Der Artikel erörtert einerseits Probleme der Semantik und Grammatik von Jes. xvii 10f. und will andererseits den religionsgeschichtlichen Hintergrund der in ihm verarbeiteten Vorstellungen aufgrund einer Neubewertung der Zeugnisse zu Adonis, der ursprünglich als sterbender, nicht auch als auferstehender Gott gefeiert wurde, und zu den Adonisgärtchen klären. Deren rasch wachsende und verwelkende Pflanzen, die gewöhnlich als Feldzauber wirksam werden, sind in Jes. xvii 10f. Metaphernspender für das richtende Handeln des Gottes Israels. Die mannigfaltigen poetischen Uneindeutigkeiten mythischer und ritueller Signifikate, die der Phantasie des Hörers bzw. Lesers Raum zu jeweiligen Vereindeutigungen lassen, tragen dazu bei, die Bedeutungsambivalenz der besprochenen Wirklichkeit akzeptabel zu machen. Die griechischen Sachparallelen zu V.10b.11a verweisen auf einen weit zurückreichenden religionsgeschichtlichen Zusammenhang zwischen dem westlichen Alten Orient und Griechenland.
Zōlēlâ in Lam 1:11c remains a crux that gives rise to various translations, most often “despised, and recently “vagabond, deriving from the Akkadian term zilulû. Yet it is possible to highlight a different meaning by properly situating it within Lamentations' poetic technique and render a fresh understanding of the term.
Examines the lexemes “love” ( ʾhb ) and “fear” ( yrʾ ) in Deut 5-11 in order better to understand the way they complement each other in both their cognitive and affective domains. The affective domain of “love” in Deuteronomy has not been appreciated fully in exegetical work on chs. 5-11 because (a) most scholars assume a commanded love can only be cognitive, and (b) the ancient Near Eastern treaty parallels suggest such a cognitive, behavioral interpretation. This study will argue not only that “love” in Deut 5-11 has affective connotations, confirming other recent research on this topic, but will suggest further that love-terminology and fear-terminology have been combined in Deuteronomy in both their cognitive and affective aspects in order to demarcate the connotations of each. The result of this deliberate antinomy is that “love” is restricted in order to prevent an affection devoid of reverence. Conversely, “fear” is restricted to prevent a terror devoid of delight. The two lexemes complement each other in Deut 5-11 deliberately to define the covenant relationship between YHWH and Israel, and thereby create a covenant ethic for ancient Israel.
Entgegen der verbreiteten Meinung, Ex. xxxiii 7-11 sei eine "Digression" innerhalb von Kap. xxxiii, versucht der Verfasser, die Beziehungen dieses Textes zum Kontext zu erhellen. Das affallende Imperfekt der Verba findet in V. 6 ("vom Berg Horeb an") eine Erklärung. Mit dem folgenden Kontext sind V. 7-11 vor allem durch die Hervorhebung der Rolle des Mittlers verbunden. Barbiero sieht in Ex. xxxiii 7-11 eine Darstellung der prophetischen Rolle des Mose als Vermittler der Tora. Das "Zelt der Begegnung außerhalb des Lagers" bildet somit eine alternative und komplementäre Institution gegenüber dem priesterschriftlichen Tabernakel. In Kap. xxxiii werden aber die beiden Institutionen vorausgesetzt, was für eine sinnvolle Einheit auf der Ebene der Endredaktion nicht nur von Ex. xxxii-xxxiv, sondern der ganzen Sinaiperikope spricht.
