder drei Untereinheiten bestanden. Diese Untereinheiten der zusammengesetzten Bezirke hatten in der Regel feste zivile und militärische Verwaltungsstrukturen, d.h. sie hatten eine gewisse Unabhängigkeit. Ein zusammengesetzter Bezirk konnte in den Quellen als ein 'thema' (im Singular) bezeichnet werden oder auch im Plural als 'themata'. An seiner Spitze befand sich ein Dux/katepano oder gelegentlich auch ein Stratege. Der zivilen Verwaltung stand ein Richter/Prätor vor, welcher häufig das Amt eines anagrapheus innehatte. Weiterhin wurde der zusammengesetzte Bezirk Voleron-Strymon-Thessalonike naher untersucht sowie die Probleme, die mit dem Status seiner Unterheiten, insbesondere mit Voleron, zusammenhängen. Es ist möglich, dass aus denjenigen Gebieten des Balkans, die nach dem Jahr 1018 unter byzantinische Herrschaft gefallen waren, ein zusammengesetzter Bezirk gebildet wurde. Die Rede ist von dem Thema Bulgaria-Sirmium-Paradounavon. Es wird vermutet, dass die demographischen Umstände sowie die ethnische Zusammensetzung der Bevölkerung der Region Einfluss auf die Charakteristika des zusammengesetzten Bezirks hatten. Die zivile Verwaltungsstruktur war hier nicht derart beständig wie in den anderen Gebieten des Balkans, die bereits vor dem Krieg von 976-1018 unter byzantinischer Herrschaft standen. Sirmium und Paradounavon scheinen im zivilen Bereich der Verwaltung von Amtsträgern aus Bulgarien geleitet worden zu sein, wahrend die militärische Führung anscheinend unabhängig von Bulgarien war.

nema

A contribution to the study of Serbo-Bulgarian relations in the 1230s The enquiry into the cult of relics and its manifestations such as miracle working, transfer of mortal remains and the act of translatio that involves the topos of furta sacra relies on two lives of St Sava of Serbia, one penned by Domentijan (Domentianus), the other by Teodosije (Theodosius). The hagiographic episodes most relevant to this enquiry are certainly those describing Sava's stay in Tirnovo, his death (1236) and the translation of his remains to his homeland (1237). The narrative about the future saint's stay and death in Tirnovo gives conscious hints of the hero's sanctity using various hagiographic devices. Especially interesting to us is the account of the miracle Sava worked in Tirnovo while officiating the Epiphany service at the church of the Forty Martyrs. According to our analysis, the reference to the Epiphany service and the association of the miracle with that particular feast are certainly not an accident. The ideology of the Second Bulgarian Empire attached great importance to the epic victory over the Romaioi at the Battle of Tryavna in 1190, which was commemorated annually on the Day of Epiphany. The Byzantine historians Niketas Choniates and George Akropolites report that the Bulgarians seized the imperial insignia during the battle. It is irrelevant whether Sava's two hagiographers were aware of the importance of the feast or simply reiterated the well-known information about the service celebrated on that day at the church of the Forty Martyrs; what is quite certain is that the great honour of officiating the service-a celebration pregnant with symbolism-was bestowed upon the most distinguished guest and that it was then that, we believe not at all by chance, his miracle-working power was manifested in public-in front of the Bulgarian tsar, all clergy and the notables. As a natural consequence of the power of working miracles manifested in one's lifetime, the holy body of Sava, who passed away shortly afterwards, joined the most highly treasured relics of the Second Bulgarian Empire deposited in the church of the Forty Martyrs. The decision of Bulgarian tsar John II Asen to have Sava buried in his own foundation dedicated to the Forty Martyrs seems to have conveyed unequivocal symbolic messages. Not only that the hagiographer uses the topos of Christ-like haste, a quality of the ideal ruler, to depict the tsar's devout haste (to have Sava's tomb built in stone and marked with imperial insignia) but he also employs the device of connecting the tsar's actions with the well-established pattern of the ruler standing firm in the faith of Christ to build an imago pietatis as well known and required in that particular place in the text. The latter obviously helps the holy remains-referred to in both hagiographies much before the reference to the revelation of hero's sanctity through the elevation of his incorrupt body-to obtain the status of relic. In that respect, the power of sepulchral dust constitutes a distinctive feature of Sava's sanctity-it testifies to the miraculous power of the place itself even after the body was removed, continuing until the ban placed on Sava's cult after the death of John Asen (1241). The ultimate proof of sanctity is the discovery of the incorrupt body after its elevatio. That is exactly what happened, after the holy one himself had appeared in the tsar's dream prompting the translation and thus the elevation of the body from the first grave. The apparition of the holy one in the form of 'a terrifying vision' came as a consequence of the request made by the Serbian side: king Vladislav, the tsar's son-in-law, had come to Tirnovo to solicit Sava's return to Serbia. As the Bulgarian side was unwilling to part with the prestigious relics, preparations for their translation began clandestinely and in great haste. To describe the events that ensued, Domentijan, the writer of the earlier of Sava's two lives, uses a recognizable narrative: the account of the furtum sacrum is placed in the framework of a parallel he was familiar with. Domentijan uses an interesting metaphor to offset the vague circumstances surrounding the event. By likening Sava's relics to the epitome of the most precious relic - the icon of the Virgin with child, well known after the apocrypha concerning the birth of Christ, he in fact uses the language of apocrypha to bypass several important topoi contained in the narrative of furta sacra. The motif in question is that of the clandestine translation of relics amidst great fear and haste and the flight from the city (the 'Persian' story used by John of Damascus in his Homilies on nativity). The purpose of the hagiographic story is to function as a double parallel. On the one hand, the holy one's relics are likened to the oldest icon taken in its symbolic, apotropaic meaning-as the shield of the fatherland and a sign of God's grace-and on the other, the story is a framework, a recognizable model of finding a parallel, used by the hagiographer to evade further clarification of the circumstances and details of the famed furtum sacrum. It is for this reason that Domentijan's emphasis on the motif of likening appears quite expectable: 'in the same way the children of this Holy One, overwhelmed by great fear and in great haste, fled secretly from the city of Tirnovo'. Teodosije's account is much more straightforward: quoting the words of the Bulgarian tsar, he overtly accuses the Serbian king of having stolen the holy one's relics and the Bulgarians notables of having been bribed, and his account seems to match the reality much more. Viewed in the context of analysis of the symbolic language of political messages, the accounts of the two hagiographers become a telling testimony to the multilayeredness of medieval texts and to the possibility of their various interpretations.

The Genoese citizenship, granted to Carlo I Tocco and his regent mother Magdalene by the authorities of the Republic of Genova (December 2, 1389) is a document the existence of which is widely accepted in the scholarly circles despite the fact that the details of its contents have still remained largely unknown. Attempting to contribute to a better understanding of the circumstances under which the grant was issued, the first part of this paper brings the transcription of the entire document, as well as an analysis of its political and legal context. The paper's second part deals with the document's palaeographic, diplomatic, and sigillographie features as well as with its prosopographic and topographic details.

The Genoese citizenship, granted to Carlo I Tocco and his regent mother Magdalene by the authorities of the Republic of Genova (December 2, 1389) is a document the existence of which is widely accepted in the scholarly circles despite the fact that the details of its content have still remained largely unknown. Attempting to contribute to a better understanding of the circumstances under which the grant was issued, the first part of this paper brings the transcription of the entire document as well as an analysis of its political and legal context. The paper's second part deals with the document's paleographic, diplomatic, and sigillographic features, as well as with its prosopographic and topographic details.

In his book Ohridska slikarska škola XV veka, Beograd 1980, Gojko Subotić published three dedicatory church inscriptions, which refer to instances of the collective patronage of entire villages. Some remarks on the content of these inscriptions will be provided as will parallel examples from the late Byzantine period and the first centuries of the Ottoman occupation.

An attempt has been made in the article in order to summarize the foreign policy of Bulgaria during the 13th century. The author's observations are based both on individual sources and on a number of studies (above all on Bulgarian medieval studies). It is stressed that, once the Latins had conquered Constantinople in 1204, the Bulgarian Kingdom emerged on the historical scene as the main support and defender of the Balkan Orthodox world. It played, having been the main ally of Nicaea, an important role in restoring of the Byzantine Empire in 1261. The Tatar Golden Horde was an extremely negative factor for the foreign policy of Bulgaria after 1242-1243. Special attention is devoted to rich Bulgarian-Serbian relations. The animosity between the two states was connected to the expansion of the Serbian Kingdom during the second half of the century in Macedonia, and in the areas of Belgrade, Braničevo and Vidin. A considerable place in the Bulgarian foreign policy was attributed to the relations with the Roman Church and the Catholic states (the Hungarian Kingdom, the Latin Empire in Constantinople, the Kingdom of Naples, etc), as well as with the merchant republics of Ragusa, Venice and Genoa.

Ephraim from Ainos wrote a chronicle (Chronikē Istoria), in the twelve-syllable verse, which covered the history of the Old and New Rome from the 1st century A.D. to 1261, i.e. the period covering twelve centuries. While writing this chronicle, he predominantly relied on the world chronicle by John Zonaras and the historical works by Niketas Choniates and George Akropolites. In regard to Serbian 13th century history, it should be pointed out that Ephraim mentioned three pieces of information. Chronologically speaking, the two of them, the first and the third, are well known from other sources as well. The first one was the information that Eudokia, daughter of the Byzantine emperor Alexios III Angelos, had been married to Stefan, son of Nemanja, and the third one was about the well-known and well-documented event, the Serbian invasion into the European territories of the Empire of Nicaea, in the vicinity of towns Kičevo and Prilep, in 1257. The second news in order, and controversial to certain degree, spoke about the alleged occupation of the part of Serbian territories by the ruler of Epiros Theodore I Angelos during the first years of his rule. The contemporary historian George Akropolites, who was much closer to these events, did not list the Serbian territories among those conquered by the ruler of Epiros.