L'A. se propose de faire l'exegese du chapitre XVIII du Premier Livre des Chroniques afin d'interpreter la signification des conseils donnes par David a Salomon au sujet du Temple de Jerusalem. Il s'agit pour lui, dans un premier temps, de faire la critique textuelle de ce passage en recourant a l'analyse comparative entre ses diverses versions bibliques : Texte Massoretique, Septante, etc... Puis il montre comment la pericope se repartit en sous-ensembles qui s'articulent entre eux par des relations syntaxiques determinees
The law of the Sotah (Num. v 11-31), which appears to be an ordeal law accompanied by a ritual, was edited from two laws of a suspected adulteress: the water ordeal law (original stratum) and the ritual-oath law (editorial stratum). The water ordeal law stipulates that in the case in which a woman is accused of adultery by the public she must undergo a water ordeal, whereas the ritualoath law stipulates a less severe case in which a husband only doubts his wife and the wife may be released with only an oath as a part of a ritual. The two laws strikingly parallel the Laws of Hammurapi 131 and 132 respectively. A linguistic analysis carried out on the two strata reveals that they exhibit different literary styles, and that this stylistic difference reflects the linguistic contexts of earlier and later periods. Although the water ordeal stratum belongs to P, several distinct features of the editorial ritual-oath stratum are best explained by I. Knohl's theory in relation to the Holiness School.
The following sample editions illustrate the theory and method of the Oxford Hebrew Bible. The Deuteronomy sample, edited by Sidnie White Crawford, concerns a text with one ancient edition, while the Kings sample, edited by Jan Joosten, and the Jeremiah sample, edited by Eugene Ulrich, concern texts with two ancient editions. The arguments that justify the editorial decisions are presented in the apparatuses and text-critical commentaries. (The detailed introductory chapters are not included.) The critical texts, following the conventions discussed in the previous article, contain the following sigla: a superlinear circlet to indicate an entry in the apparatus where the critical text reproduces the copy-text, and a superlinear squarelet to indicate an entry in the apparatus where the critical text differs from the copy-text. Readings in the critical text that differ from the copy-text lack the vocalization and accents of the copy-text. For the sigla and abbreviations used in the apparatus, see the OHB website (http://ohb.berkeley.edu).
The vision of the ephah (Zech. 5:5-11) is probably the most obscure of all of Zechariah's visions. Its symbolic meaning is not mentioned, and the prophet himself does not comprehend it. Some commentators hold that the prophecy is a rebuke to the Judeans, others hold that the intention is to foretell the fall of Judah's enemies. All interpretations of the vision do not address the problem, namely that wickedness will be reestablished in Shinar and will not be eliminated as expected. Why would the prophet propose that a house be built for the sinner outside the land rather than inflict on wickedness the punishment prescribed in other biblical sources? The thesis advanced in this paper is that the vision of the ephah is an anti-Samaritan prophecy. The woman in the ephah represents the Samaritans; the vision foresees their return to their original home in Babylon, where their temple would be erected. This interpretation provides a full explanation of the tension between the reference to the woman as wickedness and her happy ending in her permanent home in the Land of Shinar. The prophet wanted to advance the theological argument that the ultimate solution of the dispute between the two groups would be for the Samaritans to build their own house, that is, their own separate temple, in Shinar—their original historical homelands, and far away from Yehud.
By pointing out the apparent contradictions between verses 4, 7 and 11, the diachronic approach has often considered Deut. 15:1-11 as work from disparate sources. However a close reading that takes into account the rhetorical and stylistic effects as well as the syntactic arrangements of this pericope may reveal that we are in front of a coherent whole. The redactor anticipates the objections by introducing restrictions and prolepses, by using insistence formula (e.g. intensifying infinitive) to persuade the target audience, and by valuing the debtor, who is presented as a brother. All these are strategies for convincing the creditor to implement a difficult law.
11 When men fight with one another, and the wife of the one draws near to rescue her husband from the hand of him who is beating him, and puts out her hand and seizes him by the private parts, 12 then you shall cut off her hand; your eye shall have no pity (RSV).
A recent proposal concerning the meaning of Hosea ii 11 (MT) argues that both modern and ancient interpreters have misread the meaning of the verse by associating the root ksh with the verse's infinitive, and that the root kss provides a better meaning in the context. Reading kss allows for an interpretation within the legal language of the ancient Near East. This short note argues that the proposal to read kss ignores some important considerations for reading Hosea ii, and that there are still compelling reasons for interpreters to see a naked woman in Hosea ii 11.