This paper deals with the differences that existed between Serbian menaia of the XIII and XIV centuries. Differences, in the first place, are considering the calendar i.e. the saints who were included in XIII century manuscripts and who, according to the Jerusalem liturgical tradition of the XIV century were eliminated from the XIV century manuscripts. The typica, that conduct the liturgical aspects of the service, had the major role in that process. This research is based on the manuscripts no. 58 and 361 of the Archive of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, no. 647 of the National Library of Serbia and no. 608 of the Hilandar Monastery. At the same time, the oldest Slavonic i.e. Russian manuscripts (from the very end of the XI and from the XII century) of the kind were included in this research. It appeared that apart from the differences considering the calendar, there are significant disagreements in content between the services dedicated to certain saints in the manuscripts of the XIII and XIV centuries. Full attention was given to the appearance of the services dedicated to one saint, that were copied almost at the same time, but with different content. The service of the 1. November (according to the mss. ASANU 361 and National Library 647) is offered as a vivid example.

Relations between the Serbs and the Bulgarians at the end of the 13th century has been a part of global international relations in the Balkans and in the Danube region. The Tatars (Mongols) as the powerful warring people represent external factor that highly influenced those relations. They also made powerful impact on the Serbian and Bulgarian states of the time. The relations between the Serbs and the Bulgarians had not been at the time determined by their attitude toward the Byzantine Empire which was of the Serbian state, while Bulgaria went through tough period of disintegration of the central power. The internal affaires of those two states influenced their mutual relations. During the war with the Byzantine Empire, king Milutin tried to keep Bulgaria on his side, which is the reason why he became related by the marriage to the Bulgarian imperial family. However, strong involvement of Nogay made this alliance non-useful. After 1299 Serbia lost interest for Bulgaria, and behavior toward the queen Ana made two states enter the 14th century as the enemies. The close relations would be maintained with Vidin. In the frame of those relations Milutin's marriage and release of the Bulgarian princess Ana should be regarded, while Stefan's marriage had been motivated differently and happened around 1305/1306.

A passage from Procopius, Bella VII 14, 23 is reconsidered, in which the beliefs of the heathen Slavs are described. It is shown to be corrupted. The main emendation proposed here consists in separating the word dçmioyrgón from the preceding tçz ástrapçz and connecting it with the following ápántõn: consequently, the supreme god of the Slavs is said not to be the producer of lightning, but the creator of the universe. .

The Monastery of St. Paraskevy is located above the village Brajčino, on the east shore of Lake Prespa in the Republic of Macedonia. In accordance with the incomplete donor’s inscription this one aisle church with a pitched roof was built and decorated at the same time. Reparations came around 1800, when rebuilding was done on the longitudinal walls and the narthex (without fresco decoration). The fresco paintings from the 15th century are preserved on the west facade, and on the east and west wall of the naos. The decorative program in the interior was common for the small type monastery churches without narthex. From the old edifice, on the corner of the outside southwest wall visible are remains of figures, a monk and a man in laymen’s attire facing eastward. The iconographic program of the west facade is interesting for the scenes which encompass the patrons niche: a reduced Last Judgment (Royal Deesis, Hell and Paradise, where the monk Pahomios above the gate is depicted in prayer) and the equestrian figures of St. George and St. Mena. A parallel for the rare iconography of St. Mena with the tamed beasts is found in an unpublished icon, which most probably was painted in the last quarter of the 15th century, and is kept presently on the iconostasis of the church of Panagia tou Apostolaki in Kastoria. In accordance with all the considered characteristics by means of comparative analysis, we assume that the anonymous master could be an individual who belonged to the painting workshops which are credited for painting the church of St. Nicholas of the nun Eupraxia in Kastoria. We suppose the painter worked in Brajčino soon after the year 1486 and before 1493, when the decoration of the church in Kremikovci was completed, in which he most likely took part as a member of another large workshop. Regarding the question about the origins of the style of the 'master from the 1480’s', the paper articulates an opinion that they should be traced not only in the long painting traditions of Kastoria and Ohrid, but also in the collaboration of the masters and the spread of their works in these two important centers of the Ohrid Archbishopric.

This work concerns the letter sent from the French College in Phillipopoli/Plovdiv (Bulgaria) by Pater Joannes /Jean-Baptiste/ Thibaut, the French Byzantines — musicologist, to Tihomir Ostojić, professor at the Secondary school (Gymnasium) in Novi Sad, a literature historian and expert on Traditional Serbian Church Chant. At that time Thibaut was widening his research interest in Byzantine Chant and neumatic notation, to include Slavonic Chant Tradition, first Russian Chant and later that of the Balkan peoples as well. He was one of the first foreigners to show interest in the Orthodox Chant Tradition of the Southern Slavs, and perceived that, contrary of the Russians, South Slavs never adopted early Byzantine neumatic notation. Visiting monasteries in Bulgaria he tried to find reasons for this lack of Byzantine notation among the Southern Slavs. In the above letter he posed very serious questions regarding Chant in the Serbian Orthodox Church, more precisely regarding the "Karlovci Chant". Unfortunately, it is not known if Thibaut received any kind of reply from Ostojić, nor have we found the reply sent to him by the Serbian Patriarch Georgije Branković, whom he also addressed, asking for help. Answers by those experts to the Thibaut's well formulated questions would be an extremely important contribution to studies of Traditional Serbian Church Chant.

Both Roman generals and modern historians have tended to find Julian's moves in the civil war of AD 361 hazardous as well as difficult to understand. This is especially true of his long, ultra-rapid and semi-clandestine journey down the Danube, which was carried out by a dangerously small corps (under the command of the Usurper himself !) and ended with a very brief visit to Sirmium. A competent and, otherwise, cautious general, Julian must have had strong reasons for the risky haste that led him to Sirmium. These reasons were not primarily of a military nature, though enlistment of fresh troops and formation of vexillationes was among the measures he undertook/ initiated in the Pannonian metropolis. A (neglected) passage (13. 287 a) of his Letter to the Athenians (? mainly written during the river journey but sent from Sirmium itself) implies that his visit to Sirmium was chiefly caused by his urgent need to secure the rich mines of precious metals managed by that city (mines situated in the Drinus valley and the Mt. Cer area), as well as silver and gold objects (coins, ingots, plates etc.) stored in Sirmium, which had a mint and the metal officinae of its own. All this would help him i.a. distribute the donativa, already promised to his soldiers and officers. Analogous strategies, inspired by the old experience that the pecunia and/or metalla is/are nervus belli civilis, left traces in the sources describing the wars between Constantine I and Licinius, Vitellius and Vespasian, Otho and Vitellius — to cite the most illustrative examples only.

The article deals with the iconography of the illustration of the Second Paschal Homily of St. Gregory of Nazianzus on fol. 285r of the Paris manuscript. It questions the identity of the woman saint represented on the right of St. Paraskeve in the lower register of the scene. Unlike that above St. Paraskeve, the inscription identifying this second woman saint is fragmentary and difficult to read, but it has been widely accepted that she is Saint Helena, mother of the Emperor Constantine the Great. On the basis of two other representations of Helena in the same manuscript and of the style of the inscription accompanying them, as well as taking into account the importance of the theological meaning expounded by St. Gregory in his oration, it is suggested that the second woman saint may be St. Kyriake.

nema

The author offers an interpretation of a passage from the history of George Pachymeres involving the fate of the highlanders of Asia Minor under Michael VIII Palaiologos during the 1260s. Contrary to the opinion of numerous scholars, these men were not transformed into pronoia soldiers but into mercenaries. .

As an iconographic theme, the representation of the embraced apostles Peter and Paul appears even in Early Byzantine art and symbolizes the universal Christian ideas of communion, concord and love. Based on its stylistic features, the fragment from Vatopedi can be dated to the very end of the 12th century and most probably belonged to the earliest preserved fresco paintings in the main church.

In this study, on the basis of the documents preserved in the Archives of Dubrovnik, the author has described the activities of the family Alberto (Bono) in Dubrovnik, in the Serbian lands and Venice at the end of the 14th and during the first half of the 15th century. The founder of the family was ser Alberto Bono, chancellor by vocation. He came to Dubrovnik from Venice in 1388 and worked as a clerk in the city municipality until the end of his life (1407). However, his sons and a grandson were engaged in intermediary commerce, connecting the lands in the hinterlands of Dubrovnik, Serbia and Bosnia, with the Mediterranean. Thanks to the commerce of precious metals from the Serbian lands, the family became very rich and outstanding. The members of the family, as the citizens of Dubrovnik, were included both in the economical and social life of the city. It could be seen, among other things, that they all, like many other rich and distinguished citizens of Dubrovnik, were elected into the ranks of the Antunini, that they were given lands in Konavle and in the Dubrovnik settlements (commercial colonies). In the Serbian lands some of them, even very often, were elected into judicial commissions. Nevertheless, the members of the family Alberti maintained all the time business and family relations with their land of origin.

In this paper, on the basis of some articles of the Statute of Kotor (Cattaro), as well as on the basis of historical documents from the archives in Kotor and Dubrovnik, the author described the Kotor salt market (kumerak solski) as one of the legal markets, where commerce of the salt was authorized. The special attention has been given to the participation of the Kotor municipality in this commerce, on one side, and on the other side, on the participation of the Serbian rulers of the Nemanjić dynasty. After Tvrtko's conquest of Kotor in 1384, he took, as the follower of the Nemanjić dynasty, the corresponding share of the Kotor salt custom. After Tvrtko's death in 1391 and weakening of the central power in Bosnia, a part of the Kotor salt market was used by the Bosnian feudal lords. The citizens of Dubrovnik did not pay great attention to the fact, that it was a legal salt market and they used every opportunity to close it, because it was their main rival. During the whole 14th century, they disabled the salt transportation from the sea. They were also destroying the Kotor salt factories in the field of Grbalj.

The paper analyzes the well-known historical works of George Akropolites and George Pachymeres from the viewpoint of their literary composition structure, lexica and narrative techniques used for describing events and personalities from Bulgaria and Serbia. An attempt is made to surpass the 'traditional' methodology and the usually applied standard approach that focuses almost exclusively to the search for the 'strong' historical facts in these literary works par excellence, in that way overlooking their strong literary character, careful expressions, sometimes evident and sometimes more subtle style differences whose purpose was to underline the focal points and the conclusions of the content of the stories - in short, the information and the stories about Bulgaria and Serbia by Akropolites and Pachymeres are analyzed in their entirety, viewed as the integral parts of the complex literary works, and not as isolated episodes, divided from the rest of the narrative. The ways in which George Akropolites depicted and described deaths of the Bulgarian rulers were studied as one of the best examples of his conscious endeavors to bring the literary style of his History in accord with his own judgments about the rulers of the neighboring country. Scenes of death, conspicuously frequent in Akropolites' relatively short historical work, play an important role in characterizing personalities, and the same principle which Akropolites uses for judging the Byzantines is applied to the Bulgarians as well: generally positive opinion about somebody's life and achievements is emphasized with a depiction of his death in a positive way (Ivan II Asen), and vice versa, Akropolites' 'villains' receive their horrible deaths as a deserved punishment for their bad deeds (Kalojan's death). On the other hand, Akropolites' scarce information about Serbs is supplemented with his depiction of the Serbian king Uroš (1243-1276), and his stance after the death of John Batatzes from the funerary oration to the same emperor, which has been completely overlooked by the scholars until now. Akropolites confirms that the Empire of Nicaea and king Uroš's Serbia were strongly connected, and that only after the death of the 'mighty' John Batatzes Serbian king allied himself with the ruler of Epiros, despotes Michael II Angelos. More complex in structure, language, narrative techniques and expressions than Akropolites' is without doubt the voluminous History by George Pachymeres. In the context of Pachymeres' depiction of the Bulgarians and Serbs, the chapters that describe Byzantine marital diplomacy regarding Bulgaria and Serbia are studied in details, with the emphasis placed equally on the literary analysis of the corresponding chapters, and on the concordance between the content and style, author's attitudes and expressions used, Pachymeres' intention and the form he had chosen, which all contribute in the end to the better understanding of the historical circumstances, as well. The following chapters of Pachymeres' History, forming the comprehensive narrative segments, were examined in detail: - the description of the marriage of the Bulgarian tsar Constantine Tich with the niece of the emperor Michael VIII (Pachymérès II/ V, 3: 441-445); - the unsuccessful attempt of alliance by marriage between the Serbian prince Milutin and the second daughter of the emperor Michael VIII (Pachymérès II/ V, 6: 453-457); - negotiations for the marriage between now king Milutin and Simonis, young daughter of the emperor Andronikos II, with all the circumstances that followed the complex negotiating process (Pachymérès III/ IX, 30: 299-303 Pachymérès III/ IX, 31: 303-305; Pachymérès IV/ X, 1: 307-309; Pachymérès IV X, 2: 309-313; Pachymérès IV/ X, 3: 313; Pachymérès IV/ X, 4: 313-315 Pachymérès IV/ X, 5: 315; Pachymérès IV/ X, 8: 319-321; Pachymérès IV/ X, 9 321-327).

(bugarski) Prez poslednite petnadeset godini v B'lgarija bjaha otkriti okolo osemdeset olovni amuleti s's zaklinatelni, evangelski, psaltirni tekstove na gr'cki, starob'lgarski (s kirilsko i glagoličesko pismo). Te doprinasjat za obogatjavane na našite predstavi za duhovnija život na srednovekovnija b'lgarin, t'j kato po-goljamata čast ot tjah sa ot X-XI v. Značitelen interes predstavljavat čast ot tezi tekstove, koito imat mnogo blizko paraleli s redica zaklinatelni molitvi v Trebnici ot XV-XVI v. Sred tjah sa i sr'bski Trebnici ot tozi period, čast ot koito imah v'zmožnost da izsledvam v r'kopisnite otdeli v Sofija, Sankt-Peterburg i Moskva. V nastojaščeto izsledvane se spiram samo na njakolko molitvi protiv nežit, čiito tekstove sa izpisani v'rhu olovni amuleti namereni v B'lgarija i imat blizki paraleli s's zaklinatelni molitvi ot sr'bski Trebnici.

nema

(bugarski) Statijata prosledjava ikonografskata evoljucija na izobraženijata na arhangelite Mihail i Gavriil, pomesteni pri vhoda na pravoslavnija hram. Povraten moment v neja e 13 vek. Togava arhangel Mihail započva da se izobrazjava kato voin. S tova apotropejnite mu funkcii namirat adekvaten vizualen izraz. K'm kraja na stoletieto arhangel Gavriil započva da se izobrazjava kato pisar - ikonografija, kojato šče b'de dorazvita i utv'rdena prez 14 vek. Prez postvizantijskata epoha v obraza na Mihail se pojavjavat elementi, koito akcentirat v'rhu roljata mu na psihopomp.

The article explores a virtually unknown episode in the history of Gračanica Monastery, a late nineteenth-century restoration of the monastery church. The results of this undertaking were still visible during the conservation of the church conducted in the 1960s and early 1970s. At that time the nineteenth-century interventions were only partially recorded before some of them were removed and permanently lost. The nineteenth- century refurbishing of the frescoes in the main dome was signed by one Mihail Iourokosk Debrel and is dated 1898. More significant, now lost and hitherto unpublished, was the refurbishing probably by the same Mihail, of an arcosolium in the south wall of the church. This arcosolium, whose original function is unknown, was painted and inscribed with a lengthy inscription indicating that the remains of Prince Lazar (who died in the Battle of Kosovo, on June 15, 1389) was temporarily deposited in this tomb before being moved to the monastery of Vrdnik - Ravanica on Fruska Gora. While the content of the inscription is a total fabrication, its implications are nonetheless interesting in several ways. The mastermind behind the project was probably the Metropolitan of Ra{ka - Prizren, Dionisije, who died on Dec. 5, 1900. In accordance with his own wishes, he was buried in the very arcosolium identified as the ‘temporary burial place’ of Prince Lazar. The rising importance of the cult of the Saintly Prince Lazar around 1900 provides the background for this historical fabrication whose construction was actually made up of several disparate elements, each marked by a degree of historical accuracy in its own right thus collectively contributing to its general relevance.

In this work, first we reconstructed and commented the western horseman's armament witch Anna Komnene had known (long spear, cross-bow, chain mail "Norman" shield, solarets). Afterwards, we established that Anne knew four types of western horseman's attack (attack in full gallop, attack from back slow march, attack from flank) and three types of their battle formation (strewn formation, congested formation, formation of two columns). Also, we commented Anna's knowledge of western siege engines (battering-ram, tortoise catapult, siege tower); we established that Anne knew five types of western siege tower. In the end, we commented several fragments witch show Anna Komnene's knowledge of the western siege tactics.

In her "Alexiad", Anna Komnine had left various fragmented statements from witch we noticed her knowledge of many components of west European feudalism. By reciprocal comparison of Anna's statements and by analysis of separate Anna's statements on the ground of west European feudalism's erudition, we managed to prove, notice or verify Anna's knowledge of the following components: homage, vassal's oath of fealty, "ordinary" vassal liege vassal, feudal curia, feudal consilium, feudal primo­geniture, ordeal by battle, count, sergeant, constable, chevalier. Also, we tried to establish the concrete details witch Anne had known about each of these components.

This article analyzes how Byzanitne Short Chronicles and Old Serbian Annals Inscriptions, and Genealogies depicted sultan Mehmed II, 'The Conqueror'. These sources are similar in character, as a genre belong to medieval popular literature, and reflect in its peculiar way the 'public opinion' of the Byzantines and the Serbs, two of the conquered nations under the Ottoman rule. The sultan was in narrow focus of anonymous chronicle writers who concisely and precisely, recorded important events of his life, above all his military successes. On rare occasions they dared enter next to his name negative qualifications, even outright rude insults. However, painfully aware in whose empire they all lived, they sometimes used the years of Mehmed's rule to date personal events in their own lives.

Numerous rhetorical writings of the Comnenian period constitute a fruitful field of research, both with respect to historical data, i.e. hard historical facts hidden, though still recognizable, behind the peculiar and somewhat abstract mode of expression of the authors of the twelfth century, and with regard to the poetics of the literary works themselves, i.e. the internal elements characteristic not only for the genre chosen, but also for each particular author. A comparative, historical and literary approach to these works renders their sense clearer and their complex allusions more readily understood. This is a matter of some importance, since allusions constitute one of the basic elements of historical rhetoric, which reached its peak at the time of Emperor Manuel Komnenos (1143-1180), especially during the first half of his reign, i.e. till the end of the fifties of the twelfth century. The poetry of Theodore Prodromes and of the somewhat younger Anonymous ('Prodromos') Manganeios is an excellent example of this intertwining of historical and literary elements, i.e. of the presentation of historical data through rhetorical patterns. One has to concentrate on individual works attempting to determine, as far as possible, the date of composition, the circumstances of writing and the purpose of a particular poem, the occasion for which it was written and the character of the expected audience, in order to better understand both the poetry written by these two rhetoricians and the individual features of the authors, as well as their respective positions in the circle around Emperor Manuel Komnenos. The poems dealt with in the present paper stand out for calling the Serbs by their real name. This naming practice was invariably employed by both rhetoricians in cases when new achievements of the basileus were to be announced and proclaimed immediately after the event, on the occasions of first reports, first celebrations of the new victories and accomplishments of the emperor, in short, whenever precision and accuracy of expression were imperative. Comparable to contemporary news and reports, under these circumstances both Theodore Prodromes and Anony mous Manganeios insisted on the real names of the defeated peoples and on the realistic description of the circumstances under which Byzantine, i.e. imperial, victories were gained. Writing soon after the event, these two poets had neither time nor interest in availing themselves of the artificial, ideologically loaded designations of the adversaries of Byzantium. On the contrary, their aim was to clearly point out the identity of the defeated barbarians by using concrete language and precise naming and to thus announce the emperor's victory over them. Within these limits, they could, of course, deploy their literary skills in different ways and put their poetic art on display through impressive and euphonic images, depicting the ideal of the basileus on the one hand and mocking those who dared stand up against him on the other. In contrast to innumerable encomia dedicated to Emperor Manuel Komnenos on different occasions, also including some writings of the two poets under discussion themselves, the current topicality of some of the their poems bears witness to the short time that had passed between the time they were composed and the event they described. It is in these poems that the Serbs are invariably called by their actual name, without the deployment of synonyms, as to explain or qualify the ethnonym (see in the first place W. Horandner Theodoras Prodromes. Historische Gedichte, Wien 1974, XXX. Recueil des historiens des croisades, Historiens grecs II, ed. E. Miller, Paris, 1881 761-763 (Manganeios, no. 26)). In order to get a better grasp of the overall poetics of these two poets, it is of some relevance to investigate the reasons underlying the use of particular ethnonyms. In this case it is the precise reference to the Serbs as the defeated enemies of the emperor, not to the Dalmatians, which is the name given to the Serbs in many of their poems which summarize the events of the past years and which are consequentially not conceived as depicting current events. An analysis of the poems of Theodore Prodromos and Anonymous Manganeios devoted to Manuel's expedition against the Serbs in 1149 enables us to better assess the documentary value of their verses, the connection of Prodromos' poem with the later historians of the Comnenian period, John Cinnamus and especially Nicetas Choniates, as well as the differences between the two authors (for instance, Prodromos' view from Constantinople as opposed to the position of the immediate witness assumed by Manganeios). What both poets unequivocally confirm in their political verses is that the purpose of a poem dictated the style in which it was written and the strength of rhetoric used in it.