Nearly all the vocabulary of the 8th century inscription from Khirbet el-Kōm appears in the biblical psalms. The qualification of Uriyahu as “the rich” in combination with the semantic field of the inscription leads directly and exclusively to the post-exilic Psalm 112. The article discusses the special form of intertextuality between the two texts. It argues that it is not a text-to-text-relation, but due to a common cultural world that the inscription and the psalm share., AbstractNearly all the vocabulary of the 8th century inscription from Khirbet el-Kōm appears in the biblical psalms. The qualification of Uriyahu as “the rich” in combination with the semantic field of the inscription leads directly and exclusively to the post-exilic Psalm 112. The article discusses the special form of intertextuality between the two texts. It argues that it is not a text-to-text-relation, but due to a common cultural world that the inscription and the psalm share.]
Deutet man das doppelte Vorkommnis der Flucht Davids zu den Philistern nicht als einen Hinweis darauf, dass es sich um ein und dasselbe Ereignis handelt, sondern in dem Sinne, dass sich verschiedene Aktionen im Leben Davids wiederholen, gewinnen beim Betrachten der Gemeinsamkeiten einige Unterschiede an Bedeutung, die auf Entwicklungen hinweisen. Derselbe Effekt wird durch den chiastischen Aufbau des Komplexes 1 Sam. xxii-xxix erzielt und durch Leitworte und -sätze unterstützt. Im Wesentlichen geht es darum, dass David eine positive Entwicklung durchmacht, er wird klüger, gelassener, vorsichtiger und ehrfürchtiger, Saul hingegen eine negative, er trachtet David immer mehr nach dem Leben. Diese Deutung steht im Einklang mit der Aussage des Herzstücks, 1 Sam. xxv, in dem das Königtum von Saul auf David in prophetischer Weise übertragen wird. Angesichts der negativen Entwicklung Sauls erscheint die Flucht Davids notwendig. Die positive Entwicklung Davids zeichnet diesen als gebührenden Nachfolger aus.
The poetry of Micah's oracle of doom (Mic 1:8-16) combines two undeniable motifs, the motif of the lament and that of geography. The latter motif is not well understood due to the obscurity of the place names found in vv. 10a-12b. A careful study of the oracle's geographical context, however, will lead to a more precise understanding of the topography of vv. 10-12b and serve as the basis for the identification of one of the more enigmatic place names, Beth-le-aphrah (v. 10b), with the archaeological site of Tell el-`Areini.
Commentators have concluded that Job xxxi 13-15 represents an ethical high point in the Old Testament and have praised Job for it. Typically Job is seen as recognising the rights of his slaves on the basis that they are his equals as human beings. Given this understanding of Job's words, the high praise seems justified. However, there are reasons to doubt that this is what Job is saying. In the context of his protestation of innocence (Job xxxi) it is doubtful he would defend himself against an accusation so radical that no one would have thought to accuse him of the offence. It would also be out of character for the sages to advocate a revolutionary ethic. Furthermore, it is troubling that there is no consensus on how to derive the proposed meaning from the text, and when the various strategies are investigated they are unconvincing. An alternative interpretation is offered which looks to the language and ideology of personal religion in order to understand the significance of Job's reference to the fact that he and his servants were made in the womb by the same God.