The present paper deals with personal names mentioned by Demetrios Chomatenos which can with some certainty be identified as Slavic in origin. For the greater part, these are well-known Slavic names, often of Common Slavic origin, also attested in other Slavic languages. A couple of uncommon names is also attested, such as Svinjilo and Svinja (Sbēniloz, Sbina). Among the names of non-Slavic origin, it is the Saints' names that are most commonly found, but some others are attested as well, like Kuman, Sarakin or Kandid all of them well known among the South Slavs. The Slavonic ethnicity of the carriers of these names can as a rule be established by tracing their family relations. In the course of the 11th and 12th centuries, family names became quite common and stable in Byzantium, at least with aristocratic families. As first noted by Jacques Lefort, some paroikoi on the territories belonging to the monasteries of the Holy Mountain had family names, too, but these tended to appear sporadically and to disappear after some time. Demetrios Chomatenos' judicial decisions show that at that period family names were carried by the majority of the inhabitants of Byzantine Macedonia, Epirus and other regions (including women, sometimes even monks), not only the members of the elite. However, the Slavic population of these regions still often stuck to the ancient custom of naming a person only with a personal name sometimes supplemented by a patronymic. This notwithstanding, more than twenty persons did have, apart from their Slavic name, another one, usually of Christian origin. Although the data do not always allow for an unequivocal identification of the functions of each of these names, it can be safely assumed that they are not instances of double personal names, but rather that the name of Christian origin functions as a personal name, the Slavic one as a family name. This is quite certain for the family of Svinjilos from Berroia (Ponem. Diaph. 81) and very probable for the family of Ljutovojs (Litobonz) from Skoplje (59). People with double names are usually persons of some importance, members of local aristocracy, imperial clerks or high representatives of the clergy, which is indicated by the fact that their names are often preceded by epithets like megaliphaestatoz, pansebastoz sebastoz, kyr or by administrative titles like archōn. Family names are usually not grammatically different from personal names, mostly because it was common to simply take a personal name of an ancestor as the family name without further modifications, just like in Byzantine families. Chomatianos' judicial decisions yield only two derived family names, both formed from a Slavic stem with the Greek suffix -poyloz (Bogdanopoyloz, Serbopoyloz). Family names among the Slavs are attested at the same period in Dalmatian towns, whereas they are virtually unknown in the areas predominantly inhabited by Serbs, as evident from the Chrysobulls of Decani and other Serbian medieval documents.

The paper sketches the life and work of the archbishop of the autocephalous Byzantine archbishopric of Boulgaria/CAmd, Demetrios Chomatenos (fungit 1216-1236). His main work, the corpus of records Ponemata diaphora (=PD), appeared in 2002 in a critical edition in Vol. 38 of the CFHB. The PD prove to be a first quality historical source, also for the history of Serbia. This present paper is thus based on numerous new findings from the analysis of the PD and other relevant sources. In particular, it deals with the quasi-patriarchal self-understanding and work of Chomatenos, who was an excellent canonist and nomotriboumenos (legal expert): The increased rivalry between Nicaea and Epirus in the years 1215-1230 enabled him to act like a patriarch in the area controlled by the rulers of Epirus. In so far as he reached beyond the boundaries of his archbishopric in this connection, as a rule he acted with the consent of further metropolitans and bishops in the state of Epirus who — unlike him — were formally subject to the patriarch. This also applies for the coronation of Emperor Theodores Doukas which he carried out in 1227.

Essential concepts in Christian thought and practice, the desert and holy mountain denote a particular kind of monastic and sacral space. They are secluded from the world, intended for asceticism, and ambivalent in nature they are inhospitable and menacing zones populated with demons, but also a monastic paradise, places for spiritual conversion and encounter with the divine. From earliest times, deserts and holy mountains had a few distinguishing characteristics. All forms of monastic life, from communal to solitary, were practiced side by side there. Monks of a special make-up and distinction known as holy men who were also often founders of illustrious communities, future saints and miracle-workers acted there. Furthermore these locales were important spiritual and bookmaking centre's, and therefore, strongholds of Orthodoxy. When trying to research Serbian material on this topic, we face a specific situation: few surviving sources on the one hand, and devastated monuments on the other. The ultimate consequence is that the entire subject has been neglected. Therefore the study of the Serbian deserts and holy mountains requires a very complex interdisciplinary approach with systematic field work as its essential part. It should address the following issues: corroboration, on the basis of written sources, of the reception of the concept of the monastic desert and holy mountain in a particular, regional, context; the distinct means and mechanisms employed in their physical realization; interpretation of their function; the recognition of patterns preserved in the surviving physical structures. Even the results obtained so far appear to be relevant enough to become included in the sacral topography of the Christian world. The author of this study gives particular attention to the detailed analysis of written sources of various genres - diplomatic sources, hagiographic material, liturgical texts, observation notes - in order to establish the meaning and the function of the monastic locales labeled as deserts and holy mountains (and, in a limited number of cases, also known as caves). The most important conclusions that may be drawn would be the following: the terms are interchangeable and were used both in a broader and a narrower sense, but in either case in reference to the space intended for higher forms of monastic life. A particularly broad range of meanings had the term desert which could refer to a distinct locale, as a rule a river gorge, or a mountain inhabited by hermits, but also a cave hermitage, the hesychasterion of a coenobitic community. The distinct forms of monastic life in such areas were communities of two or three or a few monks, organized as a skete or as a cell. In the deserts and mountains hermits primarily pursued the practice of 'agon and hesychia', but were also engaged in manuscript copying - an important peculiarity of Serbian eremitic monasticism. Finally, such locales were thought of by their dwellers as spiritual cities and the narrow path leading to Heavenly Jerusalem. The other thematic focus is an analysis of spatial patterns and architectural structures based on the relevant examples studied so far. Different types of monastic communities functioning as deserts were considered, from the point of view of their spatial situation and their relationship to the coenobia. In this context, field research identified examples of the so-called internal deserts, which was reconfirmed by the records from written sources. Special attention was given to the mechanism for creating a holy mount in the Serbian environment, according to the recognizable, athonite model. Also analyzed were architectural solutions characteristic of Serbian monastic deserts, from the simplest ones such as wooden huts and walled-up caves to monumental multi-storied edifices, equipped with different features. Finally, the conclusions that have been reached serve as a basis for defining future priorities in the field research of this topic.

nema

(francuski) La question de l'origine du tsar bulgare Constantin Asen (1257-1277), plus souvent appelé dans l'historiographie moderne Constantin Tich (Tih), a été depuis longtemps posée. Les sources susceptibles d'y répondre sont peu nombreuses et parfaitement répertoriées. A commencer par Constantin Asen lui-même qui, dans sa charte délivrée au monastère Saint-Georges près de Skopje, range 'saint Simeon Nemanja, aïeul de mon empire' au nombre des anciens ktètors de cet établissement. Pour ce qui est des auteurs byzantins, chez Georges Akropolytès, son contemporain, ce tsar est à plusieurs reprises appelé Constantin fils de Tich ou simplement Constantin; un peu plus tard Georges Pachymère le désigne une première fois comme Constantin Tich, puis, par la suite, régulièrement comme Constantin avec l'intéressante précision que celui-ci était par sa naissance pour moitie (ex ēmiseias) serbe; plus tard encore, Nicéphore Grégoras, parle d'un puissant seigneur portant le prénom de Constantin et le 'nom' (epőnymon) de Tich. En 1258/59, dans son inscription de ktètor apposée dans une église à Bojana, un certain sébastocrator Kalojan fait état, en sa qualité de 'fils du frère du tsar' et de 'petit-fils du saint roi Stefan', de liens de parente avec le tsar régnant en Bulgarie, Constantin Asen, et le défunt roi de Serbie, Stefan le Premier Couronne (Prvovenčani). Enfin, dans l'historiographie byzantine, il ressort clairement du récit relatif a la crise de succession en Bulgarie en 1257 que Constantin n'était pas membre de la dynastie des Asen. Jusqu'a présent, le lien de parente de Constantin Tich (Tih) avec le grand joupan de Serbie Stefan Nemanja (1166-1196), plus tard devenu moine et saint sous le nom de Simeon, a été le plus souvent recherchée à travers une lignée féminine, soit une hypothétique fille de Nemanja inconnue des sources, qui aurait été la mère ce tsar. Cette solution pourrait cependant ne pas être la seule piste envisageable. Pour cela il faut revenir à la charte de Saint-Georges et au terme d''aïeul (de mon empire)' qui marquant la parente, peut s'appliquer dans des cas d'ascendance directe mais aussi indirecte. Constantin aurait donc pu tout aussi bien afficher a travers celui-ci une parente quelque peu plus éloigne avec Nemanja, passant par un des frères, voire une très hypothétique sœur, de ce dernier. Ainsi, celui que nous appellerions aujourd'hui un 'grand-oncle', a pu être désigné dans cette charte comme un 'aïeul (de mon empire)'. Qu'un tel lien de parente, même indirect, surtout avec saint Simeon (notamment au vu de l'essor de son culte), c'est-à-dire non seulement l'existence d'une ascendance et d'un droit de succession directs, ait pu être un raison suffisante pour en appeler à celle-ci est attestée par l'exemple chronologiquement proche de l'inscription funéraire du joupan Stefan Prvoslav, apposée vers 1220, dans laquelle ce dernier est, entre autre, qualifie de 'neveu de saint Simeon Nemanja'. En ce sens, la précision relevée chez Pachymère pourrait, elle aussi, suggérer, par sa formulation, que Constantin était d'origine serbe par son père et non par sa mère. Cet auteur s'en tenait assurément au principe selon lequel l'origine par le père était sous-en-tendue, alors que l'origine par la mère devait être signalée si nécessaire. Les meilleurs exemples en sont les passages où il rapporte, s'agissant du fils du roi de Hongrie Stefan IV, qu'il était d''origine romée (rőmogenēs), par sa mère' la fille de l'empereur Théodore Ier, et, s'agissant du tsar de Bulgarie Théodore Svetoslav, qu'il était 'Bulgare par sa mère, car son père Terter était Coman'. Hormis ces remarques de nature générale, une même conclusion concernant l'origine du tsar de Bulgarie Constantin s'impose également à la lecture du récit de Pachymère. Sa relation des troubles survenus en 1257 lors de la succession au trône de Bulgarie montre qu'en l'absence de descendant male de la lignée des Asen, les liens de parente et l'origine nationale des prétendants ont joué un rôle clé dans la résolution de la question de la légalité du pouvoir et, plus générale, de la crise de succession. On y apprend que le premier candidat Mytsès (Mico), était à la fois gendre d'Ivan II Asen (1218-1241), ainsi que beau-frère de Théodore II Lascaris (1254-1258) et Bulgare (Boylgaros őn), et pouvait prétendre - à ce double titre - à exercer le pouvoir sur les Bulgares, mais que les puissants se sont ranges aux cotes de Constantin, qui était pour moitie serbe (ek Serbőn ex ēmiseias to genos echonta). De fait, ne pouvant se prévaloir de quelque lien de parente avec les Asen et d'un droit quel qu'il soit à la succession au trône, Constantin a par la suite pris pour épouse Irène, fille de Théodore II Lascaris et nièce de Ivan II Asen, ce qui lui a confère le même droit au trône des Asen qu'a son concurrent Mytsès (ep' isőn eiche to pros tēn toy Asan basileian dikaion tő Mytzē). Et c'est précisément le fait que tout en ayant un père serbe, et une mère, par conséquent bulgare, c'est lui qui a été désigné tsar grâce à son prestige de puissant seigneur de Bulgarie, qui a amené la remarque de Pachymère. On peut difficilement imaginer que la situation inverse, à savoir si Constantin avait eu un père bulgare et une mère serbe, aurait pu avoir quelque incidence de nature politique sur le résultat de la crise de succession au trône, au point de trouver ensuite un écho dans l'historiographie. Dans l'historiographie moderne il a depuis longtemps était avancé que Tich (Tih) devait être une abréviation de Tihomir, Tihoslav, Tihota ou Tihotica. Ceci nous amène ici à supposer que le père de Constantin s'appelait en fait Tihomir. Il nous apparaît, en effet, en raison d'une similitude, voire identité, de prénom que le frère aîné de Nemanja, dont on pense que le prénom était Tihomir et qui a été, en son temps, grand joupan (1163/65-1166), pourrait être un élément tout particulièrement intéressant s'agissant de la question de l'origine du tsar Constantin. Son activité entre 1166 et 1168, après que son frère Stefan Nemanja l'a destitué du pouvoir, pourrait même être rattachée à la Skopje byzantine. Par ailleurs, un document de l'archevêque de Ochrid Dimitrius Chomatianos, en date de 1220, fait mention d'un certain archonte de Skopje du nom de Jovan Tihomirov ou Jovan Tihomir (…toy …Iőannoy toy Teichomoiroy) - Tihomir est ici très vraisemblablement un patronyme, puisqu'il est peut probable qu'il s'agisse de deux nom propres - qui, vers la fin du XIIe siècle, régnait quasiment en maître sur la ville. Il est donc permis de supposer l'existence d'un lien de parente entre ce Jovan et, d'une part l'ancien grand joupan Tihomir (fils) et, d'autre part, le tsar de Bulgarie Constantin (oncle ou père). Cette construction ne repose toutefois, pour l'essentiel, que sur une similitude de prénoms. Partant de cette supposée parente entre le tsar Constantin et l'archonte de Skopje Jovan Tihomir certains chercheurs ont déjà avance l'hypothèse que Constantin est monté sur le trône bulgare en 1257 en tant que puissant seigneur de Skopje ou gouverneur de la région de Skopje. On note cependant que d'autres chercheurs considèrent que cette même année 1257 a vu une brève domination du roi de Serbie Uroš sur Skopje. Cette information, qui n'est en fait connue que d'après une seule source tardive, à savoir la charte du fils d'Uroš, Milutin délivrée au monastère de Chilandar en 1299/1300, a ainsi été rapprochée des événements mentionnés dans l'Histoire de Georges Acropolitès pour l'année 1257, lorsque le roi de Serbie, en tant qu'allie du despote Michel II Ange, a pris Kičevo et dévasté les environs de Prilep. Or, dans une charte de Milutin délivrée au monastère skopiote - déjà nomme - de Saint-Georges (Gorg) datant de cette même année 1299/1300, le tsar bulgare Constantin figure avant le roi Uroš au nombre des anciens ktètors et donateurs du monastère. Et il s'entend que les ktètors sont ici très certainement mentionnes selon l'ordre chronologique de la domination exercée sur Skopje. La charte de Constantin délivrée au même monastère, dont la date n'est pas conservée, ne fait, elle non plus, nullement état d'une charte antérieure de Uroš. Et Il convient ici de prendre avec réserve le suppose itinéraire - passant par Skopje et Polog pour atteindre Kičevo et Prilep - de l'expédition du roi de Serbie Uroš en 1257, car des témoignages attestent parfaitement l'existence d'un itinéraire alternatif, mais tout aussi important et utilise, allant de Prizren à Tetovo en logeant les contreforts du massif de la Šara, de sorte qu'il était possible d'atteindre Kičevo depuis les territoires du roi de Serbie sans passer par Skopje. Compte tenu de tout cela, il paraît permis d'accepter la supposition voulant que l'origine du tsar Constantin soit liée à Skopje et à la région de Skopje. Dans les travaux s'étant intéressés à l'origine du tsar Constantin Tich, la réponse à cette question a également été rattachée, sur la base de l'inscription de l'église de Bojana, à celle concernant l'origine du sébastocrator Kalojan. Il ne fait aucun doute que lui non plus n'était pas un Asen, car, si cela avait été le cas, il aurait eu le droit de prétendre au trône laissé vacant à la suite des meurtres de Michel Asen et de Kaliman, or les auteurs byzantins nous apprennent précisément que le pouvoir n'avait pas d''héritier légal' en Bulgarie. Le témoignage apporté par l'inscription de Bojana, selon laquelle Kalojan est un 'fils du frère du tsar' (à savoir le tsar Constantin) et 'petit-fils du saint roi de Serbie Stefan' (à savoir Stefan le Premier Couronné), semblerait être contradictoire. Cela n'est toutefois le cas que si nous perdons de vue le fait que la notion de parenté induite par 'fils du frère' (bratoučad), pouvait également se rapporter à des personnes appartenant à différentes générations. Nonobstant notre connaissance encore insuffisante des détails prosopographiques concernant le tsar Constantin Tich et le sébastocrator Kalojan, ces deux Nemanjić, porteurs de titres particulièrement élevés, sont deus personnages intéressants qui attestent parfaitement de la mobilité horizontale et verticale au sein du monde byzantin, autrement du 'commenwealth byzantin', compris au sens le plus large.

By the end of the 8th century, after the expedition of 783 led by Staurakios the imperial forces began the reestablishing of the imperial control over those parts of the Peloponnesus which had previously been in the hands of independent Slavs for about 200 years. The result was the administrative reorganization of the whole of the peninsula. The administrative reorganization was followed by the ecclesiastical one. Thus, in the so-called Notitia 2, written after 805/806 and before the end of 814, we find an entirely new image of the ecclesiastical organization of that part of the Empire. Alongside the old Metropolis of Corinth, there are now two new metropolitan sees - that of Patras and that of Athens. The Metropolis of Patras was founded by the charter of the emperor Nikephoros I, between 1st november 805 and 25th february 806. But, the Church of Patras already existed even before that moment, as an autocephalous archbishopric, subordinated directly to the patriarchical throne of Constantinople, and its existence in that rank was attested as early as 787. The Metropolis of Athens was established sometime during that same period, in the reign of patriarch Tarasios, but after the Council of 787, so the date of its establishment could be placed between 787 and 806. Like the Church of Patras, the Church of Athens also had the rank of autocephalous archbishopric, subordinated directly to Constantinople, before it was elevated to the rank of metropolis. It is not certain when the Church of Athens received the rank of autocephalous archbishopric. What were reasons for the creation of these new metropolitan sees within the old province of the Metropolis of Corinth? The ancient Metropolis of Corinth was the ecclesiastical center of the ancient province of Achaia, which in the later Roman times covered all of the Peloponnesus and Central Greece. But, the province of Achaia existed no more and so the rights and claims of the See of Corinth lost their value. For during the two-century-long rule of the pagan Slavs in vast regions of the Peloponnesus, the ecclesiastical organization in these regions vanished, and the jurisdiction of the See of Corinth was limited only to those parts of the former province of Achaia which remained under imperial control (that is the lands east of the Corinth-Malea line). When the Slavs of the Peloponnesus were defeated and subdued, after 783, the process of their christianization began, but the territory once controlled by them was not placed under the jurisdiction of the See of Corinth. In that territory, the autocephalous archbishopric of Patras was established and subjugated directly to Constantinople. Later, after the emperor Nikephoros crushed the Slavic rebellion, he established an independent Metropolis of Patras, in 805/806 which jurisdiction exclusively covered all of the former Slav-controlled territory of the peninsula. The new theme of the Peloponnesus was created out of the old imperial possessions in the peninsula, cut off from the old theme of Hellas, joined by the newly gained territories of the former Slavic parts of the peninsula. The theme of Hellas was thus limited to the territory that lay north of the Corinthian Isthmus. As a result of the separation of the new theme of Peloponnesus from the old theme of Hellas, which left Corinth in the territory of the new theme, the new ecclesiastical authority was established for the territory which was left to the theme of Hellas, i.e. for the territory north of the Corinthian Isthmus - the Metropolis of Athens. That event occurred after the Ecumenical Council of 787 and before the death of patriarche Tarasios in 806. Thus, as a result of all these changes in the administrative and ecclesiastical framework, the entirely new image of the Peloponnesus and Central Greece appeared at the beginning of the 9th century. Old, now smaller, theme of Hellas got its new Metropolis of Athens. The old Metropolis of Corinth remained head of the new theme of Peloponnesus, and the new Metropolis of Patras was created for the Slavic part of the theme of Peloponnesus. New administrative division caused new ecclesiastical organization. It was not based on patterns of old, late Roman principles, nor they were revived, but it was that new conditions demanded new responses. The Empire found them, in the finest manner of Byzantine oikonomia.