The exact nature of the girl's crime in the law of the delinquent daughter in Deut 22:13-21 is examined, starting by a detailed critique of J. Fleishman's previous suggestion in this journal (vol. 58, pp. 191-210) to construe it in the light of the law of cursing the parents in Exod 21:17 and understand it as an innovation and restriction of the latter law. In his view, the girl's sin is tantamount to cursing her parents, which, like the sin of the glatton and drunkard son according to Deut 21: 18-21, meant the undermining of the parents' authority and status, for which both boy and girl deserved the death penalty. In the following critique, it is underlined that the girl's sin is, first, not one of omission but of commission, and, second, it is not against her parents but against her husband, who is also the one to initiate the legal proceedings. A new interpretation is suggested, according to which the girl's crime, defined in v. 21 as an act of and a deed of, consisted not only in concealing her previous loss of virginity from her husband, thus deceiving him and her parents, but also in duping her husband into committing a sin comparable to that of lying with a menstruating, and thus desolate, woman. Being deprived of virginity, and thus of the socially recognized status of a virgin, she became, like Tamar (2 Sam 13:20), “desolate, forlorn”, an unenviable state from which only her seducer/ravisher could redeem her (thus are the sense and goal of the laws of the seduced virgin in Exod 22:15-16 and Deut 22:28-29). Trying to dupe her husband into steping in and performing what custom and law dictated the other man—the seducer/ravisher—should have done, and thus to arrogate to herself a social status she did not deserve, was then tantamount to undermining social structure and striking at the fibers that constituted the essence and integrity of the social community (cf. Prov 30:21-23).
Amos v 13 describes a person who perceives God's retribution against social injustice. The word, which may refer to silence, moaning or mourning, signifies that the man is shocked to the point of wordlessness in response to divine violence.
Bernhard Duhm's Servant Song thesis from 1892 has had a paradigmatic status for more than a century. Gottesknecht has become a technical term, Ebed-Jahwe-Lied a genre, Stellvertretung an established theological concept, and "Servant Song Research" a particular discipline within Old Testament scholarship. is article investigates of Odil Hannes Steck's reading. Steck outlines an intra-Isaianic reception of the songs on five levels dating from 539 to 270 BCE. In the original version, the servant of Isa. liii is identified individually as the prophet. On the remaining four redactional levels, the servant is identified collectively as Zion, as those who have returned from exile, as those who remained at home in Judah, and as the true Israel (which includes other peoples). After a presentation of Steck's reading, features of reading related to historicising, theologising, and textualising are discussed. Finally, a narrative reading of Isa. liii is offered, with a focus on the literary trope of personification.
The prophetic diatribe in Isa. xxviii 7-22 is directed against the Judean political and religious leadership anxiously seeking an alliance with Egypt of the twenty-fifth (Nubian) dynasty shortly before the Assyrian punitive campaign of 701 B.C. The opponents are accused of entering into a covenant with Death and Sheol. It is suggested that the covenant is represented as made with the Canaanite deity Mot (mōtu), rather than with Molech, in the expectation that Mot would take up their cause against his adversary Hadad, personification of the ô ô p of xxviii 15, 18, thus enabling them to survive the anticipated Assyrian attack. Isa. xxviii 7-8 suggests the possibility that the ceremony by which the pact was sealed, reminiscent of the Ugaritic texts KTU I.114, is represented as a parody of the tradition about covenant making at Sinai represented by Exod. xxiv 9 11.
Isa. xliv 14 forms part of the longer section Isa. xliv 9-20, one of the anti-idol polemics in Isaiah xl-lv. The verse mentions four different types of tree, two of which are well known, two hapax legomena. The identification of possible species and the confirmation that their provenance was in the West rather than in Babylonia lead to the conclusion that the author of the section was well acquainted with Western geography. An examination of the materials used for Babylonian image manufacture also demonstrates the author's ignorance in this regard. This has implications for the time and place of composition and calls into question the majority view that Isa. xliv 9-20 was composed in Babylonia in the late exilic period.
Le recit sacerdotal de la vocation de Moise en Exode 6:2-7:7 est soudainement interrompu par une fastidieuse liste genealogique qui ne comporte pas moins de douze versets : Exode 6:14-25. L'A. se propose d'en faire l'exegese en en determinant la structure ainsi que la fonction dans le recit en vue de repondre aux interrogations soulevees : pourquoi cette genealogie inseree au cœur de la narration ? Pourquoi se presente-t-elle comme une liste de chefs de la famille d'Israel ? Pourquoi s'ouvre-t-elle par la liste des fils de Ruben et de Simeon ?