(francuski) L'auteur de ce travail considère les rapports des Dragaš avec certains monastères athonites: Saint-Pantéléèmôn, Chilandar, Iviron, Kutlumus et Vatopédi. En l'occurrence, on sait qu'outre la confirmation d'anciens privilèges fonciers, ils ont octroyé de nouveaux droits à ces établissements à travers la donation de nombre de villages et d'églises sis sur le territoire de leur Etat, très agrandi après la bataille de la Maritsa (26 septembre 1371), et, le cas échéant, ont résolu les litiges fonciers les opposant entre eux. Cette activité est attestée par plusieurs documents délivrés à ces monastères, dont les indications chronologiques subsistant sur les originaux endommagés ne sont pas toujours fiables, alors qu'elles font totalement défaut sur les copies. L'auteur estime que Chilandar et Saint Pantéléèmôn sont les premiers monastères athonites à avoir sollicité l'intervention des nouveaux maîtres de la région de la Strumica, tout d'abord pour résoudre un litige concernant le village de Breznica, qui opposait ces deux établissements depuis approximativement 1364. On sait que ce village est vraisemblablement échu au monastère russe un peu après juin 1374. A cette époque, d'après des copies conservées, les frères Dragaš — le despote Jovan et gospodin Konstantin — ont offert à Saint-Pantéléèmôn une dizaine de villages sis dans la région de la Strumica, dont la majorité existent encore aujourd'hui, ainsi qu'un ou deux hameaux; la donation de ces villages incluait celle de neuf églises patrimoniales, auxquelles ils ont également ajouté une église située à Strumica et deux respectivement à Pétrie et dans les environs de cette ville. Pour sa part, le gospodin Konstantin semble avoir rattaché à Saint-Pantéléèmôn jusqu'à 18 villages, 3 hameaux et 6 églises sis dans la région de Tikveš. En fait, nous possédons uniquement une seule copie faisant état de la donation à cet établissement de l'église Saint-Georges sise à Pološko avec les villages de Pološko, Košane et Dragoželj. Cependant cette donation pourrait justement être mise en doute compte tenu que nous savons que l'empereur Dušan a rattaché cette église avec les trois villages mentionnés au monastère de Chilandar en février 1340. L'auteur attire toutefois l'attention sur le fait que l'église Saint-Georges avec ces villages, dans ce cas, se serait retrouvé comme une possession isolée de Chilandar, entourée de possessions de Saint-Pantéléèmôn de sorte qu'il n'exclut non plus la possibilité qu'il soit question d'une donnée digne de foi. Par conséquent, une solution serait que Chilandar s'est peut-être vu dédommagée la perte de ces villages et de cette église sis à Pološko par la cession de villages sis dans une autre région. Finalement, Konstantin a également offert au monastère athonite russe deux autres églises — une sise à Štip et la seconde à Zletovo avec les droits leur appartenant. Les litiges apparus entre les moines de Chilandar et ceux de Saint-Pantéléèmôn au sujet de leur possessions limitrophes, sises sur la rive droite de la Strumica ont été résolus, sur ordre du gospodin Konstantin et du conseil de ses seigneurs par les évêques de Strumica et de Vodoča en 1375/76. Puis, vers 1376/77, les frères Dragaš avec leur mère, l'impératrice Evdokija, ont confirmé à Saint-Pantéléèmôn la possession de villages sur la seule rive droite de la Strumica, ce faisant leur acte consigne de façon précise les droits de ces villages très probablement aux fins de prévenir tout nouveau litige avec les voisins de ces biens dans la jouissance de ceux-ci. Les donations des frères Dragaš en faveur de Chilandar s'avèrent également très nombreuses. Par un acte daté du 1er juin 1377 le despote Jovan et le gospodin Konstantin ont confirmé à Chilandar la possession durable et inaliénable de l'église Saint-Biaise à Štip et de trois villages sis dans les environs de cette ville. Ensuite, vers 1379 ou en 1380/81, l'impératrice Evdokija et le gospodin Konstantin ont donné à Chilandar leur église patrimoniale dédiée à la Vierge sise au lieu dit Arhiljevica et 19 villages avec leurs droits; au printemps 1380, Konstantin, à la demande des moines de Chilandar, a rattaché à leur monastère quelques villages sis dans la région de Vranje; une seconde importante possession de Chilandar sise à Lesnovo, en l'occurrence l'église du Saint-Archange (Michel), a été restituée par Konstantin à ce monastère le 15 août 1381, à la demande de ses moines et par l'intermédiaire du milosnik voïvode Dmitar. L'église du Saint-Archange a été remise avec 10 villages, 5 hameaux, 4 villages abandonnés, ainsi qu'avec tous leurs droits dans la région de Lesnovo, de Bregalnica et de Štip; parallèlement, Konstantin a confirmé à l'église du Saint-Archange une donation de Dušan, en l'occurrence un revenu annuel de 100 hyperpres provenant du marché de Zletovo. Enfin vraisemblablement vers la fin de la neuvième décennie du XIVème siècle satisfaisant une requête du voïvode Dmitar alors entrée en religion Konstantin a rattaché à Chilandar trois autres villages sis dans les environs de Štip. En plus des villages offerts par les frères Dragaš ou par Konstantin seul, les monastères se sont vu attribuer tous les impôts et corvées rattachés à ces biens. Pour tout ce qu'il a fait pour leur monastère les moines de Chilandar reconnaissants ont rangé gospodin Konstantin au nombres des fondateurs de leur établissement. Les frères Dragaš étaient en relation avec le monastère d'Iviron par le biais de son métoque dédié à la Vierge Eléoussa, situé non loin de Strumica, auquel ils ont cédé (le 13 janvier 1380) deux importants privilèges, exemptant pour toujours ses hommes de l'obligation de la bigla (bigliatikori) et de la moisson de froment (žetva žitna) — corvées au profit de l'Etat, dont les souverains serbes exemptent d'habitude les habitants des villages appartenant à des monastères. Une donnée (juin 1393) nous apprenant que le gospodin Konstantin était un bienfaiteur de Kutlumus apparaît toute à fait digne de foi; ce seigneur y est mentionné comme son 'protecteur et fondateur'. Toutefois, nous ne possédons aucune information sur les donations, assurément importantes pour justifier ces titres honorifiques, faites par Kontantin à cet établissement. A la différence des actes par lesquels les Dragaš ont procédé à des donations à Saint-Pantéléèmôn, Chilandar et Iviron, et qui, par leur formulation, sont très proches des actes impériaux, ce qui pourrait attester qu'ils sont issus de la chancellerie de souverains indépendants, l'acte par lequel Konstantin a confirmé à Vatopédi, en octobre 1393, le monastère de la Sainte-Vierge Pantanassa sis à Melnik, petit établissement gravement délabré, montre clairement que le donateur a une position de vassal par rapport au sultan ottoman, qu'il mentionne comme. Pour cette raison l'auteur en conclut que le despote Jovan, jusqu'à son entrée en religion un peu après 1377, et le gospodin Konstantin, vraisemblablement jusqu'à la bataille de Kosovo (13 juin 1389) ont protégé les intérêts des moines hagiorites, à ce qu'il semble en qualité de souverains indépendants satisfaisant à leur requêtes. Si le gospodin Konstantin s'est trouvé dans quelque position dépendante par rapport au sultan ottoman, il est toutefois certain que celle-ci n'atteignait pas le degré que suggère notre acte d'octobre 1393. .