Most archaeological scholarship accepts as historical the information of 2Ch xxxiii 14, which claims that Manasseh built a fortification wall in Jerusalem. However, there is no unanimity as to its identification, since recent archaeological publications indicate at least two walls. Concerning theological publications, 63% of them do not include archaelogical data in their discussions on that point. This article points out this lack of balance and suggests a possible solution.
Data culled from the Hebrew Bible (e.g., Ezek 19:19-9) and, especially, zoology casts light on the odd construct phrase in Judg 14:5, kěpîr ' ărāyôt. The phrase, which may even be a compound word, is best understood as designating a nomadic subadult lion. This makes good sense of a number of details in the narrative, including the lion's location in the vineyards of Timnah and its agressive behavior. It also underscores still further the astonishing nature of Samson's victory over precisely this kind of lion.
L'A. entreprend de donner une explication exegetique aux calendriers festifs qui sont decrits en Exode 24. Pour ce faire, il utilise la theorie documentaire afin de partir sur des bases saines relatives a la critique redactionnelle de cette pericope. Il s'agit pour lui de contester l'attribution traditionnelle d'Exode 24 a la tradition yahviste, en tentant une etude comparative avec Exode 23. Enfin, l'analyse litteraire sur le texte hebraique original est une etape necessaire pour determiner la nature exacte du statut de ces calendriers dans le Livre de l'Exode
Many scholars of the Hebrew Bible have postulated that the source of the taunt-song of Isa. xiv 12-15 is to be found in Ugaritic religious literature. Many of these scholars believe that the passage contains elements of both El and Ba'al myths, an assumption that leads them to discount the proposition that all the mythological strands of Isa. xiv 12-15 can be correlated with a single Ugaritic myth. Still others contend that only a single myth concerning the usurpation of El can account for all of the mythological features. This article disputes both of these positions, arguing that no usurpation of El is in view, and that the mythological provenance of Isa. xiv 12-15 can be entirely correlated with the Ba'al-'Athtar myth.
Psalm 144 is a late, markedly 'anthological' text. On account of the use made in it of Psalm 33, vv. 12-15 can be assumed to be an integral part of the psalm; they are the 'new song' which is announced in v. 9. The deliverance from foreign rule, prayed for in the middle part of the psalm, is a condition for the welfare pictured in the final verses and linked with David in prophetic texts (see esp. Ez 34:23f.). In this deliverance the speaker, presumably of Davidic descent, credits himself with a central role.
As a prelude to a forthcoming article (“Deborah's War Memorial, ZAW 123), this study examines the influential interpretation of F. M. Cross and B. Halpern, according to which Jdg 5:15b-17 describes participation in battle. In identifying problems with this interpretation, the author points to suggestive comparative evidence for war commemoration in the Bible and the Aegean world.
Le propos de l'A. est d'examiner Jeremie 10:12-16 sur un plan exegetique : Dieu y est presente comme muni d'un pouvoir createur. Cette pericope est datee de la periode babylonienne ou perse : on peut remarquer de nombreuses similarites formelles avec les textes du Deuteronome. L'A. cherche, a partir des diverses versions du texte, a en degager la source propre. Il commence par faire un commentaire lineaire des cinq versets en question. Puis il procede a l'etude comparative des sources
1. Jeremiah x 1-16 has to be interpreted against the historical and religious background of the exiled Israelites in Mesopotamia between 627 and 605 B.C.E. Its polemics reflect their religious situation during the transition from Assyrian to Neo-Babylonian rule and religion. The absence of any historical allusion points to its composition before 605. 2. Linguistic criteria clearly indicate that it was not written by Second Isaiah, but that Jeremiah must be considered its author. Moreover, Jeremiah was very much concerned about the religious situation of the exiled. 3. The passage is composed of four polemical paragraphs, each constrasting the idol-gods of the nations with the divinity of Y. 4. The very logical structure of the Massoretic text is to be preferred to the text of the LXX (and to any modern emendations and reconstructions). The large variations between them do not admit so far
During the Hellenistic period, the different philosophical schools developed different theories and techniques of consolation. Epicurean technique called for distracting the mourner by pleasant memories and was widely practiced, even by those who were not philosophical hedonists. The technique was altered slightly as it passed into popular use, where in it came to be conceived as a kind of mental dissimulation or even as a therapeutic "beguiling" of the mind by any of a number of pleasant distractions. This forms the likely background to Ben Sira's advice to those confronting death at xiv 16 and xxx 23 to "beguile your soul," an observation that provides further evidence of Ben Sira's contact with and measured appropriation of Hellenistic intellectual culture.
Abstract The article proposes that the Great Wall at Tell en-Nasbeh was built by King Jehoash in the second half of the 9th century BCE. It then sets this city-wall on the broader background of the construction—at the same time—of the first system of fortifications in Judah, a system that also includes Lachish and Beth-shemesh in the west and Beer-sheba and Arad in the south. Finally, the article suggests a scenario that attempts to clarify the tradition in 1 Kings 15:16-22.
In Nathan's second prophetic speech (2 Sam. 7:8-16), at first the flow of narrative discourse is carried on by the sequence of the verbal forms qtl—wayqtl—wayqtl (vs. 8b-9a) but, in v. 9b, the flow is changed, if not stopped, by the sequence w-qtl... w-qtl... See 1 Sam 17:38, 2 Sam 12:16. Vs. 9b-11a is what Longacre calls a “how-it was-done” procedural discourse and serves structurally as a transition from the Lord's past dealings with David in vs. 8b-9a to his future dealings with David in vs. 12-16. Thus, vs. 8b-9a conveys a past fact, and how it was done is explained concretely by the “procedural” discourse in vs. 9b-11a. Such a narrative-procedural discourse with the sequence of verbal forms wayqtl. . . w-qtl can also be seen in 1 Sam 1:4, 7:15-16, 2 Sam 13:18, Job 1:5.
Genesis iii 16, which describes the unhappy consequences for Eve of her decision to eat from the forbidden fruit, is one of the most historically and theologically significant verses in the Hebrew Bible. Scholars have long debated certain cruces in the verse, among them the meaning of the phrase. I review various positions on the latter and then offer a new proposal.
Recent studies have indicated the rhetorical purpose of Leviticus 1-16 as reification for the ritual authority of the Aaronide priesthood. In the present study, it is suggested that the literary shaping of these chapters was a response to external stimuli that threatened the priesthood. After weighing a variety of historical and socio-political contexts in which such a threat might have emerged, the tenure of Nehemiah as governor is considered as an example of the type of competing leadership typology that encroached upon the priesthood, and the rhetorical features of the Nehemiah Memoir are reconsidered in this light. The redaction of Leviticus 1-16 provides a sacral counter argument to administrative agents such as Nehemiah and his supporters, supporting an ideology where national survival was ensured not through interaction with Persia but through the integrity of Temple ritual entrusted solely to the Aaronide priests.
This paper supports Kitchen's identification of with Osorkon IV and supplements it with philological details. The results of this study, however, demand a modification of Kitchen's suggestion by proposing that the Hebrew word should be seen as a transcription of s3-r in Osorkon's name w3-s3-r-kn, and not just of s3.
Der Beitrag befasst sich mit 2 Reg. xii 5-17 und seinem Verhältnis zu xxii 4-7.9. Eine ursprüngliche Einheit V. 5-13* wird, wohl bei ihrer Einpassung in eine Vorform der Königsbücher, um V. 13b-16 erweitert. In nachexilischer Zeit liefert 2 Reg. xii 5-16* das Material für eine Erweiterung an anderer Stelle, nämlich xxii 4-7.9. Unterschiede zwischen beiden Stellen bewirken schließlich eine Angleichung von 2 Reg. xii 5-16* an xxii 4-7.9. Zuletzt berichtigt in 2 Reg. xii 5 und mit V. 17 ein in priesterschriftlichem Geist schreibender Bearbeiter die Verse 5-16*.