The peninsula of Athos in Chalkidiki became a center of organized monachal life in monasteries in the year 963, when with the initiative of the Byzantine emperor Nichephorus Phocas the Monastery of Great Laura was founded. Since that time Mount Athos (=MA) became the "Holy Mountain" and has attracted the moral and material support of the Byzantine emperors, various Orthodox countries and the flock till today. During this long period of more then one thousand years, MA was armed with a privileged legal status, the existence of which continues till now. The legal status of MA is based on three foundations: I. The law of the Hellenic Republic, II. The Public International Law, and III. The European Law. I. Fundamental significance for the status of MA have the provisions of article 105 of the Greek Constitution. Then is the Charter of MA, which is drawn up and voted by the Athonite monachal authorities and afterwards ratified by the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople and the Greek Parliament. The Charter is a law of superior formal force in comparison to the other laws. According to the Constitution and the Charter, MA has an ancient privileged status and is a self-governed part of the Greek State, whose sovereignty remains intact. Spiritually MA is under the direct jurisdiction of the Ecumenical Patriarchate, direct in the sense that the Ecumenical Patriarch is also the local bishop of MA The territory of the peninsula is exempt from expropriation and is divided among the twenty Athonite monasteries exclusively. The administrative power lies in self-administration of the first and the second degree. The first is exercised by the ruling twenty monasteries. This number may not be changed, nor may their position in the preeminence, nor towards their dependencies (skates, cells, hermitages). Nowadays all the monasteries are coenobitic, i.e. the monks share a common life and have no private property. The monasteries are administered by the abbot, the Elders' Assembly and the Brotherhood. Second degree administration is operated by: 1. the Holy Community. It is comprised by twenty monks members, each of whom represents one monastery, 2. the Holy Community's executive organ is the Hiera Epistassia, which comprises four monks drawn annually from four monasteries in rotation. The leader of the Hiera Epistassia is called the First (= Protos). The Hiera Epistassis also performs specific duties as police force, police court and municipality of Karyes, the capital town of MA The legislative power is in the hands of: 1. The Holy Community as far as concerns the Charter of MA, 2. the Extraordinary Biannual Twenty-Members Assembly, which draws up the regulative provisions, and 3. the Greek State, as far as concerns: a) the rights and the duties of the (civil) Governor of MA, b) the judicial power of the Athonite authorities, and c) the custom and taxation privileges granted by the State to MA The judicial power belongs to: 1. the monastic courts (the abbot with the Elders' Assembly), 2. the Holy Community, 3. the Hiera Epistassia, and 4. the Ecumenical Patriarchate. The observance of the regimes is in the spiritual field under the supreme supervision of the Patriarchate and in the administrative under the supervision of the State, which is also exclusively responsible for safeguarding public order and security. These responsibilities of the State are exercised through the (civil) Governor of MA, whose rights and duties are determined by common law. All persons leading a monastic life in MA acquire the Greek citizenship without further formalities, upon admission in a monastery as novices or monks. Also persons who are not Orthodox Christians or they are schismatic Orthodox are prohibited from dwelling in MA II. The first international treaty that recognized an international protection of the MA status was that of San Stefano (1878), but only for the Russian monks. The Treaty of Berlin (also 1878) recognized the same protection for all the monks who were not borne in the Ottoman empire. Its article n° 62,8 was as follows: "Les moines du Mont Athos, quel que soit leur pays d'origine, seront maintenus dans leurs possessions et avantages antérieurs et jouiront, sans aucune exception, d'une entière égalité de droits et prerogatives". This provision was repeated in the special treaties of Sèvres (1920) and then in the protocol of the Treaty of Lausanne (1923). These treaties safeguarded the rights and the liberties of the non-Greek monastic communi ties in MA as follows: "La Grèce s'engage à reconnaître et maintenir les droits traditionnels et les libertés, dont jouissent les communautés monastiques non grecques du Mont Athos d'après les dispositions de l'article 62 du traité de Berlin du 13 juillet 1878". The same provision has been repeated in the Legislative Decree of 29.9/30.10.1923 "On the Protection of Minorities in Greece", article 13. III. Because a lot of provisions of the MA law are opposite to the principles of the European Union (for example the clausura to women, the special license in order to visit the peninsula, the taxation and customs privileges etc.), Joint Declaration n° 4 concerns MA was included in the Final Act (1979) of the Agreement concerning the accession of the Hellenic Republic in the European Economic Community, now-a days European Union. According to this Declaration, recognizing that the special status granted to MA, as guaranteed by the Greek Constitution, is justified exclusively on grounds of a spiritual and religious nature, the Community will ensure that this status is taken into account in the application and subsequent preparation of pro visions of Community law, in particular in relation to customs franchise privileges, tax exemptions, and the right of establishment. .

(francuski) Ce texte reprend l'introduction d'une communication présentée lors de la Conférence international organisée a Belgrad en 2008, sous l'intitule 'La réciprocité serbo-bulgare dans le monde byzantin du XIIIe siècle'. L'auteur de cette communication observe les rapports entre l'Etat et l'Eglise au sein de la Serbie dans le cadre plus large de la scène internationale au lendemain de la prise de Constantinople (1204) lors de la IVe croisade et durant la longue éclipse de l'Empire grec byzantin qui se solda par une profonde modification de l'espace des Balkans. Sans avoir joué un rôle significatif dans l'avènement même de cette politique à leurs frontières, la Serbie et la Bulgarie ont été contraintes de s'y adapter. C'est alors que ces Etats établissent d'intenses relations avec le monde occidental. L'un comme l'autre accèdent au rang de monarchie grâce aux couronnes royales respectivement envoyées par le pape Innocent III pour la Bulgarie, et Honorius III pour la Serbie (1217). Selon des conceptions de l'époque, un tel acte équivalait à une reconnaissance politique internationale. S'agissant de la Serbie l'auteur montre toutefois que l'établissement de relations soutenues avec le monde occidental, et ce avant tout avec les pays d'Europe centrale (Hongrie, Moravie, Allemagne, Pologne) était déjà antérieur à 1204. Puis, il en vient a l'observation des rapports entre l'Etat et l'Eglise dans les terres serbes sur les bases des listes recensant les évêchés de Eglise orthodoxe serbe. Une place importante revient ici aux Notitiae episcopatuum du XIIIe siècle. Datant de l'époque de Saint Sava, la plus ancienne liste est conservée dans la Collection des actes juridiques du monastère de Krušedol, alors que la seconde remonte à l'époque du roi Stefan Milutin et de l'évêque Nikodim, soit au debut du XIVe siècle. Ces listes des évêchés montrent que l'organisation de l'Eglise suivait le développement de l'Etat.

Since there are no two identical churches in Byzantine art, consequently there are no two identical iconographic programs. This observation also applies to the representation of prophets in the drums of the domes or in other locations in Byzantine churches. Research dealing with this group of Old Testament figures reveals many variations regarding the planned selection of prophets and choices of the texts that they carry inscribed on their scrolls. This study examines the instances when one of the authors of the prophetic books carries the text by another author. These occurrences are neither frequent nor accidental. Such deviations from standard practice that are explored in this article demonstrate the following: first of all exchanges of text can occur due to the mistake by the artist, as exemplified in the Palace Chapel in Palermo, or by the mistake of the person who inscribed the texts, as in the Chapel of Joachim and Anna in the Monastery Studenica. Secondly, in a number of monuments the text-bearer and the selection of the text by another prophet-author are not accidental. For example, if a number of quotations to be used are chosen from the book by the prophet Isaiah, and he is only represented once, because repetition of the same prophet within a group of Old Testament figures was not practiced, what is to be done? Therefore, other, usually minor, prophets, were selected to hold the scrolls inscribed with the text by other authors, for example Isaiah. Such cases are well documented in the churches of Panagia ton Chalkeon and the Holy Apostles in Thessalonike, and in the church of the Resurrection in Verroia, where the selection of prophets’ quotations, usually inspired by the liturgical tradition, furthermore serves to underscore a certain idea of a theological or iconographic nature.

(bugarski) Avtor't si postavja zadačata da razgleda zapazenite predstavitelni pametnici na b'lgarskoto izkustvo ot XIII vek predi vsičko kato obščestvena por'čka. Izt'kvat se specifičnite kultove i temi v ikonografskata programa na stenopisite na c'rkvata 'sv. Arhangel Mihail' kraj Ivanovo, c'rkvite 'Sv. Pet'r i Pavel' i 'sv. 40 m'čenici' v T'rnovo i c'rkvata 'Sv. Pantelejmon i Nikolaj' v Bojana kato otraženie na duhovnija klimat v b'lgarskata d'ržava i na važnite za izkustvoto sr'bsko-b'lgarski kontakti. Obr'šča se specialno vnimanie na izpolzvani Konstintinopolski obrazci, kakto i na vr'zkite meždu razgleždanite pametnici i vodeščite sr'bski stenopisni pametnici, koito zasega se sčitat za naj-predstavitelni v izkustvoto na cjalata vizantijska kulturna obščnost prez XIII vek.

(bugarski) V statijata se razgleždat v sravnitelen plan sbornici ot XIII i ot XIV v. ot sr'bskata i ot b'lgarskata r'kopisna tradicija, v koito preobladavat apokrifi. Očertavat se tendenciite za preantologizirane na proizvedenija i cikli ot 'nizovata' knižnina, s'zdadeni prez po-rannite epohi (X v. i osobeno XI-XII v) i s'zdavaneto na novi kompilativni, prevodni i originalni tvorbi. Specialno mjasto se otdelja na istoriko-apokaliptičnite s'činenija, aktualni za XIII v. Sr'bskite i b'lgarskite r'kopisi svidetelstvat, če v prod'lž enie na vekove apokrifite sa se vključvali sred dušepoleznite četiva za izv'nbogoslužebna upotreba, bez da se pravi razlika meždu kanonično i nekanonič no. T. nar. parabiblejska literatura (v obščohristijanski aspekt), pritež ava za balkanskite knižovnici ne po-malko značenie i dostojnstvo ot učitelnata hristijanska literatura.

(bugarski) V statijata e napraven opit da se prerazgledat osk'dnite danni za vremeto, mjastoto i obstojatelstvata, pri koito sa izraboteni vse ošče slabo proučenite b'lgarski r'kopisi ot XIII vek. Kato r'kopisi s po-sigurno posočen proizhod, T'rnovskoto evangelie ot 1273 g. i T'rnovskijat apostol ot 1276/7 g. sa vzeti za osnova v rekonstruiraneto na grafičnata norma - pismo i ornament, v'vedena črez stoličnata r'kopisna produkcija. Kato nejni verojatni rezultati se razgleždat Dobrijanovija minej i Draganovija minej, koito stojat v različni formi i stepeni na blizost s Pogodinovija psaltir, Jagičevija Zlatoust i Manuilovija apostol. Posočenite vr'zki služat za izgraždane na tezisi, koito bi trjabvalo da b'dat vzeti predvid v edna b'dešča, maščabna izsledovatelska rabota, v kojato predi vsičko trjabva da se izjasni harakter't na r'kopisnata produkcija v trite golemi knižovni cent'ra - T'rnovo, Sveta gora, Ohrid, a s'ščo i Sinaj.

(bugarski) Statijata razgležda s'postavitelno dva sr'bski i edin b'lgarski prazničen minej. S'postaven e s'stav't (kalendar't) i strukturata (liturgičnite osobenosti). Osnovnijat izvod e za po-goljamata konservativnost na sr'bskite r'kopisi, poradi povečeto inovativni liturgični elementi v b'lgarskija r'kopis.

(bugarski) Posočeni sa osnovnite faktori, koito harakterizirat v'trešnopolitičeskoto razvitie na v'zobnovenoto B'lgarsko carstvo ot kraja na XII i prez XIII v. d'ržavnoto ustrojstvo, separatizma, roljata na kumanite, kakto i borbata za carskija prestol v T'rnovo i prevratite v perioda 1185-1300 g.