This study examines the confrontation between the priest Amaziah and the prophet Amos in Amos vii 10-17 against the background of selected ancient Near Eastern texts that deal with royal attitudes toward prophecy. Texts from Mari, Nineveh, and Lachish all provide evidence for the role of royal officials, including priests, in reporting prophecy to the king in the ancient world. In light of this evidence, Amaziah's actions in this narrative appear to be motivated by state interests more than specifically cultic interests, as suggested in the text by his appeal to the royal sponsorship of the Bethel shrine (v. 13). Read in this way, the narrative points to the complexity of the relationship among priests, prophets, and kings in ancient Israel.
The prophet in Isa. vii 9b urges Ahaz to show faith in Yhwh. But what does faith in Yhwh here entail? The two most common views are considered: a call to total passivity and a call to reject all political alliances. An alternative reading that is based on an appeal to the final form and position of Isa. vii is then proposed. Faith finds security in the word of Yhwh and rejects a religious piety that ignores the practice of righteousness and justice. This understanding of faith is in harmony with the opening message that is found in Isa. i and the emphasis on righteousness that is prominent elsewhere in the book.
With the sense of 'ănôt and 'annôt in Exod. xxxii 18 still in flux, the author argues that the former should be rendered "answering" and the latter "singing." Critical to disclosing their meaning is the assistance gained from Exod. xvii 8-13, the battle at Rephidim.
It is proposed in this paper that the law in Deut. xxi 18-21 constitutes a legal inno-vation in its denition of the "wayward and deant" child who should be put to death because of denial of his parents' authority. The protasis (v. 18) presents the custom-ary law regarding the denition of the disobedient male child and, in essence, is sim-ilar to the law of Exod. xxi 17. The first part of the apodosis (vv. 19-20), on the other hand, redenes it. In the innovation, only the son who disobeys his father and mother and refuses to cease his gluttony and drinking is the disobedient son who should be put to death by stoning.
The presence of a large block of Aramaic narrative in Ezra iv-vi has long posed a conundrum for scholars of Ezra-Nehemiah. Bill Arnold has explained the presence of Aramaic as a shift in perspective to "an external point of view." This study expands upon Arnold's thesis on two fronts. First, the evidence suggesting a perspective of narration that is external to the camp of the returned Judeans is far stronger than Arnold indicated. Second, a concrete identity for this external voice of Aramaic narration is proposed. The argument begins by identifying the constructed perspective and position of the speaker "we" in v 4, concluding—counter to the consensus within scholarship—that it is a gentile speaking. This conclusion is then supported by attending to the vocabulary and discourse utilized throughout this Aramaic pericope. In the final stage the precise gentile identity of the narratorial voice of this Aramaic pericope is identified.
Der Wortkomplex (Jes. x 18) ist ein hapax legomenon und wird im allgemeinen als sprichwörtliche Redewendung betrachtet, die das "ganz und gar" zum Ausdruck bringt. Dieser Wortkomplex ist m.E. mit (1 Sam. xv 3 u.a.) und (Nu. v 3) zu vergleichen, weil alle drei aus Einzelwörtern bestehen, die vor allem und grundsätzlich der at.lichen Anthropologie angehören. Jedoch beachtenswert ist, daß bei den bisherigen Jesaja-Kommentatoren keine anthropologische Bewertung der an der betreffenden Stelle vorhandenen Kombination von und gibt. Das Gleiche gilt ebenso auch für die at.liche anthropologische Forschung, die m.W. die Jesaja-Stelle nicht gebührend beachtet hat. In meinem Aufsatz versuche ich durch eingehende Untersuchung a) der Textzusammenhänge, b) der im Alten Testament vorhandenen ähnlichen und im allgemenen vergleichbaren Wortkomplexe sowie c) der Evidenz der alten Übersetzungen dem eigentlichen Sinn von näherzukommen.