In the Vita of despot Stefan Lazarević, Belgrade is compared to Jerusalem The use of this topos is aimed at a social construction of meaning within the framework of historically determined cultural discourse, based on the premise that culture itself can be observed as a complex system of signs constantly open to redefinition. This implies that the approach to its more profound understanding must rely on a method based on reconceptualization of the problem of text and context. Therefore, the true object of investigation becomes the relation between text and society whose activities are themselves perceived as a sort of behavioral text, in which that relation functions as two homologous systems of signs. As a result, our attention is focused on activities which produce social and cultural phenomena and objects — actually on the means by the use of which a world filled with meaning is created. Apart from texts, those means, as real as the text itself, belong to the instruments of creating sacred space or hierotopy, a phenomenon historically recognized as translatio Hierosolymi. Beyond any doubt, in the eyes of homo medievalis, the absolute paradigm of hierotopic activity is Constantinople the capital of the Empire and universal model through the emulation of which or through the appropriation of whose elements of identity (ranging from cults of saints to visual identity) throughout history, and in particular in the later middle ages (especially following the events of 1204), a growing number of other points in the Christian oikoumene gains the status of center as a God-chosen and God-protected place — Arta, Trebizond and Nicea, Paris and Venice, Novgorod and Moscow, to name just the most prominent examples In investigating the case of Belgrade, attention is focused on the modes and vehicles of hierotopy which in the days of despot Stefan Lazarević (1402-1427) were laid as the foundation of likening Belgrade and Jerusalem as the utmost example of sacral space and their relation to the universal prototype of translatio Hierosolymi realized in Constantinople. Although related to that of Trnovo (relics of Agia Paraskevi were translated from Bulgaria to Serbia and encomiastic rhetoric developed within the Trnovo literary school was adopted in the Serbian milieu through the engagement of Constantine the Philosopher from Kostenec as the author of the highly learned and sophisticated text of the despot's Vita), the program of Belgrade appears to have more universal pretensions. Its emulation of Constantinople as a means of sacralisation is corroborated by a considerable number of phenomena in its hierotopy: the dedication of the city to the Virgin, the presence of her miracle working icon of the Hodegetria type (possibly even relics related to Mary), visions of her intercession and protection in the skies above the city, but above all the presence of imperial relics of the highest rank namely those of the first Christian emperor, Constantine the Great, and the holy empress Theophano (wife of Leo VI the Wise, dynastic saint of the Macedonians). As for topography, in the text of the despot's Vita the entire city is referred to as eptalophos polls, a notable Constantinopolitan epithet, while the location of its metropolitan see with the church of the Dormition of the Virgin is, in accordance with its dedication, likened to the Valley of Kidron and Gethsemane. Thus, although it is not the first sacral focus of the Serbian medieval state, Belgrade, as opposed to its monastic predecessors in that role — Chilandar, Studenica and Žiča, is the first such center created on an urban matrix and with a program of hierotopy focusing not on national but rather universal cults, a locus envisaged as the point of salvation drawing all the nations of the oikoumene. Such a concept of Belgrade as the capital of the Serbian state in the days of despot Stefan Lazarević is only one constituent part of a broader phenomenon of appropriating Constantinopolitan models as instruments in the process of sacralisation of the entire space of his state aimed at welcoming the eschatological reality expected to arrive with the year 7000. At the same time, this process was perceived as a political instrument, a true shield of divine protection against imminent Turkish threat. In the act of translating and mapping of sacred space, in asserting the occurrence and circulation of divine presence throughout the despot's land, other places, alongside Belgrade, also played an important role. Belgrade, politically certainly of utmost importance, together with its holy mountain located in its immediate vicinity, on Mt. Kosmaj, marks the northernmost point of that hallowed ground. Its southern perimeter is marked by Kruševac, Kalenić, Ljubostinja and other sacral focuses of so-called Morava Serbia while its ideal center so to speak, could be located in Manasija itself, despot Stefan's mausoleum or, in the words of Constantine the Philosopher, that other city which has the path towards celestial Jerusalem and is its likeness. .

Being one of the most important cities in Macedonia, Berroia automatically entered the horizon of Serbian politics once Stefan Dušan got involved into the Byzantine Civil War during the forties of the fourteenth century. The King's previous invasion of Macedonia, in the thirties, had been aimed directly towards Thessalonica and was a failure. Thus, in the second phase of his politics, in which Macedonia was used as a backing in the striving for the Empire, Thessalonica was temporarily left aside, although not before first Serres and then Berroia had been captured, so as to leave it completely isolated. Initially, it was Serres rather than Berroia that Dušan was focused on, its conquest in September 1345 leading immediately to the proclamation of the Empire. Afterwards — in the first half of 1346 — Berroia was also conquered and turned into an important Serbian stronghold, Thessalonica being thus cut off, which enabled the Serbs to await a more favorable time to capture it. At the same time, the conquest of Berroia paved the way for the Serbian invasion of Epirus and Thessalia. Emperor John VI Cantacuzenus was certainly aware of the consequences of such a strategic constellation. Thus, when he finally managed to neutralize the Zelots in Thessalonica, his first move towards the change of the situation was to recuperate Berroia and surrounding towns. This was such a severe blow for the Serbs, that it immediately became clear that even Dušan's imperial power might be endangered if his position in Macedonia further weakened. He reacted promptly and recaptured Berroia and other strongholds he had lost. The conquest of Berroia was lead by the nobleman Radoslav Hlapen, who first acted as a governor on behalf of Dušan, and after the death of the Emperor practically as an independent ruler of that part of Macedonia.

The representations on the well-known bilateral icon from Mytilini, Christ Pantokrator on the front and St John the Theologian on the back, were detached in 1960. from the damaged wood and are now two separate icons. The icon of Christ has been dated to the middle or third quarter of the 14th century or to 1370-1380, and that of the Theologian to the late 14th-early 15th century or the second quarter of the 15th century. The conclusion is reached that the two representations are contemporary, date from the third quarter of the 14th century, and are the work of the same painter. This view is based on shared technical and stylistic features and the interconnection of meaning between the figures depicted, which accounts for the difference of character in the way in which the two figures - the divine figure of Christ and the earthly figure of the saint - are rendered.

The mutual relationship between two contemporary Christian authors, Jerome and Ambrose, has been discussed by modern scholars with differences in the conclusions about it. Jerome referred frequently to Ambrose in his literary work, including those records in which he thought on him without mentioning his name. Ambrose's writings does not contain a single word about Jerome. The fact that only Jerome mentioned Ambrose and himself was not mentioned by Ambrose means that it is not possible to discuss the personal relationship between the two, but only Jerome's opinion on Ambrose's work or his attitude to Ambrose's personality. We may safely assume that in order to protect himself against charges of being a follower of Origen, Jerome quoted other church fathers who followed Origen in their work, among others Ambrose.

Based on unpublished and published documents from the State Archives in Dubrovnik (Ragusa), the article traces the lives of two important Ragusan merchants from the second half of the fourteenth century, Helias and Blasius de Radoano and their participation in the economic and political life of the city and in its international activity.

In this paper we try to give reliable answer upon two major questions: did Bodin, king of Dioclea, capture Dyrrachion in 1085, as it is related in the Chronicle of the Priest of Dioclea, and when did he try to capture Dubrovnik (Ragusa). The capture of Dyrrachion is not mentioned at Ane Comnene's Alexias. Byzantine princess wrote that citizens of Dyrrachion surrender the town to her father, the Emperor Alexios, after the death of the Norman ruler Robert Guiscard in 1085. On the other hand, the Priest of Dioclea says that Bodin, after the death of Robert Guiscard captured Dyrrachion which he gave back to the Byzantines after he signed the peace treaty with the Emperor. Both statements are not clear enough, but detailed analysis of both writings shows that Bodin took northern part of the theme of Dyrrachion and most probably tried to negotiate surrender of town itself, but he failed. Bodin's military activities against the Byzantine possessions in the theme of Dyrrachion could be placed between 1085 and 1090 when he was captured, being forced to sign peace treaty. The charter of antipope Clement III issued in 1089 to the archbishop of Antibaris, contain list of bishops which served in Dioclea, and only one of them - the bishop of Dulcigno (Ulcinj), had been earlier under the archbishop of Dyrrachion. In other words, Bodin took a very small part of the theme of Dyrrachion and southern borders of Dioclea were approximately the same as in the time of his father Michael. The description of the siege of Dubrovnik is well preserved in Chronicle of the Priest of Dioclea as well by several other authors from Dubrovnik. The authors from Dubrovnik, which composed their Chronicles much later (from XIV to XVII century), made mistake in the chronology, assuming that the siege took place in 1104. Having at their disposal an old note, that Bodin's tower, which stood on the shores just opposite the wooden bridge which lead from Dubrovnik to the land, was captured on the first day of April during the Pascha, they calculated wrong year since Pascha on the first day of April was in 1016. Relative chronology, which is preserved in their description of the siege, yielded 11 years from the time Bodin built tower to cut off the defenders from the inland. In this period the authors from Dubrovnik put also seven years of siege, what was, most probably, the number taken from Bible. That way, the later authors from Dubrovnik assumed that Bodin conducted the siege of Dubrovnik in 1004/1005. On the first day of April Pascha was also in 1100 and that year should be taken as the year when the tower of Bodin was captured and leveled to the ground. In that case since the author from Dubrovnik knew that the tower stood for four years, it means that the end of siege was in 1096. The Priest of Dioclea provides another clue for more accurate dating of the beginning of the siege. He says that Bodin beheaded his relatives in front of the walls of Dubrovnik during his 22nd year of rule, revealing from which year he calculates Bodin's rule, i.e. from September/October 1072, when Bodin was crowned as the Bulgarian emperor during the insurrection of the Bulgarians - and certainly not from 1085 when his father Michael died. Therefore, Bodin besieged Dubrovnik in 1092/1093. The exact year of the Bodin's siege of Dubrovnik provides another interesting solution - the exact year of his death. Since 1096 was 22nd year of Bodin's rule, and Priest of Dioclea says that he died in the fifth month of 26th year of his rule - it means that Bodin died in February/March 1099.